The Author of Octav. 622: "Tantali vincat sitim "Ixionisque membra rapientem rotam." Agamemn. 15: "Ubi ille celeri corpus evinctus rotae "In se refertur." 297 They who are versed in Seneca know that his diction is very much Virgilian; and that he rarely loses sight of his great pattern for a page together, even in his prose writings. Epist. XXIV. "Nec Ixionem rota volvi, nec saxum humero Sisyphi trudi," etc. Apocol.: 66 Aliquando Ixionis miseri rotam sufflaminandam.” Statius, who parodies Virgil more than even Seneca himself, Theb. VIII. 51 : "Cur autem avidis Ixiona frango "Vorticibus." Claudian Rapt. P. II. 335: "Non rota suspensum praeceps Ixiona torquet.” And (which by the way shows the skill of the learned Mr. Markland) in Ruf. II. 508: "Dubio tibi pendula rupes "Immineat lapsu; volucer te torqueat axis." Josephus Iscanus, a writer of the year 1220, alludes to this very place. IV. 204: "Non labile saxum, "Non axis torquens, non mendax vicerit unda." And VI. 535, alluding to Virgil's, 66 Radiisque rotarum destricti pendent," ❝ tibi Tantalus undas, "Ixion radios, saxum remeabile reddat 66 Boetius, in the following Glyconics, III. 10: "Non Ixionium caput Fulgentius, Mythol. II. 17: "Qui quidem Ixion parvo tem, "pore celere regnum adeptus, dehinc regno expulsus est. “Unde et eum ad ROTAM damnatum dicunt, quod omnis "rotae vertigo, quae superiora habet, modo dejiciat.' 66 66 Whether these and the above testimonies favour" orbes" or angues;" and whether they hint at "two punishments," or two parts of the same" punishment, let the reader judge. As for Virgil, he seems to have had these words of "Cicero" in Arataeis in his eye: "Ut nemo cui sancta manu doctissima Pallas Dio. Orat. IV. p. 79. Αφομοι το αυτὸν τῇ τῇ Ιξίονος χαλεπῇ καὶ βιαίῳ ΦΟΡΑι τε καὶ ἀνάγκη, ΤΡΟΧΟΥ τινός ῥήμη (1. ΡΥΜΗ.) κύκλον ΚΙΝΟΥΜΕΝΟΥ τε και φερομένου. Here are four words used to express motion, but nothing that indicates a double punishment. The same may be observed in Seneca: "Haec incitatis membra turbinibus ferat Nusquam resistens orbe revoluto rota." The last words, too, allude to the verse in question, and shew he read, Tortosq: Ixionis orbes." Michael Apostolius. καὶ ὀργισθεὶς ὁ Ζεὺς κολάζει αὐτὸν οὕτως ΤΡΟΧΩι διατεινας αὐτὸν, ἐποίησεν ΑΕΙ ΦΕΡΕΣΘΑΙ τὸν τροχὸν, καὶ ἐςιν ἀεὶ οὕτως ΑΝΑΚΥΚΛΟΥΜΕΝΟΣ, καὶ καταφερόμενος ταύτην τὴν τιμωρίαν. See also Nazianzen 2. Invect. in Julian. But I must follow the Gentleman, who at last condescends to suppose "angues" to be a mistake. "Supposing it is such," says he, "yet the Roman codex delivered us from it, before he did." Which of us, I pray? Did it deliver Germanus Valens, Guellius, Fabricius, De la Cerda, Heinsius, Ruaeus? Delivered us just as the Sylva of various readings in Mill's Testament has delivered us from "Euroclydon." Name any critic, from Scaliger to Dr. Bentley, that ever declared his approbation of the Codex Romanus here, or offered the least reason for its reception. "Yes," says he, "Pierius long ago said just as much for its reception as he has done." How so? Why, because it does not appear that he preferred either of the readings. They are his own words. The author of the emendation urges, what nobody urged before, viz., that "angues" is contrary to all mythology, antient and modern, Greek and Latin: and further, that many writers, who evidently allude to this place in Virgil, read" orbes," and none of them "angues." Last of all, that" orbes" is most agreeable to the phrase or diction of the Poet; and therefore Pierius, who preferred neither reading, nor hit upon any of the arguments already mentioned, said nevertheless just as much as the author of the emendation. In short, had Pierius considered that the figure av dia dúo made by" orbes" was more beautiful, more in Virgil's manner than "angues," he would have preferred it for the very reason he seems to reject it. To proceed. The Gentleman insinuates, " that Mythologers "vary much in circumstances, and therefore the silence of so "many signifies little or nothing." But it is the silence of "those" Mythologers, whom Virgil "certainly" followed. Nor do we argue entirely from silence, but from the harmony and consentient testimony of men of different ages and professions; from the "allusions" made by subsequent writers to this very place: writers to whom Virgil's text was sacred. Let us now see what difference there is, and what is the reason of it. Now I affirm there is no difference in the "original" writers, or those prior to Virgil. Philostratus, in the life of Apollonius, about the year ccvi., has indeed these words, VII. 12. βαρύτερον ἢ εἴ τις, ὥσπερ φασὶ τὸν Ιξίονα ΜΕΤΕΩΡΟΣ ἐπὶ τροχού κνάμπλοιτο. And VI. 40. Αλλ' ἐκεῖνος μὲν τροχῷ εικάσμενος, ΔΙ' ΟΥΡΑΝΟΥ κάμπεται. Here is a difference as to the "place" only of Ixion's punishment, and no reason being given by Olearius in his notes, I observe that di' dégos is not taken from any ancient