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the charge: and the Doctor's answer is very short. I think, much more may be said in favour both of Anchises and his son. Anchises gives many arguments to justify his interpretation of the oracle; (viz.) their origin from Crete by Teucer, from whom they were descended; their mount Ida; their great Goddess Cybele, and all the ceremonies used in her worship: all Cretan. Besides, for their greater encouragement to go thither, they had reason to believe that they should find no opposition to their settling there:

"Fama volat pulsum regnis cessisse." Ver. 121, etc. Afterwards, when Anchises was convinced of his mistake, he acknowledges that Cassandra had often foretold that Italy was the country destined to them:

"Et saepe Hesperiam, saepe Itala

But, for his excuse, he says;

regna vocare."

"Quis ad Hesperiae venturos littora Teucros

"Crederet? aut quem tum vates Cassandra moveret." Now when Anchises was so fully persuaded that all the foregoing circumstances concurred evidently in favour of Crete; that he had not any regard to Cassandra's prophecy, nor in the least thought of Italy; to what purpose should Aeneas at such a time advertise his father of Creüsa's prophecy, in opposition to an oracle, that seemed so clear for Crete or how indeed could he be supposed to understand a prediction, which was in itself very obscure? It was this:

"Ad terram Hesperiam venies, ubi Lydius arva
“Inter opima virûm leni fluit agmine Tybris."
Aen. II. 781.

Here we must observe, she does not name Italy, but Terram Hesperiam, a western country; so the Greeks called not only Italy but Spain too, as lying west from them; and the same name might be applied by a Trojan to any country lying west from Troy. What follows, viz.

"Ubi Lydius arva," etc.

could give no light in ascertaining Italy: for the epithet Lydius given to Tybris required a long historical explanation, and Tybris was then unknown (for this was a new name given to the river, the old one, Albula, being changed, as we find, Aen. VIII. 330.); and Aeneas himself hints in the fifth book, ver. 83, that this name was unknown, when, addressing himself to his father's ghost, he says;

"Non licuit fines Italos, fataliaque arva,

"Nec tecum Ausonium, quicunque est, quaerere Tybrim.' The "quicunque est" seems to be added on purpose to shew that the Tyber, as famous as it became afterwards, was then utterly unknown to them. But supposing Aeneas to have an imperfect idea that by Hesperia Creüsa meant Italy, we must allow him the same excuse as Anchises makes for himself;

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Quis ad Hesperiae venturos littora Teucros "Crederet?"

It was a country they were strangers to; and therefore how should it enter into their heads to think of settling there? When the Penates afterwards appear to Aeneas, and explain the oracle of Apollo expressly in favour of Italy, they describe it as any one would do a country before unknown;

"Est locus, Hesperiam Graii cognomine dicunt;
"Terra antiqua, potens armis atque ubere glebae.
"Oenotrii coluere viri.".

Ver. 163.

and when they name Italy they mention it only as reported to be called by that name.

"Italiam dixisse.".

"Nunc fama minores

And after this particular description of Italy by the Penates, yet still Aeneas was at a loss what part of the country they were to go to, and what course to take thither (notwithstanding Creüsa had named Tybris) till Hellenus afterwards informs him at large, ver. 381, etc.

**In medio insulae (Cretae) quà latissima est, mons est Ida "altissimus omnium qui in eâ sunt." Strab. lib. X.

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**Strabo, speaking of the Curetes, or Corybantes, says; Ingens est diversitas istarum narrationum," etc. Lib. X. And, a little afterwards, he adds," Sceptius ait, in Cretâ "honores Rheae (i. e. Cybeles) non esse in usu, neque receptos "ibi ritus ejus, sed in Phrygia tantum ac Troade; qui aliter "affirment eos fabulam potius quam historiam tradere; ad quam rem eos fortassis nomina locorum ambigua induxerunt. Ida "enim mons est et Trojae et Cretae."

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VER. 124-127.

Linquimus Ortygiae portus, pelagoque volamus
Bacchatamque jugis Naxon, viridemque Donysam,
"Olearon, niveamque Paron, sparsasque per aequor
Cycladas, et crebris legimus freta **consita terris."

*'"Delos olim dicta fuit Ortygia."

Strab. lib. X.

"Delon ita appellatam prodidit Aristoteles quoniam repente apparuerit enata." Plin. lib. IV. c. 12.

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**The most proper word that could be used, alluding to the Sporades.- -Having mentioned the Cyclades by name, Virgil, for variety, expresses the latter by a periphrasis.

VER. 131-133.

"Tandem antiquis Curetum allabimur oris.

"Ergo avidus muros optatae molior urbis,
"Pergameamque voco."

* Pliny reckons Pergamum amongst the cities of Crete. L. IV. c. xii.

VER. 142-146.

"Arebant herbae, et victum seges aegra negabat.
"Rursus ad * oraclum Ortygiae Phoebumque remenso
"Hortatur pater ire mari, veniamque precari:
"Quem fessis finem rebus ferat, unde laborum
"Tentare auxilium jubeat, quo vertere cursus."

* This advice of Anchises was very proper: what other expedient could be thought of in their distress? But yet supposing Aeneas had returned to Delos; what must have been the consequence without the particular intercession of some Deity? Oracles were not used to explain themselves: and therefore, without that, the second answer must have been as dubious as the first; and Aeneas left in the same uncertainty as before. To avoid this difficulty, Virgil very opportunely introduces the apparition of the Penates, etc.

