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compositione verborum non impolitus, magnam eloquentiam ad scribendum attulit, sed nullum usum forensem.” (Comp. Cic. Brut. 95.) In addition to the Sicilian history and the Olympionicae, Suidas assigns two other works to Timaeus, neither of which is mentioned by any other writer, namely, An Account of Syria, its cities and kings, in three books (repl Xupias ral rāv airtis róAewy ral Baqixéwy 8.6xia Y), and a collection of rhetorical arguments in sixty-eight books (xvAAoyo ontopov & populov), which was more probably written, as Ruhnken has remarked, by Timaeus the sophist. The fragments of Timaeus have been collected by Göller, in his De Situ et Origine Syracusarum, Lips. 1818, pp. 209—306, and by Car, and Theod. Müller, in the Frogmenta Historicorum Graecorum, Paris, 1841, pp. 193—233, both of which works also contain dissertations on the life and writings of Timaeus. (Compare Vossius, De Historicis Graecis, pp. 117–120, ed. Westermann; Clinton, Fast. Hell. vol. iii. pp. 489, 490.) 2. Of Local, in Italy, a Pythagorean philosopher, is said to have been a teacher of Plato. (Cic. de Fin. v. 29, de Re Publ. i. 10.) There is an extant work, bearing his name, written in the Doric dialect, and entitled repl Jouxás kóauov kai opioios; but its genuineness is very doubtful, and it is in all probability, nothing more than an abridgment of Plato's dialogue of Timaeus. This work was first printed in a Latin translation by Walla, along with several other works, Venice, 1488 and 1498. It was first printed in Greek at Paris, 1555, edited by Nogarola. It is also printed in many editions of Plato, and in Gale's Opuscula Mythologica, Physica et Ethica, Cambridge, 1671, and Amsterdam, 1688. The Greek text was published with a French translation by the Marquis d'Argens, Berlin, 1762. The last and best edition is by J. J. de Gelder, Leyden, 1836. (Comp. Fabric. Bibl. Graec. vol. iii. p. 93, foll.) Suidas says (s. v.) that Timaeus wrote the life of Pythagoras, but as no other writer mentions such a work by the Locrian Timaeus, it is not improbable that this life of Pythagoras was simply a portion of the history of Timaeus of Tauromenium, who must have spoken of the philosopher in that portion of his work which related to the early history of Italy. 3 and 4. Of CRoton A and PAkos, Pythagorean philosophers. (Iamblich. Wit. Pyth. cap. extr.; Clem. Alex. Strom. p. 604; Theodoret. ii. Therap. . 36.) p 5. Of Cyzicus, a disciple of Plato, endeavoured to seize the supreme power in the state (Athen. xi. p. 509, a.). Diogenes Laërtius (iii. 46) mentions Timolaus of Cyzicus and not Timaeus among the disciples of Plato; and hence it has been conjectured that there is a corruption in the name, either in Athenaeus or Diogenes. 6. The SoPHist, wrote a Lexicon to Plato, addressed to a certain Gentianus, which is still extant. The time at which this Timaeus lived is quite uncertain. Ruhnken places him in the third cemtury of the Christian aera, which produced so many ardent admirers of the Platonic philosophy, such as Porphyry, Longinus, Plotinus, &c. The Lexicon is very brief, and bears the title Tuatov oroplatoo ** raw roo IIA4twos Aéeav, from which it might have been inferred that it is an extract from a larger work, had not Photius (Cod. 151), who had read it, described it as a very short work (8paxi,

Troimuártov v čv, A&Ye). It is evident, however, that the work, as it stands, has received several interpolations, especially in explanations of words occurring in Herodotus. Notwithstanding these interpolations the work is one of great value, and the explanations of words are some of the very best which have come down to us from the ancient grammarians. It was printed for the first time, from a manuscript at Paris, edited by Ruhnken, Leyden, 1754, with a very valuable commentary, and again, with many improvements, Leyden, 1789. There are also two more recent editions by Koch, Leipzig, 1828, and 1833. The work on rhetorical arguments in sixty-eight books (>vXAoyo) ontopikov apopuay) which Suidas assigns to Timaeus of Tauromenium, was more probably written by Timaeus, the author of the Lexicon to Plato, as has been already remarked. (Ruhnken's Preface to his edition of the Lexicon.) 7. The MATHEMAtician, is quoted by Pliny (H. N. v. 9, xvi. 22, ii. 8). Suidas says that Timaeus, the Locrian [No. 2] wrote Ma9muatird, but whether this was really the work of the Locrian or not, cannot be determined. The fragment on the Pleiades, preserved by the Scholiast on the Iliad (xviii. 