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Note zo, page 8, col. 1. The prisoners of that shameful day outsumm'd Their conquerors! According to Holinshed the English army consisted
of only 15,000 men, harassed with a tedious march of a month, in very bad weather, through an enemy's country, and for the most part sick of a flux. He states the number of the French at 60,000, of whom loooo were slain, and 15oo of the higher order taken prisoners. Some historians make the disproportion in numbers still greater. Goodwin says, that among the slain there were one archbishop, three dukes, six earls, ninety barons, fifteen hundred knights, and seven thousand esquires or gentlemen.
Note 21, page 8, col. 1.
This was the usual method of marshalling the bowmen. At Crecy « the archers stood in manner of an herse, about two hundred in front and but forty in depth, which is undoubtedly the best way of embattelling archers, especially when the enemy is very numerous, as at this time : for by the breadth of the front the extension of the enemies front is matched; and by reason of the thinness in flank, the arrows do more certain execution, being more likely to reach home.”—
The victory at Poictiers is chiefly attributed to the herse of archers. After mentioning the conduct and courage of the English leaders in that battle, Barnes says, “but all this courage had been thrown away to no purpose, had it not been seconded by the extraordinary gallantry of the English archers, who behaved themselves that day with wonderful constancy, alacrity, and resolution. So that by their means, in a manner, all the French battails received their first foil, being by the barbed arrows so galled and terrified, that they were easily opened to the men of arms.
“Without all question, the guns which are used nowa-days are neither so terrible in battle, nor do such execution, nor work such confusion as arrows can do: for bullets being not seen only hurt when they hit, but arrows enrage the horse, and break the array, and terrify all that behold them in the bodies of their neighbours. Not to say that every archer can shoot thrice to a gunner's once, and that whole squadrons of bows may let fly at one time, when only one or two files of musquetcers can discharge at once. Also, that whereas guns are useless when your pikes join, because they only do execution point blank, the arrows which will kill at random, may do good service even behind your men of arms. And it is notorious, that at the famous battle of Lepanto, the Turkish bows did more mischief than the Christian artillery. Besides it is not the least observable, that whereas the weakest may use guns as well as the strongest, in those days your lusty and tall yeomen were chosen for the bow, whose hose being fastened with one point, and their jackets long and easy to shoot in, they had their limbs at full liberty, so that they might easily draw bows of great strength, and shoot arrows of a yard long beside the head.”
Note 22, page 8, col. 1. To glut on the defenceless prisoners. During the heat of the combat, when the English had gained the upper hand, and made several prisoners,
news was brought to king Ilenry that the French were attacking his rear, and had already captured the greater part of his baggage and sumpter-horses. This was indeed true, for Robinet de Bournonville, Rifflart de Clamasse, Ysambart d'Azincourt, and some other men at arms, with about six hundred peasants, had fallen upon and taken a great part of the king's baggage, and a number of horses, while the guard was occupied in the battle. This distressed the king very much, for he saw that though the French army had been routed, they were collecting on different parts of the plain in large bodies, and he was afraid they would resume the battle: he therefore caused instant proclamation to be made by some sound of trumpet, that every one should put his prisoners to death, to prevent them from aiding the enemy, should the combat be renewed. This caused an instantaneous and general massacre of the French prisoners, occasioned by the disgraceful conduct of Robinet de Bournonville, Ysambart d'Azincourt, and the others, who were afterwards punished for it, and imprisoned a very long time by duke John of Burgundy, notwithstanding they had made a present to the count de Charrolois of a most precious sword, ornamented with diamonds, that had belonged to the king of England. They had taken this sword, with other rich jewels, from king Henry's baggage, and had made this present, that in case they should at any time be called to an account for what they had done, the count might stand their friend.