The communication of Tryon to the commander-inchief had fired his temper. He truly pronounced his application to him to circulate these bills among the army an "extraordinary and impertinent request." Hamilton gave it a different turn, and three days after, over the signature of Washington, acknowledged it in a vein of brief, merited irony:

"Sir,-Your letter of the 17th and a triplicate of the same were duly received. I had the pleasure of seeing the drafts of the two bills, before those which were sent by you came to hand; and I can assure you they were suffered to have a free currency among the officers and men under my command, in whose fidelity to the United States I have the most perfect confidence. The enclosed gazette, published the 24th at Yorktown, will show you that it is the wish of Congress that they should have an unrestrained circulation. I take the liberty to transmit to you a few printed copies of a resolution of Congress of the 23d instant, and to request that you will be instrumental in communicating its contents, so far as it may be in your power, to the persons who are the objects of its operation. The benevolent purpose it is intended to answer will, I persuade myself, sufficiently recommend it to your candor."

The circulation of these bills wholly failed of their intended purpose. They gave a new impulse to the desire of independence.

A few days after, the treaties with France were laid before Congress. On the fifth of May, they were unanimously ratified, and the following day, the alliance was celebrated by the army with a military parade, a solemn thanksgiving, a public banquet of the officers, and cheering gratulations of the soldiery.

An address was now issued by Congress inciting the

people to "strenuous unremitted exertions," which was followed by a proclamation enjoining a sacred regard to the rights of neutral powers, and impunity to all vessels under the protection of neutral colors, nations, or princes, under penalty of condign punishment.

The conclusion of these treaties had raised in the mind of General Greene questions as to the extent of the preparations to be made for the military service. On being communicated to Washington, a provident reply was written to him by Hamilton in behalf of the commanderin-chief, on the day of their ratification:

"In answer to your favor of the third, I give it clearly as my opinion, that no change has happened in our affairs which will justify the least relaxation in any of our military preparations, and consequently that the provisions you have been, and are making in your department, ought to be continued in their fullest vigor and extent.

"The intelligence from abroad is extremely favorable, and affords us an earnest of success, with proper management, but there is nothing in it that can make it prudent to depart in the smallest degree from the exertion we should otherwise have made. There may still be business enough to call out our most strenuous efforts. Britain is a country full of resources. Her interest and connections in Europe are great; an union within, under a popular administration, which a principle of common danger may produce, would render her capable of great internal exertions.

"The storm which now seems to be rising in Europe may subside, and a compromise ensue between the contending powers, from which a change in the system may result, very advantageous to the views of our enemies. All these are events which may happen; and which, if there were no other considerations, would make it unwise

to suffer ourselves to be lulled into security, or to remit any endeavors that may serve to put our military affairs upon the most respectable footing possible.

"But it is also to be remembered, that the British army in America is still very considerable; and if collected, would be formidable to all the force we should be able to oppose to it. In all probability, it will either be withdrawn or assembled at one point, for some vigorous and enterprising push, if it were only to make the way for a negotiation. The former is more to be wished than expected. British pride would never submit to it, but in the last extremity; and perhaps we should flatter ourselves too much, to suppose that extremity exists. If the latter should be the case, remissness in our present preparations might be fatal; or at any rate, could not fail to have a very injurious influence. The enemy might obtain successes which would have a most unhappy operation upon the current of our sentiments at home, and upon the progress of our negotiations and growing friendships abroad.

"If we had nothing to fear from any offensive operations of the enemy, policy may require very extensive and important offensive operations on our part, which will make it necessary we should be prepared in the amplest manner at all points.

"In a word, in what manner soever the remainder of the contest is to be prosecuted, whether it is to depend upon fighting or negotiation, a powerful army, well furnished with every apparatus of war, will put it in our power to meet all contingencies, with confidence and advantage, and to pursue the true interests of these States through any combination of circumstances that shall present itself, with firmness and decision.

"Whether any, or what, change may happen in the

local situation of the army, in the approaching campaign, or what disposition in your department may be requisite in consequence, are matters which, for particular reasons, I cannot yet determine. A council will soon be held, in which will be decided a general plan of operations for the army. When this is done, you will receive your instructions accordingly in the mean time, you will proceed in the plan already on foot."

The President of Congress writes at this time: "We are not to roll down a green bank and toy away the ensuing summer. There is blood, much blood in our pros pect."

The measures to fill the ranks and to reorganize the army were now completed. To attain the first object, the States had been required by Congress" to fill up by drafts of their militia, or in any other way that shall be effectual," their respective quotas; and "to procure recruits by enlistments for three years or during the war." The reorganization of the army was committed to Washington, in conjunction with two members of Congress, too late to accomplish much. To secure to it supplies, an embargo was laid on the exportation of provisions. Lee having been exchanged for Prescott, and Ethan Allen for Colonel Campbell, an exchange of prisoners was also authorized. With this view, Hamilton was commissioned by Washington to receive the proposals of the enemy, and "to do definitively whatever might be necessary towards the execution of a general exchange."

The mission was in part successful.

CHAPTER XVI.

THE Council of war alluded to in the recent letter to Greene was held on the eighth of May. The total force of the enemy was estimated, exclusive of artillery and cavalry, to be about sixteen thousand effective men, two thousand in Rhode Island, four in New York, the residue at Philadelphia. This was below the actual strength. The total American force of continentals, exclusive of artillery and cavalry, was fifteen thousand-eighteen hundred of these upon the Hudson, fourteen hundred at Wilmington, the rest, including the sick, at Valley Forge. The reinforcements to come in might be computed at five thousand more. Three plans had been thought of: an attack upon Philadelphia; a transfer of the army and a descent upon New York; or to wait within their lines the movements of the enemy. The latter course was decided

upon.

What would be the future operations of the British, was now the interesting problem. An extensive plan had been formed at London, but it was abandoned upon advices of the recent treaties between France and the United States.

Howe having resigned his command, it was conferred upon Sir Henry Clinton, whose capture of the Highland forts had obtained for him the confidence of the ministry.