486), and usually assigned to Timaeus of Tauromenium, is supposed by Göller to belong to the mathematician. TIMAGENES (Tuayévms). Three persons of this name are mentioned by Suidas. 1. Timagenes, the rhetorician (oftwp), of Alexandria, the son of the king's banker, was taken prisoner by Gabinius (B. c. 55), and brought to Rome, where he was redeemed from captivity by Faustus, the son of Sulla. He taught rhetoric at Rome in the time of Pompey, and afterwards under Augustus, but losing his school on account of his freedom of speech, he retired to an estate at Tusculum. IIe died at Dabanum, a town of Osrhoëne in Mesopotamia. He wrote many books, the titles of which are not given by Suidas. 2. Timagenes, the historian, wrote a Periplus of the whole sea, in five books. 3. Timagenes or Timogenes, of Miletus, an historian or an orator, wrote on the Pontic Heracleia and its distinguished men, in five books, and likewise epistles. Besides these three persons, we have mention of a fourth (4), Timagenes, the Syrian, who wrote on the history of the Gauls. (Plut. de Fluv, c. 6.) Of these four writers it is probable that the rhetorician, the historian who wrote the Periplus, and the Syrian, are the same. [Nos. 1, 2 and 4.] Of the historian we have an account given us by the two Senecas, which differs from what Suidas says respecting the grammarian, but does not really contradict the statement of the lexicographer. It is related by the Senecas that Timagenes after his captivity first followed the trade of a cook, and afterwards of a litter or sedan bearer (lecticarius), but rose from these humble occupations to be the intimate acquaintance of Augustus. He afterwards offended the emperor by some caustic remarks on his wife and family, and was in consequence forbidden the imperial palace. Timagenes in revenge burnt his historical works, in one of which he gave an account of the deeds of Augustus, and which he had probably written at the request of the emperor. Augustus, however, did not punish him any further, but allowed him to retain the protection of the powerful friends he had formerly enjoyed. He found an

asylum in the house of Asinius Pollio. (M. Senec. Controv. 34; L. Senec. de Ira, iii. 23, Ep. 91.) Plutarch also tells us (De Adulatore et Amico, c. 27, p. 68, b), that Timagenes lost the friendship of Augustus by an imprudent use of his tongue. By putting together the accounts of Suidas and the Senecas, we obtain the following particulars respecting the life of Timagenes. He was a native of Alexandria, from which place he was carried as a prisoner to Rome, where he was first employed as a slave in menial offices, but being liberated by Faustus Sulla, the son of the dictator, he opened a school of rhetoric, in which he taught with great reputation and success. (Comp. Hor. Ep. i. 19. 15.) Jłis fame gained him the friendship of many distinguished men, and among others of the emperor Augustus, who induced him to write a history of his exploits. But having offended Augustus by sarcastic remarks upon his family, he was forbidden the palace; whereupon he burnt his historical works, gave up his rhetorical school, and retired from Rome to the house of his friend Asinius Pollio at Tusculum. After he had discontinued writing a long while, he resumed his pen (Quintil. x. 1), and composed those historical works upon which his fame was founded. How long he resided at Tusculum we do not know, nor the reason for which he quitted this retreat, but he afterwards went to the East, and died at Dabanum in Mesopotamia. It is probable that it was from the place of his death that he was called the Syrian by the author of the treatise de Fluviis (c. 6). The works of Timagenes mentioned by ancient writers are, 1. IIepiiraovs. (Suidas, s. v. Tuayévns.) It is probably from this work that Strabo quotes (xv. p. 71 l). 2. IIepi Baoruñéov, appears to have contained a history of Alexander the Great and his successors. (Steph. Byz. s. v. Mixtat; Curt. ix. 5. $21; Joseph. c. Apion. ii. 6; Plut. Pomp. c. 49). 3. On the Gauls (Plut. l.c.; Strab. iv. p. 188; Amm. Marc. xv. 9. § 2.) (Bonamy, Recherches sur l'historien Timagene, in the Mém. de l'Academie des Inscr. vol. xiii. p. 35, foll.; Schwab, Disputatio de Livio et Timagene, historiarum scriptoribus, aemulis, Stuttg. 