In parliament he zealously opposed the American war, and made a variety of attempts to put down corrupt election practices. He ably exposed the absurdity of Pitt's plan for the reduction of the debt, but strenuously supported the minister in the discussion on the regency bill in 1788. In the same year he greatly distinguished himself by his exertions to purge the statute-book of various odious and inequitable penal laws; he was unsuccessful in his efforts, but he declared that he would persist in them to the latest moments of his public life, and that "if the right reverend bench of bishops would not allow him to load away their rubbish by cart-fulls, he would endeavour to carry it away in wheel-barrows; and, if that mode of removal were resisted, he would take it away if possible with a spade, a little at a time."

Earl Stanhope was one of the founders of the Revolution society,' whose object was to cherish and perpetuate the principles of the British Revolution. At the annual meeting of this society, on the 5th of November, 1789, Dr Price preached, in the former part of the day, his famous discourse On the Love of our Country.' In this discourse the principles of government were stated in a mode which the sanction of a century had rendered familiar to Englishmen; and the great doctrines of civil and religious liberty inculcated. "The improvement of the world depends," the preacher affirmed, "on the attention given by men to this topic. Nor will mankind be ever as virtuous and happy as they are capable of being, till the attention to it becomes universal and efficacious. If we forget it, we shall be in danger of an idolatry as gross and stupid as that of the ancient heathens, who, after fabricating blocks of wood or stone, fell down and worshipped them.” At the conclusion, expatiating on the friendly aspect of the times to the cause of liberty, the preacher broke out into the following exclamation: "What an eventful period is this! I am thankful that I have lived to it; and I could almost say, 'Lord! now lettest thou thy servant depart in peace, for mine eyes have seen thy salvation.' I have lived to see a diffusion of knowledge which has undermined superstition and error; I have lived to see the rights of men better understood than ever, and nations panting for liberty which seemed to have lost the idea of it; I have lived to see thirty millions of people indignantly and resolutely spurning at slavery, and demanding liberty with an irresistible voice, their king led in triumph, and an arbitrary monarch surrendering himself to his subjects. After sharing in the benefits of one revolution, I have been spared to be a witness to two other revolutions, both glorious; and now methinks I see the ardour for liberty catching and spreading, and a general amendment beginning in human affairs, the dominion of kings changed for the dominion of laws, and the dominion of priests giving way to the dominion of reason and conscience. Be encouraged, all ye friends of freedom, and writers in its defence! The times are auspicious. Your labours have not been in vain! Behold kingdoms, admonished by you, starting from sleep, breaking their fetters, and claiming justice from their oppressors! Behold the light you have struck out, after setting America free, reflected to France, and there kindled into a blaze that lays despotism in ashes and warms and illuminates Europe!" Impressed with these sentiments, the society-whose numbers on this occasion far exceeded those of any former anniversary -unanimously resolved, on the motion of Dr Price, to offer, in a for

mal address," their congratulations to the National assembly, on the event of the late glorious revolution in France." This being transmitted by their chairman, Earl Stanhope, to the Duke de la Rochefoucault, and laid by that nobleman before the assembly, was received with loud acclamations. "It belonged," said Rochefoucault in his reply, "to Dr Price, the apostle of liberty, to propose a motion tending to pay to liberty the fairest homage,—that of national prejudices. In that address is seen the dawn of a glorious day, in which two adverse nations shall contract an intimate union, founded on the similarity of their opinions and their common enthusiasm for liberty." The archbishop of Aix, president of the National assembly, transmitted to Earl Stanhope the vote of the assembly relative to the address, stating "that the assembly was deeply affected with this extraordinary proof of esteem, and directing the president to express to the Revolution society, the lively sensibility with which the National assembly had received an address, breathing those sentiments of humanity and universal benevolence, that ought to unite together in all countries of the world the true friends of liberty, and the happiness of mankind." These were very decided proceedings, and exposed Earl Stanhope to no little misrepresentation and political hostility. His lordship, however, continued true to the cause in which he had thus embarked, and on the publication of Burke's celebrated speech on the French revolution, addressed a very spirited Letter in Answer' to the right honourable gentleman.

In 1792 Lord Stanhope warmly supported Fox's 'Libel Bill,' and published a small volume entitled 'The Rights of Juries Defended,' in which he describes trial by jury as "the impregnable Gibraltar of the English constitution," "the stronghold and fortress of the people." His lordship maintained a steady and consistent opposition to the war-measures against France. On the 6th of January, 1795, he moved, in his place in the upper house, a resolution which was not supported even by his own friends in the minority, but his lordship entered the following protest on the journals:

"January 9th, 1795.