—Monstrelet, vol. iv, p. 180. When the king of England had on this Saturday begun his march towards Calais, many of the French returned to the field of battle, where the bodies had been turned over more than once, some to seek for their lords, and carry them to their own countries for burial, others to pillage what the English had left. King Henry's army had only taken gold, silver, rich dresses, helmets, and what was of value, for which reason the greater part of the armour was untouched, and on the dead bodies; but it did not long remain thus, for it was very soon stripped off, and even the shirts and all other parts of their dress were carried away by the peasants of the adjoining villages. The bodies were left exposed as naked as when they came into the world. On the Saturday, Sunday, Monday, Tuesday, and Wednesday, the corpses of many princes were well washed and raised, namely, the dukes of Brabant, Bar, and Alençon, the counts de Nevers, de Blaumont, de Vaudemont, de Faulquemberge, the lord de Dampierre, admiral, sir Charles d'Albreth, constable, and buried in the church of the Friars Minors at Hesdin. Others were carried by their servants, some to their own countries, and others to different churches. All who were recognized were taken away, and buried in the churches of their manors. When Philippe count de Charrolois heard of the unfortunate and melancholy disaster of the French, he was in great grief; more especially for the death of his two uncles, the duke of Brabant and count de Nevers. Moved by compassion, he caused all that had remained exposed on the field of battle to be interred, and commissioned the abbot de Roussianville and the bailiff of Aire to have it done. They measured out a square of twenty-sive yards, wherein were dug three trenches twelve fect wide, in which were buried, by an account kept, five thousand eight ilundred men. It was not known how many had been carried away by their friends, nor what number of the wounded had died in hospitals, towns, villages, and even in the adjacent woods; but, as I have before said, it must have been very great. This square was consecrated as a burying ground by the bishop of Guines, at the command and as procurator of Louis de Luxembourg, bishop of Theroumne. It was surrounded by a strong hedge of thorns, to prevent wolves or dogs from entering it, and tearing up and devouring the bodies. In consequence of this sad event, some learned clerks of the realm made the following verses :— A chief by dolorous mischance oppress'd, A prince who rules by arbitrary will, A royal house by discord sore distress'd, A council prejudiced and partial still, Subjects by prodigality brought low, Will fill the land with beggars, well we trow.
Nobles made noble in dame Nature's spite
A feeble woe! whose impotent commands
According to Pierre de Fenin, the English did not bury their own dead; but their loss was so small, that this is very unlikely. He says, “ Après cette douloureuse journée et que toutes les deux parties se furent retirées, Louys de Luxembourg, qui estoit evesque de Terouane, sit faire en la place ou la bataille avoit esté donnée plusieurs charmiers, ou il fit assembler tous les morts d'un costé et d'autre; et la les fit enterrer, puis il benit la place, et la fit enclore de fortes hayes tout autour, pour la garantir du bestail.”
After the battle of Agincourt Henry lodged at Maisoncelle; a le lendemain au matin il en deslogea, et alla passer tout au milieu des morts qui avoient esté tuez en ce combat; la il sarresta grand espace de temps, et tirerent ses gens encor des prisonniers hors du nombre des morts, qu'ils emmenerent avec eux.”—Mem. de Pierre de Fenin.
Note 23, page 8, col. 2. From the disastrous plain of Agincourt.
Perhaps one consequence of the victory at Agincourt is not generally known. Immediately on his return, Henry sent his legates to the council of Constance : « at this councell, by the assent of all nations there present, it was authorised and ordained, that England should obtaine the name of a nation, and should be said one of the five nations that owe their devotion to the church of Rome, which thing until that time men of other nations, for envy, had delayed and letted n-Stowe. Elmham.
Note 24, page 8, col. 2. Henry as wise as brave had back to England– Henry judged, that by fomenting the troubles of France, he should procure more certain and lasting advantages than by means of his arms. The truth is, by pushing the French vigorously, he ran the risk of
uniting them all against him; in which case, his advantages, probably, would have been inconsiderable : but by granting them some respite, he gave them opportunity to destroy one another : therefore, contrary to every one's expectation, he laid aside his military affairs for near eighteen months, and betook himself entirely to negociation, which afforded him the prospect of less doubtful advantages.—Rapin.
Note 25, page 8, col. 2.
“Yet although the armie was strong without, there lacked not within both hardie capteins and manfull soldiers, and as for people, they had more than inough: sor as it is written by some that had good cause to know the truth, and no occasion to erre from the same, there were in the citie at the time of the siege 2 o, ooo persons. Dailie were issues made out of the citie at diverse gates, sometime to the losse of the one partie and sometimes of the other, as chances of ware in such
adventures happen.”—Holinshed, 566.