1834; Vossius, De Historicis Graecis, p. 195, foll., ed. Westermann, who makes the rhetorician, the historian and the Syrian three distinct persons; Clinton, Fast. Hellen. vol. iii. p. 624, who supposes the rhetorician and the historian to be two distinct persons, but makes the Syrian the same as the historian.) TIMAGENIDAS or TIMAGE/NIDES (Tplayeviðas, Tuayeviðms), a Theban, son of Herpys, was one of the principal adherents of the Persian cause in the invasion of Xerxes. Shortly before the battle of Plataea, Timagenides advised Mardonius to occupy the passes of Cithaeron, and so to intercept the re-inforcements and supplies which were coming in through them to the enemy. The advice was taken, and the Persians succeeded in cutting off a convoy of provisions with 500 beasts of burden. After their victory at Plataea the Greeks advanced against Thebes, and demanded that the chief traitors to the national cause, Timagenides among the number, should be given up to them. The Thebans at first refused in spite of the ravages which their land suffered, but at length they consented at the instigation of Timagenides himself. It appears that the culprits expected to be brought to an open trial, at which they hoped to have recourse effectually to the expedient of bribery. To prevent this, however, Pausanias car

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ried them off to Corinth, and there put them to death without any judicial ceremony. (Herod. ix. 38, 86–88; Paus. vii. 10.) [E. E.] TIMA'GORAS (Tuayápas), historical. Tegean, was one of the ambassadors who were sent, in B. c. 430, to ask the king of Persia to aid the Peloponnesians against Athens. On their way through Thrace they were seized by SADocus at the instigation of the Athenian envoys at the court of Sitalces, and, having been taken to Athens, were there put to death. (Thuc. ii. 67.) 2. A citizen of Cyzicus, and son of Athenagoras. Having been driven into exile by his political opponents of the democratic party, he took refuge at the court of Pharnabazus, the satrap of the Persian provinces near the Hellespont, by whom he was sent to Lacedaemon, in B. c. 412, to urge that a fleet should be despatched to support the Greek cities in his satrapy in their intended revolt from Athens. (Thuc. viii. 6, 39.) [PHARNABAzus, No. 2.] 3. An Athenian, was the colleague of Leon as ambassador from Athens, in B. c. 367, to the Persian court. [LEoN, No. 6..] In this mission he spent four years, and had the address to adapt his conduct to what he perceived to be the king's inclination, separating himself altogether from Leon, and taking part with Pelopidas, the Theban envoy. His supple compliance and his treachery in revealing state-secrets purchased for him the bounty of Artaxerxes, but on his return home he was impeached by Leon, and put to death. (Xen. Hell. vii. 1. §§ 33, &c.; Plut. Artar. 22, Pelop. 30; Demosth. de Fals. Leg. pp. 383,400; Ath. ii. p. 48, d, e ; Val. Max. vi. 3, ext. 2.) Athenaeus (i.e.) speaks of a Cretan, called Timagoras, who also enjoyed the Persian king's favour and was a distinct person from the Athenian of the same name. See, however, Casaub. ad loc. 4. A Rhodian, was placed in command of five ships, which his countrymen sent to Chalcis, in B. c. 171, to co-operate with C. Lucretius in the war with Perseus. (Polyb. xxvii. 6.) 5. In the same passage of Polybius it is stated that, while these five ships sailed to Chalcis, one more was sent to Tenedus under a commander also named Timagoras, who fell in with and captured the crew of a ship which was conveying Diophanes on an embassy from Perseus to Antiochus Epiphanes. Diophanes himself escaped. [E. E.] TlMA'GORAS (Tuayápas), of Chalcis, a painter, contemporary with Panaenus, whom he defeated in a contest for the prize of painting, at the Pythian games. Timagoras afterwards celebrated his victory in a poem. (Plin. H. N. xxxv. 9. s. 35.) [P. S.] TIMANDRA (Tudvbpa), a daughter of Tyndareus and Leda, and the wife of Fchemus, by whom she became the mother of Euandrus. (Apollod. iii. 10. § 6; Paus. viii. 5. § l ; Serv. ad Aen. viii. 130.) Another mythical personage of this name is mentioned by Antonius Liberalis (5). [L. S.] TIMANTHES (Tuáv0ms), an athlete of Cleonae. Pausanias relates of him that, when he had ceased to be a competitor at the games, he used still to make daily trial of his strength by bending a huge bow. At length, however, having been absent for some time from his own city, he found on his return that he was no longer able to perform the feat, whereupon he burnt himself to death through mortification. There was a statue of him at Olympia, the work of Myron. (Paus. vi. 8.) [E. E.] TIMANTHES (Tiuáv6ms), artists. 