"Dissentient. 1st. Because the motion made for the house to adjourn was professedly intended to get rid of the following resolution, viz. Resolved, that this country ought not, and will not interfere in the internal affairs of France; and that it is expedient explicitly to declare the same.'

2dly. Because I hold that it is contrary to equity and justice for any foreign country to interfere in the internal affairs or constitution of the French republic, or of any other independent nation.

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3dly. Because the government of Great Britain, (not having been elected by the citizens of France,) can have no more right to give to France a monarchical, aristocratical, or other form of government whatever, than the crowned despots of Prussia and Russia had to overturn the constitution of (now unhappy) Poland.

"4thly. Because I highly disapprove and reprobate the doctrine advanced by ministers in the debate, namely, 'That to restore the ancient and hereditary monarchy of France no expense should be spared.' And I reprobate that pernicious and uncivic doctrine the more strongly, from its not having been suddenly, hastily, or inconsiderately started,

but from its having been taken up (as it was solemnly declared) upon the utmost deliberation.

"5thly. Because I deem it to be an injustice committed by ministers towards my fellow-citizens to adopt a principle which shall render it necessary for the government of Great Britain to lay further heavy burthens upon the people; and to tax their houses, their windows, their beer, their candles, their shoes, and many other conveniencies and necessaries of life, in order to provide a fund to attempt the accomplishment of such wicked purposes as aforesaid.

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'6thly. Because the proposed resolution above stated was intended by me as a solemn pledge' that the government of this nation would not interfere in the internal affairs of France; but the refusal of the house to give such a pledge tends to shut the door to peace, and consequently tends to insure the ruin of this manufacturing, commercial, and once happy country: particularly considering the increased and rapidly increasing strength of the navy of the French republic, independently of the prospect there is of their having the navies of Holland and Spain under their immediate influence.

'7thly. Because the public funds, the paper currency, and the public and private credit of this country will probably be unequal to stand against the tremendous shock to which the ministers will now expose them.

"8thly. Because I think that frankness, fairness, humanity, and the principles of honesty and of justice, are always in the end the best policy. And I believe it to be true in regard to nations (as well as with respect to individuals) that nothing that is not just can be wise, or likely to be ultimately prosperous.'

9thly. Because I lament the more that the house should refuse to disclaim the interfering in the internal constitution of France, inasmuch as by the new constitution of the French republic, one and indivisible, adopted by the present national convention, on the 23d of June, 1793, and under the title 'Of the Relation of the French republic with foreign nations,' and by the articles 118 and 119 of that constitution it is declared and enacted,

"That the French people is the friend and natural ally of every free nation. It does not interfere with the government of other nations: it does not suffer that other nations should interfere with its own.'

"So frank, so fair, and so explicit a declaration on their part did, in my opinion, entitle them to a better species of return.

"10thly. Because I conceive that a true republican form of government being firmly established in France, is much more safe to the liberties of the people of Great Britain, than the tyrannical, capricious, perfidious, secret, intriguing, and restless, ancient monarchy of France, or than any other monarchy they could there establish; but even if I were of a direct opposite way of thinking, I would not be guilty of the gross injustice of attempting to force a monarchy upon them contrary to their inclination.

"11thly. Because I think that no war ought to be continued that can by a proper line of moderation be avoided; and the more especially with respect to the French people, who, by their republican exertions, republican enthusiasm, and republican courage, have made victory the almost constant order of the day.'

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12thly. Because the continuance of such a bloody contest without necessity, appears to be a profane tempting of Divine Providence, in whose benign and almighty hands the fate of battles and of empires is placed

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13thly. Because I wish to wash my hands entirely of the innocent blood that may be shed in this war with France, and of all the destruction, confusion, and devastation (perhaps of Great Britain itself) which may ensue.

"14thly. Because it was my object to preclude the government of Great Britain from attempting to stir up or excite insurrections in La Vendée, or any other department of the French republic, and the resolution I moved was well-calculated for that purpose.

"15thly. Because the maxim of 'Do not to others that which you would not wish done to yourself,' is an unerring rule, founded upon the clear principles of justice, that is to say of equality of rights. It is upon this strong and solid ground I make my stand. And all public men, in order to merit the confidence of the British people, must show their determination to act with frankness and with unequivocal good faith and justice towards the French republic.