Note 26, page 8, col. 2. Had bade them vow before Almighty God. “The Frenchmen indeed, preferring fame before worldlie riches, and despising pleasure (the enemy to warlike prowesse), sware ech to other never to render or deliver the citie, while they might either hold sword in hand or speare in rest.”—Holinshed, 566,
Note 27, page 9, col. 1.
• The king of England, advertised of their hautie courages, determined to conquer them by famine which would not be tamed by weapon. Wherefore he stopped all the passages, both by water and land, that no vittels could be conveied to the citie. He cast trenches round about the walls, and set them full of stakes, and defended them with archers, so that there was left neither waie for them within to issue out, nor for anie that were abroad to enter in without his license.-The king's coosine germane and alie (the king of Portugale), sent a great navie of well-appointed ships unto the mouth of the river of Seine, to stop that no French vessel should enter the river and passe up the same, to the aid of them within Rouen.
«Thus was the faire citie of Rouen compassed about with enemies, both by water and land, having neither comfort nor aid of king, dolphin, or duke.”
King Henry of England marched a most powerful army, accompanied by a large train of artillery and warlike stores, in the month of June, before the noble and potent town of Rouen, to prevent the inhabitants and garrison from being supplied with new corn. The van of his army arrived there at midnight, that the garrison might not make any sally against them. The king was lodged at the Carthusian convent; the duke of Gloster was quartered before the gate of St Hilaire; the duke of Clarence at the gate of Caen; the earl of Warwick at that of Martinville; the duke of Exeter and earl of Dorset at that of Beauvais: in front of the gate of the castle were the lord marshal and sir John de Cornwall. At the gate leading to Normandy were posted the earls of Huntingdon, Salisbury, Kyme, and the lord Neville, son to the earl of Westimoreland. On the hill fronting St Catherine's were others of the Eng lish barons. Before the English could fortify their quarters, many sallies were made on them, and several severe skirmishes passed on both sides. But the English, so soon as they could, dug deep ditches between the town and them, on the top of which they planted a thick hedge of thorns, so that they could not otherwise be annoyed than by cannon-shot and arrows. They also built a jette on the banks of the Seine, about a cannon-shot distant from the town, to which they fastened their chains, one of them half a foot under the water, another level with it, and a third two feet above the stream, so that no boats could bring provision to the town, nor could any escape from it that way. They likewise dug deep galleries of communication from one quarter to another, which completely sheltered those in them from cannon or other warlike machines.—Monstrelet, vol. v., p. 40.
Note 28, page 9, col 1.
“After he had prosecuted the siege of this place for some time, the cardinal Ursino repaired to his camp, and endeavoured to persuade him to moderate his terms, and agree to an equitable peace; but the king's reply plainly evinced his determination of availing himself of the present situation of public affairs; “Do you not see, said he, “that God has brought me hither, as it were by the hand? The throne of France may be said to be vacant; I have a good title to that crown; the whole kingdom is involved in the utmost disorder and confusion; few are willing, and still fewer are able, to resist me. Can I have a more convincing proof of the interposition of heaven in my favour, and that the Supreme Ruler of all things has decreed that I should ascend the throne of France?'m—Hist, of England by Hugh Clarendon.
Note 29, page 9, col. 1.
• With the English sixteen hundred Irish Kernes were enrolled from the prior of Kilmainham; able men, but almost naked; their arms were targets, darts and swords, their horses little and bare no saddle, yet nevertheless nimble, on which upon every advantage they plaied with the French, in spoiling the country, rifeling the houses, and carrying away children with their baggage upon their cowes backs.”—Speed, p. 638.
The king of England had in his army numbers of Irish, the greater part of whom were on foot, having only a stocking and shoe on one leg and foot, with the other quite naked. They had targets, short javelins, and a strange sort of knives. Those who were on horseback had no saddles, but rode excellently well on small mountain horses, and were mounted on such paniers as are used by the carriers of corn in parts of France. They were, however, miserably accoutred in comparison with the English, and without any arms that could much hurt the French whenever they might meet them.
These Irish made frequent excursions during the siege over Normandy, and did infinite mischiefs, carrying back to their camp large booties. Those on foot took men, and even children from the cradle, with beds and furniture, and placing them on cows, drove all these things before them, for they were often met thus by the French.-Monstrelet, v, p. 42.
