produced a very pathetic representation to the Commander-in-chief. His answer, by rectifying some errors on which it dwelt, and explicitly giving it as his opinion, that Congress had now done every thing which could be expected from them towards fulfilling the engagements of their country, had the effect to which it was entitled. The troops in the barracks at this place, emboldened by the arrival of a furloughed regiment returning to Maryland, sent in a very mutinous remonstrance to Congress, signed by the non-commissioned officers in behalf of the whole. It painted the hardships which they had suffered in the defence of their country, and the duty of their country to reward them, demanding a satisfactory answer the afternoon on which it was sent in, with a threat of otherwise taking such measures as would right themselves. The prudent and soothing measures taken by the Secretary of War and General St. Clair have, I believe, obviated the embarrassment.

Another embarrassment, and that not a small one, will soon be laid before them by a committee. 'General Washington, the Secretary of War, and all the professional men who have been consulted, report that at least three or four regiments will be essential as a peace establishment for the United States and that this establishment ought to be a Continental one. West Point, the frontier posts to the Westward, and a few garrisons on the sea-shore, are conceived by them to be indispensable. Some naval force is deemed at least equally so, with a few docks, and protections for them. On looking into the Articles of Confederation, the military power of

Congress, in time of peace, appears to be at least subject to be called in question. If Congress put a construction on them favorable to their own power, or even if they ask the States to sanction the exercise of the power, the present paroxysm of jealousy may not only disappoint them, but may exert itself with more fatal effect on the revenue propositions. On the other side, to renounce such a construction, and refer the establishment to the separate and internal provision of the States, will not only render the plan of defence either defective in a general view, or oppressive to particular States; but may hereafter, when the tide of prejudice may be flowing in a contrary direction, expose them to the reproach of unnecessarily throwing away a power necessary for the good of the Union, and leaving the whole at the mercy of a single State. The only expedient for this dilemma seems to be delay; but even that is pregnant with difficulties equally great; since, on the arrival of the definitive treaty, Congress must, in pursuance of such a neutral plan, suffer the whole military establishment to be dissolved, every garrisoned post to be evacuated, and every strong hold to be dismantled. The remaining ships of war, too, must be sold, and no preparatory steps taken for future emergencies on that side.

I am exceedingly pleased to find Mr. Jefferson's name at the head of the new Delegation. I hope it has been placed there with his knowledge and acquiescence.

The order of the day for electing a Secretary of Foreign Affairs was called for on Tuesday last, but no nominations having been then made, the business

was put off till the present day. The nominations since made are, Mr. A. Lee, by Mr. Bland; Mr. Jonathan Trumbull, junior, by Mr. Higginson; Colonel Tilghman, by Mr. Gorham; Mr. George Clymer, by Mr. Montgomery. General Schuyler has remained on the list since the fall, but was withdrawn by the Delegates of New Jersey, at the instance of Mr. Hamilton. Mr. Jefferson was nominated by Mr. Gorham, but withdrawn also, on the intimation that he would not undertake the service.119

DEAR SIR,

TO EDMUND RANDOLPH.

Philadelphia, June 24, 1783.

I cannot break in upon my punctuality so far as to omit acknowledging your favor by yesterday's post, though I can scarce do more than refer you to the official letter to the Governor, and mine to Mr. Jones, which you will see, whether he be absent or present, having addressed it to you on the first contingency. In the former letter, Mr. Mercer has related the several circumstances which have resulted from a revolt of the soldiery at this place, who have recurred to that irregular mode of seeking redress. Their grievances all terminate, as you may suppose, in the want of their pay, which Congress are unable to give them; and the information we received from the States is far from opening any fresh sources for that purpose. Indeed, the prospect on the side of the latter, compared with the symptoms beginning to appear on the side of the army, is to the last degree afflicting to those who

love their country, and aim at its prosperity. If I had leisure to use a cipher, I would dilate much upon the present state of our affairs; which, as it is, I must defer to another occasion.

I was prepared, by Mr. Jones's late letters, for the fate to which the budget of Congress has been consigned, but the circumstances under which it arrived here gave peculiar pungency to the information. I wish that those who abuse Congress, and baffle their measures, may as much promote the public good as they profess to intend. I am sure, they will not do it more effectually than is intended by some, at least, of those who promote the measures of Congress.

DEAR SIR,

TO EDMUND RANDOLPH.

Philadelphia, June 30, 1783.

My last informed you of the mutinous insult which was offered to Congress on the Saturday preceding. On the evening after the insult, Congress met and resolved, that the Executive Council should be informed that, in their opinion, effectual measures ought to be immediately taken for suppressing the mutiny and supporting the public authority; that a committee should confer with the Executive, and, in case no satisfactory grounds should appear of adequate and prompt exertions for those purposes, the President should, with the advice of the Committee, be authorized to summon the members to meet at Trenton or Princeton, in New Jersey; that

an express be sent to General Washington for a detachment of regular troops. The conference with the Executive produced nothing but doubts concerning the disposition of the militia to act, unless some actual outrages were offered to persons or property. They even doubted whether a repetition of the insult to Congress would be a sufficient provocation. Neither the exhortations of the friends of President Dickenson, nor the reproaches of his enemies, could obtain an experiment on the temper of the militia. During the attendance on the ultimate determinations of the Executive, reports from the barracks were in constant vibration. At one moment, the mutineers were penitent, and preparing submissions; the next, they were meditating violent measures. Sometimes the bank was their object; at other times, the seizure of the members of Congress, with whom they imagined an indemnity for their offence might be purchased. On Tuesday, about two o'clock, the efforts of the Government being despaired of, and the reports from the barracks being unfavorable, the Committee advised the President to summon the members to meet in New Jersey, which he did verbally as to the members present, leaving a general proclamation behind him for the press. I left Princeton on Friday evening, when six States only had met. Rhode Island made a seventh on Saturday. To-day, I suppose, they will be on business. I shall set out this afternoon on my return.

Since Congress left the city, the mutiny has been entirely extinguished; the mutineers having submitted, and most of them accepted furloughs under the stipulation of Congress on that subject. At the time