the subject during the war, alleging the impediments arising from the possession of New York, &c., by the enemy; but apprehending, as was supposed, that the flourishing State of Connecticut, compared with the Southern States, would render a valuation, at this crisis, unfavorable to the former. Others, particularly Mr. HAMILTON and Mr. MADISON, were of opinion that the rule of the Confederation was a chimerical one, since, if the intervention of the individual States were employed, their interests would give a bias to their judgments, or that at least suspicions of such bias would prevail; and, without their intervention, it could not be executed but at an expense, delay, and uncertainty, which were inadmissible; that it would perhaps be, therefore, preferable to represent these difficulties to the States, and recommend an exchange of this rule of dividing the public burdens for one more simple, easy, and equal. The Delegates from South Carolina generally, and particularly Mr. RUTLEDGE, advocated the propriety of the constitutional rule, and of an adherence to it, and of the safety of the mode in question arising from the honor of the States. The debates on the subject were interrupted by à letter from the Superintendent of Finance, informing Congress that the situation of his Department required that a committee should be appointed, with power to advise him on the steps proper to be taken; and suggesting an appointment of one, consisting of a member from each State, with authority to give their advice on the subject. This expedient was objected to as improper, since Congress would thereby delegate an incommunicable power, perhaps, and would, at any

rate, lend a sanction to a measure without even knowing what it was, not to mention the distrust which it manifested of their own prudence and fidelity. It was, at length, proposed and agreed to, that a special committee, consisting of Mr. RUTLEdge, Mr. OSGOOD, and Mr. MADISON, should confer with the Superintendent of Finance on the subject of his letter, and make report to Congress. After the adjournment of Congress, this committee conferred with the Superintendent; who, after being apprized of the difficulties which had arisen in Congress, stated to them that the last account of our money affairs in Europe showed that, contrary to his expectations and estimates, there were three and a half millions of livres short of the bills actually drawn; that further drafts were indispensable to prevent a stop to the public service; that to make good this deficiency, there was only the further success of Mr. Adams's loan, and the friendship of France to depend on; that it was necessary for him to decide on the expediency of his staking the public credit on those contingent funds by further drafts; and that, in making this decision, he wished for the sanction of a committee of Congress; that this sanction was preferable to that of Congress itself only, as it would confide the risk attending bills drawn on such funds to a smaller number, and as secrecy was essential in the operation, as well to guard our affairs in general from injury, as the credit of the bills in question from debasement. It was supposed, both by the Superintendent and the Committee, that there was, in fact, little danger of bills drawn on France on the credit of the loan of four millions of dollars applied for, being

dishonored; since, if the negotiations on foot were to terminate in peace, France would prefer an advance in our favor to exposing us to the necessity of resorting to Great Britain for it; and that if the war should continue, the necessity of such an aid to its prosecution would prevail. The result was, that the Committee should make such report as would bring the matter before Congress under an injunction of secrecy, and produce a resolution authorizing the Superintendent to draw bills, as the public service might require, on the credit of applications for loans in Europe. The Report of the Committee to this effect was, accordingly, the next day made and adopted unanimously. Mr. DYER alone at first opposed it, as an unwarrantable and dishonorable presumption on the ability and disposition of France; being answered, however, that without such a step, or some other expedient, which neither he nor any other had suggested, our credit would be stabbed abroad, and the public service wrecked at home; and that, however mortifying it might be to commit our credit, our faith, and our honor to the mercy of a foreign nation, it was a mortification which could not be avoided without endangering our very existence; he acquiesced, and the resolution was entered unanimously. The circumstance of unanimity was thought of consequence, as it would evince the more the necessity of the succour, and induce France the more readily to yield it. On this occasion, several members were struck with the impropriety of the late attempt to withdraw from France the trust confided to her over the terms of peace, when we were under the necessity of giving so decisive a proof of our dependence on her. It was

also adverted to, in private conversation, as a great unhappiness, that during negotiations for peace, when an appearance of vigor and resource were so desirable, such a proof of our poverty and imbecility could not be avoided.

The conduct of Mr. HOWELL, &c., had led several, and particularly Mr. PETERS, into an opinion, that some further rule and security ought to be provided for concealing matters of a secret nature. On the motion of Mr. PETERS, a committee, composed of himself, Mr. WILLIAMSON, &c., was appointed to make a report on the subject. On this day, the report was made. It proposed that members of Congress should each subscribe an instrument pledging their faith and honor not to disclose certain enumerated matters.

The enumeration being very indistinct and objectionable, and a written engagement being held insufficient with those who without it would violate prudence or honor, as well as marking a general distrust of the prudence and honor of Congress, the report was generally disrelished; and after some debate, in which it was faintly supported by Mr. WILLIAMSON, the Committee asked and obtained leave to withdraw it.

A discussion of the report on the mode of valuing the lands was revived. It consisted chiefly of a repetition of the former debates.

In the evening, according to appointment on Tuesday last, the Grand Committee met, as did the Superintendent of Finance. The Chairman, Mr. WOLCOTT, informed the committee, that Colonels Ogden and Brooks, two of the deputies from the army, had given him notice that General McDougall, the first of the

deputation, was so indisposed with the rheumatism as to be unable to attend, and expressed a desire that the Committee would adjourn to his lodging at the Indian Queen tavern; the deputies being very anxious to finish their business, among other reasons, on account of the scarcity of money with them. At first the Committee seemed disposed to comply; but it being suggested, that such an adjournment by a committee of a member from each State, would be derogatory from the respect due to themselves, especially as the mission from the army was not within the ordinary course of duty, the idea was dropped. In lieu of it, they adjourned to Monday evening next, on the ostensible reason of the extreme badness of the weather, which had prevented the attendance of several members.

MONDAY, JANUARY 13TH.

The report on the valuation of land was referred to a Grand Committee.

A motion was made by Mr. PETERS, seconded by Mr. MADISON, "that a committee be appointed to consider the expediency of making further applications for loans in Europe, and to confer with the Superintendent of Finance on the subject." In support of this motion, Mr. PETERS observed, that notwithstanding the uncertainty of success, the risk of appearing unreasonable in our demands on France, and the general objections against indebting the United States to foreign nations, the crisis of our affairs demanded the experiment; that money must,