Mythologer, but from later Astronomers, who (as the Scholiast on Aratus informs us) usually called the "Corona Australis Ixion's wheel. Therefore the passage of Philostratus is not all to the Gentleman's purpose. Again: In the Scholiast, on " Lucian" Dialog. Deor. p. 197., we have not so much a variation as an addition. ΥΠΟΠΤΕΡΩι τροχῷ δήσας τὸν Ιξίονα ἀφῆκε φέρεσθαι ΔΙΑ ΑΕΡΟΣ ΜΑΣΤΙΖΟΜΕ ΝΟΝ, καὶ λέγοντα, Χρὴ τιμᾷν τοὺς ἐυεργέτας. Mr. Le Clere on the place, refers us to that trifler, Tzetzes, whose words are, Τῆς τόλμης ταύτης δ ̓ ἕνεκα Ιξίων ἐν τῷ ᾅδῃ Ε, ΣΙΔΕΡΩ. ΣΤΡΕΒΛΟΥΜΕΝΟΣ τροχῷ ποινηλατεῖται. Chil. IX. But all this. (excepting the notion expressed by the word speßuevos) is taken from the Scholiast upon Homer, İl. A. Μετὰ δὲ θάνατον ἔλαβε δίκας παρ αὐτῇ ὁ Ζεὺς, ποιήσας αὐτὸν ἐν τοῖς καταχθονίοις τρέφεσθαι μετὰ πολλῆς βίας ἐπὶ ΤΡΟΧΟΥ ΣΙΔΕPOY. As to Tzetzes, he that will be at the trouble of reading a few lines further, will find he does not pretend to give the Mythology of Ixion, but to interpret the Fable. I say nothing to the words xpù Tiμğν, &c., because they are taken from Pindar, or else from the Schol. on the Odyssea: TpOXOUS TINCAS ΥΠΟΠΤΕΡΟΥΣ *ἔδησε τὸν Ιξίονα πρὸς τὰς τῶν τροχῶν κνημίδας, καὶ εἴασε κατά το σφαιροειδῆς φέρεσθαί βοῶντα, ὡς τοὺς εὐεργέτας àμεißεodαι прñиe. Upon the whole matter, when there is any ἀμείβεσθαι προσῆκεν. seeming difference as to circumstance in fable, it is chiefly found in such allegorical authors as Heraclides Ponticus, or in modern philosophers, who endeavour to explain it away, in order to avoid the sarcasms of Christian apologists. It is true, Nonnus, a poet of the year ccccx., seems to place Tantalus on a wheel as well as Ixion. Lib. XXXV. Αρεα δ ̓ ἀῤῥαγέεσσιν ἀλυκτόπεδησι πεδήσω, Καί μιν ἀναλθήτοισιν ὅλον πληγῆσιν ἱμάσσω, Εἰς τροχὸν ΑΥΤΟΚΥΛΙΣΤΟΝ, ὁμόδρομος διος ἀλήτης Jupiter is here introduced as threatening the God of War. The second verse must not be understood as relating to Ixion's punishment, but as an "additional" fiction of the Poet himself, and the last alludes to the " corona austrina." See Manilius and Hyginus. As to what this inaccurate writer says of Tantalus, it is unsupported by antiquity. 66 Lastly, the Gentleman's explication of "tortos Ixionis 66 angues," is what the Latin will not bear; viz., that "the ligatures were serpentine," as " Natalis Comes," from an interpolated Servius," also assures us. It is contrary, both to poetical fiction and language, to use snakes for bands, and those words in the Poets mean whips or lashes. 66 AEN. V. 495. "Tertius Eurytion, tuus o clarissime, frater I made this observation p. 283. Minerva persuaded Pandarus to do this base action. Τῷ δε φρένας ἄφρονι πεῖθεν. Hom. Il. A. 104. Which made me fancy that it might be "Suasus confundere foedus." But jussus" is better. It became Virgil to favour as much as possible the Trojans and their friends: and therefore he says jussus," to excuse the conduct of this hero. 66 To this the following objection has been made: "There is no "occasion to seek shelter in this artifice; for jussus is better "than suasus, because it is the reading of the MS., and because "it is synonymous with suasus; what the Gods persuade, they, "as it were, command, and so of the people; and accordingly "Caesar joins hortor and jubeo together, Quòd res nulla suc"cesserat, postero die consilium ceperunt ex oppido profugere, "hortante et jubente Vercingetorige, de B. G. 7. 25. Thus "Nɛɛúw of the Greeks is properly jubere, but as frequently "hortari, suadere, rogare, petere. I cannot pretend to give a full answer to the "Gentleman's" objection, for I am in the case that Simonides was once in the more I consider it, the less I understand it. However, two things I see in it. 1. An apophthegm, were command." "What the gods persuade, they as it 2. An assertion, that "jubere" may signify to "persuade.” 1. The apophthegm has nothing to do here, for Minerva came in to Pandarus in disguise, like a man, and a man that was but his equal at best, “ Ἡ δ ̓ ἀνδρὶ ἱκέλη Τρώων κατεδύσσεθ ̓ ὅμιλον 66 and having laid aside the appearance of a goddess, laid aside the authority of one. 66 2. The Gentleman has asserted that "jubere" may signify to persuade;" but any one may see that he has not proved it. But suppose "jubere" may signify to "persuade," yet jussus" here in Virgil means" commanded," for the reason which I have given. 66 Pandarus was persuaded by Minerva, appearing like the son of Antenor, to do an infamous action, and he was induced by the hopes of being paid for it. Virgil leads away his reader from the thoughts of this, and says, 66 jussus confundere foedus." Pandarus shot at Menelaus, and wounded him. This also Virgil softens, and says, "In medios telum torsisti primus Achivos." 66 AEN. II. 214. 66 parva duorum Corpora natorum serpens amplexus uterque Servius; "INPLICAT, hoc ad mollitiem infantum corporis dixit." |