Note 30, Page 9, col. 1. Ruffians half-clothed, half-human, half-baptiz'd. • In some corners of Connaught, the people leave the right armes of their infants male unchristend (as they terme it) to the end that at any time afterwards they might give a more deadly and ungracious blow when they strike; which things doe not only show how palpably they are carried away by traditious obscurities, but doe also intimate how full their hearts be of inveterate revenge.” The book from which this extract is taken wants the title. The title of the second part is, A prospect of the most famous parts of the world. Printed for William Humble, in Pope's Head Place. 1646.
Note 31, page 9, col. 1. Of Harfleur's wretched race cast on the world. “Some writing of this yeelding up of Harflue, doo in like sort make mention of the distresse whereto the people, then expelled out of their habitations, were driven: insomuch as parents with their children, yong maids and old folke went out of the towne gates with heavie harts, (Got wot,) as put to their present shifts to seek them a new abode.”—Holinshed, 55o. This act of barbarity was perpetrated by Henry that
he might people the town with English inhabitants. “This doth Anglorum praelia report, saieng (not without good ground I believe), as followeth:
Tum flentes tenera cum prole parentes
Virgineusque chorus veteres liquere penntes:
Tum populus cunctus de portis Gallicus exit
Moestus, inarmatus, vacuus, miser, arger, inopsgue:
Utgue novas sedes quarrat migrare coactus:
Oppidulo belli potiuntur jure Britanni!”
There is a way of telling truth so as to convey false hood. After the capture of Harfleur, Stowe says, “all the soldiers and inhabitants, both of the towne and towers, were suffered to goe freely, unharmed, whither they would,” 348. Henry's conduct was the same at Caen : he a commanded all women and children to bee avoyded out of the towne, and so the towne was inhabited of new possessors.”—Stowe.
Note 32, page 9, col. i. Knelt at the altar. Before Henry took possession of Harfleur, he went bare-footed to the church to give God thanks.-De Serres. Note 33, page 9, col. 1. In cold blood murder'd. Henry, not satisfied with the reduction of Caen, put several of the inhabitants to death, who had signalized their valour in the defence of their liberty.—H. Clarendon. Note 34, page 9, col. 1. He groan'd and cursed in bitterness of heart. After the capture of the city “Luca Italico, the vicar generall of the archbishoprike of Rouen, for denouncing the king accursed, was delivered to him and deteined in prison till he died.»–Holinshed. Titus Livius. Note 35, page 9, col. 2. Force back the miserable multitude." • A great number of poore sillie creatures were put out of the gates, which were by the Englishmen that kept the trenches, beaten and driven back againe to the same gates, which they found closed aud shut against them, and so they laie betweene the wals of the citie and the trenches of the enemies, still crieing for help and releefe, for lack whereof great numbers of them dailie died.”—Holin shed.
Note 36, page 9, col. 2.
At this period, a priest of a tolerable age, and of clear understanding, was deputed, by those besieged in Rouen, to the king of France and his council. On his arrival at Paris, he caused to be explained, by an Augustin doctor, named Eustace de la Paville, in presence of the king and his ministers, the miserable situation of the besieged. He took for his text, “ Domine quid faciemus!" and harangued upon it very ably and eloquently. When he had finished, the priest addressed the king, saying, “ Most excellent prince and lord, I am enjoined by the inhabitants of Rouen to make loud complaints against you, and against you duke of Burgundy who govern the king, for the oppressions they suffer from the English. They make known to you by me, that if, from want of being succoured by you, they are forced to become subjects to the king of England, you will not have in all the world more bitter enemies; and if they can, they will destroy you and your whole congregation.” With these or with similar words did this priest address the king and his council. After he had been well received and entertained, and the duke of Burgundy had promised to provide succours for the town of Rouen as speedily as possible, he returned the best way he could to carry this news to the besieged.— Monstrelet, vol. v., p. 54.