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VER. 147-152.

"Nox erat, et terris animalia somnus habebat.
Effigies sacrae Divûm, Phrygiique Penates,
"Quos mecum à Trojâ mediisque ex ignibus urbis
Extuleram, visi ante oculos astare jacentis
"In somnis, multo manifesti lumine: quà se

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"Plena per insertas fundebat Luna fenestras."

As

*Plutarch, in the life of Julius Caesar, relates a dream or vision of Calpurnia, Caesar's wife, the night preceding his murder; which he introduces in the following manner. "Caesar was in bed with his wife, all the doors and windows of "the house flew open together; he was startled at the noise, "and at the light which broke into the room, and sat upon his "bed, where, by the moonshine, he perceived Calpurnia fast asleep," etc. Virgil was probably well acquainted with the

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story, being about twenty-seven years of age at Caesar's death. If he may be supposed to allude to some of the aforesaid circumstances of that vision, he has very judiciously chosen only such as were proper to enforce the clearness of it; (viz.)

"Multo manifesti lumine: quà se

66 Luna," etc.

and has omitted the other circumstances of all the doors and windows of the house flying open together, and the startling at the noise; which were proper preludes to the butchery of Caesar, but not to his story.

**See Dr. Trapp's Translation and note on this passage.

VER. 163-168.

"Est locus, Hesperiam Graii cognomine dicunt;
"Terra antiqua, potens armis atque ubere glebae;
"Oenotrii coluere viri: nunc fama minores

“ Italiam dixisse, ducis de nomine, gentem.
"Hae nobis propriae sedes: hinc Dardanus ortus,
"* Iäsiusque pater, genus à quo principe nostrum."
*3

* Marianus de Etruriâ metropoli, asserts; "Dardani "fratrem Jasium, qui Cybelem uxorem duxit, in Etruriae agro "mansisse, atque inde petiisse Arcadiam, Samothraciam, et

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Phrygiam, cum Curetibus et magnis Diis. Ea sacrificia anti"quissima renovata demum ab Jasio Corybantis patre tradit "Diodorus Siculus. Homerus Odyss. V. et ipse Diodorus "Cererem ipsam narrant Jasio nuptam, quod Cybelem et "Cererem eandem esse argumento est," etc. Marianus, cap. v.

* Some interpreters give a very strange ungrammatical construction of this place, which may be solved by supposing that Virgil artfully gives the title of Pater, to signify old Jasius, meaning that he lived till he was old; and joins them very lovingly together, on purpose to discredit and shew his disbelief of the story of Dardanus's having mnrdered Jasius, not thinking it to their honour, or a thing to be boasted of, to be descended from one who was banished from his own country for the murder of his brother. I am the more inclined to believe that this was Virgil's intention, from observing that he has used the like caution with respect to Romulus and Remus, which is almost a parallel case; and though that story of Romulus's murdering Remus was a common tradition at Rome, Virgil never gives, the least hint of it; on the contrary he joins them both together very honourably in two several places (viz.);

"Hanc Remus et frater." Geor. II. ver. 533.

and, again, Aen. I. ver. 296.

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"Remo cum fratre Quirinus."

VER. 172-179.

"Talibus attonitus visis ac voce Deorum

(Nec sopor illud erat; sed coram agnoscere vultus,
Velatasque comas, praesentiaque ora videbar;
"Tum gelidus toto manabat corpore sudor),
"Corripio è stratis corpus, tendoque supinas
"Ad caelum cum voce manus, et munera libo
"Intemerata focis: perfecto laetus honore
"Anchisen facio certum, remque ordine pando."

*Compare this with the appearance of Mercury to Hannibal, Sil. Ital. lib. III. from ver. 168. to 216. (particularly, 66 neque enim sopor ille," ver. 198.), and Isis's appearance in a dream to Telethusa, Ovid. Met. lib. IX. Fab. xii.

VER. 210-212.

"Strophades Graio stant nomine dictae "Insulae Ionio in magno: quas dira Celaeno, Harpyiaeque colunt aliae.'

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*' Sir G. Wheeler tells us that the Strophades, called now Strovadi or Strivalli, are judged about 50 miles from Zant, and 30 from the Morea; very low, and the biggest not above 5 miles in circuit, p. 45.

** See Georg. I. ver. 281.

VER. 255-257.

"Sed non ante datam cingetis moenibus urbem, "Quàm vos dira fames, nostraeque injuria caedis, "Ambesas subigat * malis absumere mensas.'

* See Georg. III. ver. 268.

VER. 270-276.

"Jam medio apparet fluctu nemorosa + Zacynthos ** "Dulichiumque ** Sameque, et Neritos ardua saxis; "Effugimus scopulos ** Ithacae, Laërtia regna "Et terram altricem saevi execramur Ulyssis: "Mox et Leucatae nimbosa cacumina montis, "Et formidatus nautis aperitur † Apollo; "Hunc petimus fessi, et parvae succedimus urbi."

+Dionysius Halicarnasseus (after having spoken of the various stories relating to Aeneas's voyage; where he is giving

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