1. The celebrated Greek painter, contemporary with Zeuxis and Parrhasius (about Ol. 95, B. c. 400; Plin. H. N. xxxv. 10. s. 36, § 3), is said by Quintilian (ii. 13) to have been a native of Cythnos, but Eustathius (ad Il. xxiv. 163, p. 1343. 60) makes him a Sicyonian: these testimonies may be reconciled by supposing him to have been a native of Cythnos, and to have belonged to the Sicyonian school of painting. Our information respecting his personal history is confined to the facts of his having contended with Parrhasius and Colotes ; the works which he painted on those occasions will be mentioned presently. Native genius, power of expression and suggestion, and entire mastery of the resources of his art, seem to have been the chief qualities which characterised Timanthes. (Plin. l. c. § 6.) His pictures were distinguished, Pliny tells us, from those of all other painters by suggesting more than they expressed ; and, striking as was the art displayed in them, they showed a genius which surpassed that art. (Atque in unius hujus operibus intelligitur plus semper, quam pingitur: et cum sit ars summa, ingenium tamen ultra artem est). Only five of his works are mentioned; but they are evidently masterpieces, and one of them involves one of the most interesting questions in the history of art. (l) The work referred to, and that which appears to have been regarded by the ancients as his masterpiece, is the celebrated picture of the sacrifice of Iphigeneia, which he painted in competition with Colotes of Teos (Quintil, l.c.); and the question involved in it is, whether Timanthes displayed consummate skill, or was guilty of a mere trick, in painting Agamemnon with his face hidden in his mantle. It is evident that the ancients regarded this stroke of art with the most unbounded admiration. Pliny tells us that it was “ oratorum laudibus celebrata; " and it is praised also by Cicero (Orat. 22), Quintilian (l.c.), and Valerius Maximus (viii. 11. ext. 6). Unfortunately, however, these writers display in this, as in other cases, their ignorance of the true principles of art, by giving an unsound reason for their right judgment of the work. The picture, they tell us, showed Iphigeneia, standing by the altar, surrounded, among the assistants, by Calchas, whose prophetic voice had demanded her sacrifice, and whose hand was about to complete it, Ulysses, who had brought her from her home, and Menelaus, her father's brother, all manifesting different degrees of grief, so that, when the artist had painted the sorrow of Calchas, and the deeper sorrow of Ulysses, and had added all his powers to express the woe of Menelaus, his resources were exhausted, and, unable to give a powerful expression to the agony of the father, he covered his head with a veil. In the present state of aesthetic criticism, it is hardly necessary to point out the absurdity of thus making out Timanthes to be the Epimetheus of painting. The very writers, who have given this false judgment, let fall expressions, borrowed doubtless from their Greek authorities, which intimate the true reason of the manner in which Timanthes painted Agamemnon: “patris ipsius vultum velavit, quem digme non poterat ostendere," says Pliny ; “non reperiens quo dimo modo patris vultum posset exprimere,” says Quintilian. In one word, it was

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his knowledge of aesthetic principles, not his want of artistic power, that dictated to Timanthes this mode of representation. His conduct has been most admirably vindicated by Fuseli, in reply to the (in this case) mistaken judgment of Reynolds, and the shallow flippancy of Falconet (Reynolds, Discourse viii.; Fuseli, Lecture i. vol. ii. pp. 44– 58, in Knowles's Life and Writings of Fusel). The whole of Fuseli's remarks should be read : but the following extract will perhaps convey their spirit sufficiently. “The subject of Timanthes was the immolation of Iphigenia; Iphigenia was the principal figure, and her form, her resignation, or her anguish, the painter's principal task; the figure of Agamemnon, however important, is merely accessory, and no more necessary to make the subject a completely tragic one, than that of Clytemnestra the mother, no more than that of Priam, to impress us with sympathy at the death of Polyxena. It is therefore a misnomer of the French