One of the deputed citizens a shewing himself more rash than wise, more arrogant than learned, took upon him to shew wherein the glorie of victorie consisted; advising the king not to shew his manhood in famishing a multitude of poore simple and innocent people, but rather suffer such miserable wretches as laie betwixt the walls of the citie and the trenches of his siege, to passe through the camp, that theie might get their living in other places; then if he durst manfullie assault the place, and by force subdue it, he should win both worldie fame, and merit great meed from the hands of Almightie God, for having compassion of the poore, necdic, and indigent people. When this orator had said, the king with a fierce countenance and bold spirit, reproved them for their malapert presumption, in that they should seeme to go about to teach him what belonged to the dutie of a conqueror, and therefore since it appeared that the same was unknown to them, he declared that the goddesse of battell called Bellona had three handmaidens, ever of necessitie attending upon her, as Blood, Fire, and Famine, and whereas it laie in his choice to use them all three, he had appointed onelie the meckest maid of those three damsels to punish them of that citie till they were brought to reason. This answer put the French ambassador in a great studie, musing much at his excellent wit and hawtinesse of courage.”—Holinshed.
While the court resided at Beauvais, four gentlemen and four citizens of Rouen were sent to lay before the king and council their miserable state: they told them
that thousands of persons were already dead with hunger within their town; and that from the beginning of October, they had been forced to live on horses, dogs, cats, mice and rats, and other things unfit for human creatures. They had nevertheless driven full twelve thousand poor people, men, women, and children, out of the place, the greater part of whom had perished wretchedly in the ditches of the town. That it had been frequently necessary to draw up in baskets new born children from mothers who had been brought to bed in these ditches to have them baptized, and they were afterwards returned to their mothers; many, however had perished without christening—all which things were grievous and pitiful to be related. They then added, “To you our lord and king, and to you noble duke of Burgundy, the loyal inhabitants of Rouen have before made known their distress: they now again inform you how much they are suffering for you, to which you have not yet provided any remedy according to your promises. We are sent to you for the last time, to announce to you, on the part of the besieged, that if within a few days they are not relieved, they shall surrender themselves and their town to the English king, and thenceforward renounce all allegiance, faith, and service, which they have sworn to you.” The king, duke, and council, courteously replied, that the king's forces were not as yet adequate to raise the siege, which they were exceedingly sorry for; but, with God's pleasure, they should very soon be relieved. The deputies asked by what time; the duke answered, before the fourth day after Christmas. They then returned to their town with difficulty, from the great danger of being taken by the besiegers, and related all that had passed. The besieged now suffered the greatest distress; and it is impossible to recount the miseries of the common people from famine: it was afterward known that upwards of fifty thousand had perished of hunger. Some, when they saw meat carried through the street, in despair, ran to seize it, and so doing, allowed themselves to be severely beaten, and even wounded. During the space of three months no provisions were seen in the markets, but every thing was sold secretly; and what before the siege was worth a farthing, was sold for twenty, thirty, or even forty: but those prices were too high for the common people, and hence the great mortality I have mentioned.—Monstrelet, vol. v., p. 61.
Note 37, page 9, col. 2.
The names of our Edwards and Henrys are usually cited together, but it is disgracing the Black Prince and his father to mention them with Henry of Monmouth. We have seen what was the conduct of this cold-hearted and brutal soldier to the famished fugitives from Roan. The same circumstance occurred at the siege of Calais, and the difference between the monarchs cannot be better exemplified than in the difference of their conduct upon the same occasion. “When sir John de Vienne perceived that king Edward intended to lie long there, he thought to rid the town of as many useless mouths as he could; and so on a Wednesday, being the 13th of September, he forced out of the town more than seventeen hundred of the poorest and least necessary people, old men, women, and children, and shut the gates upon them who being demanded, wherefore
they came out of the town, answered with great lamentation, that it was because they had nothing to live on. Then king Edward, who was so fierce in battle, shewed a truly royal disposition by considering the sad condition of these forlorn wretches; for he not only would not force them back again into the town, whereby they might help to consume the victuals, but he gave them all a dinner and two-pence a-piece, and leave to pass through the army without the least molestation: whereby he so wrought upon the hearts of these poor creatures, that many of them prayed to God for his prosperity.”—Joshua Barnes.
Note 38, page 9, col. 2. Nor when the traitor yielded up our town. Roan was betrayed by its Burgundian governor Bouthellier. During this siege fifty thousand men perished through fatigue, want, and the use of unwholesome provisions.
Note 39, page 9, col. 2. The gallant Blanchard died. “Roy d'Angleterre fist coupper la teste a Allain Blanchard cappitaine du commun. ”—Monstrelet, feuillet excvil. Note 4o, page 9, col. 2. There where the wicked cease.