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Having upon this important and momentous subject frequently stood alone, and having also been upon this last occasion totally unsupported in the division, if I should therefore cease at present to attend this house (where I have been placed by the mere accident of birth), such of my fellow-citizens as are friends to freedom, and who may chance to read this my solemn Protest, will find that I have not altered my sentiments or opinions: and that I have not changed any of my principles; for my principles never can be changed. And those fellowcitizens will also find, that I hereby pledge myself to my country, that I shall continue what I ever have been, a zealous and unshaken friend to peace, to justice, and to liberty, political, civil, and religious; and that I am determined to die (as I have lived) a firm and steady supporter of the unalienable rights and of the happiness of all mankind."

In the month of February, 1800, we find his lordship once more in his place in parliament, and moving the following resolution: "That an humble address be presented to his majesty, representing the horrors of war: that in all countries a state of peace is ever the interest of the people, and the shedding of blood, without absolute necessity, repugnant to humanity; and further representing that the present war has been expensive beyond example, productive of a great increase of the national debt, of taxes to an enormous amount, and of an alarming increase in the price of all the necessaries of life: and further representing, that peace is necessary to avert the impending danger of famine; for although the present scarcity is in the first instance occasioned by a scanty harvest, the extent of the evil arises from the war; and that it is the duty of this house strongly to dissuade his majesty from the continuance of the contest for the restoration of the ancient line of princes of the house of Bourbon to the throne of France and to entreat that a negotiation may be immediately opened for peace with the French republic." The motion was rejected by an overwhelming majority. After this period his lordship took less interest in public measures, and lived in comparative retirement. His last years were imbittered by unfortunate family-disputes, in the course of which he

found himself deserted by all his family. He died on the 17th December, 1816.

His lordship, says the writer of the notice in the 'Annual Obituary,' was one of the most singular men of the age in which he lived. In person he was tall, lank, with a polished forehead, which, on account of baldness, extended to the occiput. His countenance, of late years, was wan and pale, and shrivelled, so as to render him much older in appearance than in reality; while his locks were straight, stiff, and formal, sacred alike from hair-powder and the curling-irons, so as exactly to resemble Sir Harry Vane's portrait during the civil wars. A scorn of dress and of fashion seems to be hereditary; and so plain and simple was his appearance, that had it not been for a certain awkwardness in his gait and manner, in express defiance to the rules laid down by his celebrated kinsman, Philip Lord Chesterfield, he might, like his own father, the second earl, have been refused admission within the bar of the house of lords, accompanied with the remark of Good man, stand off; such as you must not come here.' One anecdote, on the score of philosophical oddity, will suffice. Sitting one day in company with his lordship, I perceived that his boots were rounded off in a particular manner, so as to be far more capacious than common. On inquiry, I found it to be his opinion, that, as iron joints work best in oil, so do those also composed of bone, muscle, and flesh !' His son, a

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fine young man, since dead, soon after confirmed this fact; and in respect to the reasoning, after due reflection, I am yet to learn why the rigidity and stiffness incident to age, and also to the unnatural constraint of a leathern shoe, may not in part be warded off, by means of an oleaginous composition."

John Courtenay.

BORN A. D. 1741.-DIED A. D. 1816.

THIS gentleman was a native of Ireland, where his family, though of English descent, once possessed immense estates. Viscount Townshend, when viceroy of Ireland, first brought him into political life, by appointing him his secretary, and getting him returned for the borough of Tamworth to the parliament which assembled in October, 1780. He did not, however, identify himself with ministers in his first appearances in the house, although on the resignation of Lord North he accompanied him into retirement.

In 1784 he opposed Pitt's 'Commutation Act,' and, in 1786, the duke of Richmond's plan of internal fortifications. He was one of the earliest and staunchest supporters of Wilberforce in his noble efforts to put down slavery. In 1797 we find him in the minority which supported Mr Grey's motion for parliamentary reform; and in 1805 he joined the same member in his motion relative to the Spanish papers. On the change of administration in 1806 Mr Courtenay became a commissioner of the treasury. He enjoyed office only a few months, after which he retired from public life. His death took place on the 24th of March, 1816. As an orator, Courtenay amused more frequently than he convinced his speeches often displayed a glittering but harmless