“There the wicked cease from troubling, and the weary be at rest.”—Job, iii, 17.
Note 41, page 1 o, col. 1.
Etaloient en plein jour de pompeuses tenebres.
Note 42, page 10, col. 1.
• When all things necessary were prepared for the conveyance of the dead king into England, his body was laid in a chariot, which was drawn by four great horses : and above the dead corpse, they laid a figure made of boiled hides, or leather representing his person, as near to the semblance of him as could be devised, painted curiously to the similitude of a living creature; upon whose head was set an imperial diademe of gold and precious stones, on his body a purple robe furred with ermine, and in his right hand he held a sceptre royal, and in his left hand a ball of gold, with a cross fixed thereon. And in this manner adorned, was this figure laid in a bed in the said chariot, with his visage uncovered towards the heaven ; and the couverture of his bed was red silke beaten with gold; and besides that, when the body should passe thro any good towne, a canopy of marvellous great value was borne over the chariot by men of great worship. In this manner, accompanied of the king of Scots and of all princes, lords, and knights of his house, he was brought from Roane to Abville, where the corpse was set in the church of Saint Offrame. From Abville he was brought to Hedin, and from thence to Menstreuil, so to Bulloigne, and so to Calice. In all this journey were many men about the chariot clothed all in white, which bare in their hands torches burning : after whome followed al the household servants in blacke, and after them came the princes, lords, and estates of the king's blood, adorned in vestures of mourning; and after all this, from the said
corpse the distance of two English myles, followed the queene of England right honourably accompanyed. In this manner they entered Calice.”—Stowe. At about a league distant followed the queen, with a numerous attendance. From Calais they embarqued for Dover, and passing through Canterbury and Rochester, arrived at London on Martinmas-day. When the funeral approached London, fifteen bishops dressed in pontificalibus, several mitred abbots and churchmen, with a multitude of persons of all ranks, came out to meet it. The churchmen chaunted the service for the dead as it passed over London-bridge, through Lombard-street, to St Paul's cathedral. Near the car were the relations of the late king, uttering loud lamentations. On the collar of the first horse that drew the car were emblazoned the ancient arms of England; on that of the second, the arms of France and England quartered the same as he bore during his lifetime; on that of the third, the arms of France simply; on that of the fourth horse were painted the arms of the noble king Arthur, whom no one could conquer: they were three crowns or, on a shield azure. When the funeral service had been royally performed in the cathedral, the body was carried to be interred at Westminster-abbey with his ancestors. At this funeral, and in regard to every thing concerning it, greater pomp and expence were made than had been done for two hundred years at the interment of any king of England; and even now as much honour and reverence is daily paid to his tomb, as if it were certain he was a saint in Paradise. Thus ended the life of king Henry in the flower of his age, for when he died he was but forty years old. He was very wise and able in every business he undertook, and of a determined character. During the seven or eight years he ruled in France, he made greater conquests than any of his predecesors had done : it is true he was so feared by his princes and captains, that none dared to disobey his orders, however nearly related to him, more especially his English subjects. In this state of obedience were his subjects of France and England in general; and the principal cause was, that if any person transgressed his ordinances, he had him instantly punished without favour or mercy. Monstrelet, vol. v., p. 375. A noble knight of Picardy used a joking expression to his herald respecting king Henry, which was afterwards often repeated. Sir Sarrasin d'Arly, uncle to the vidame of Amiens, who might be about sixty years of age, resided in the castle of Acher, which he had had with his wife, sister to the lord d'Offermont, near to Pas in Artois. He was laid up with the gout, but very eager in his inquiries after news of what was going on. One day his poursuivant, named Haurenas, of the same age as himself, and who had long served him, returned from making the usual inquiries, and on sir Sarrasin questioning him and asking him if he had heard any particulars of the death of the king of England, he said that he had, and had even seen his corpse at Abville in the church of St Ulfran ; and then related how he was attired, nearly as has been before described. The knight then asked him on his faith if he had diligently observed him? On his answering that he had, “Now, on thy oath, tell me,” added sir Sarrasin, w if he had his boots on to a No, my lord, by my faith he had not.” The knight then cried out, a Hautenas, my good friend,