critic, to call Agamemnon “the hero' of the subject. “Neither the French nor the English critic appears to me to have comprehended the real motive of Timanthes, as contained in the words, “decere, pro dignitate, and digne," in the passages of Tully, Quintilian, and Pliny ; they ascribe to impotence what was the forbearance of judgment. Timanthes felt like a father: he did not hide the face of Agamemnon, because it was beyond the power of his art, not because it was beyond the possibility, but because it was beyond the dignity of expression, because the inspiring feature of paternal affection at that moment, and the action which of necessity must have accompanied it, would either have destroyed the grandeur of the character, and the solemnity of the scene, or subjected the painter with the majority of his judges to the imputation of insensibility. He must either have represented him in tears, or convulsed at the flash of the raised dagger, forgetting the chief in the father, or shown him absorbed by despair, and in that state of stupefaction, which levels all features and deadens expression; he might indeed have chosen a fourth mode, he might have exhibited him fainting and palsied in the arms of his attendants, and by this confusion of male and female character, merited the applause of every theatre at Paris. But Timanthes had too true a sense of nature to expose a father's feelings, or to tear a passion to rags; nor had the Greeks yet learnt of Rome to steel the face. If he made Agamemnon bear his calamity as a man, he made him also feel it as a man. It became the leader of Greece to sanction the ceremony with his presence, it did not become the father to see his daughter beneath the dagger's point: the same nature that threw a real mantle over the face of Timoleon, when he assisted at the punishment of his brother, taught Timanthes to throw an imag:nary one over the face of Agamemnon ; neither height nor depth, but propriety of expression was his aim.” The question as to whether Timanthes invented this mode of representation, or whether he borrowed it from Euripides, is altogether beside the mark; and, in raising such a question, Falconet merely showed his ignorance of the true relation between pictorial and poetic invention. It may be worth while, however, to mention that Eustathius supposed the idea to have been suggested to Timanthes by a line of the Iliad (xxiv. 163). An imitation of the picture of Timanthes was found on the wall of a house at Pompeii. (Mus. Borb. iv. 3.; Pompeii, vol. ii. p. 165.) (2) With his picture of the contest of Ajax and Ulysses for the arms of Achilles, he gained a victory over Parrhasius, respecting which, and the arrogant remark of Parrhasius on the occasion, see PARRhAsius, p. 128, b. (3) The picture of the death of Palamedes at Ephesus, mentioned by Photius (Bibl. Cod. 190, vol. i. p. 146, b. 27, ed. Bekker) is ascribed to Timanthes by Tzetzes (Chil. viii. 198). (4) A picture of his was preserved at Rome, in the temple of Peace, which Pliny describes in the following words: Pin.rit et heroas, absolutissini operis, arte ipsa complerus vires pingendi. (5) Lastly, as a striking example of his skill and invention, Pliny mentions his picture of a sleeping Cyclops, of a very small size (parvula tabula), in which the magnitude of the figure was indicated by the insertion of some satyrs, measuring his thumb with a thyrsus. Timanthes is mentioned by Cicero (Brul. 22) as one of the painters who used only four colours. The sense, in which this is to be understood, is explained in the Dictionary of Antiquities, s. v. Colores. 2. A painter, contemporary with Aratus. His picture of the battle of Pellene, in which Aratus defeated the Aetolians (Ol. 135. 1, B. c. 240), is praised by Plutarch (Arat. 32). [P. S.] TIMA’RCHIDES, a freedman and an accensus of Verres, was one of the most villainous instruments of the oppressions of Verres. (Cic. Verr. ii. 28, 53, 54, iii. 66, v. 45.) TIMA/RCHIDES and TI’MOCLES (Tuap. x18ms, Tuokafis), of Athens, the sons of Polycles, have already been spoken of under Polycles, p. 459, a., where their statues of Asclepius and Athena are mentioned, and their date is discussed ; for it is, of course, dependent on the date assigned to Polycles. In addition to the remarks in that article, it should be observed that, in the passage of Pliny referred to (H. N. xxxvi. 5. s. 4. § 10), not only are Polycles and the sons of Timarchides mentioned as the makers of statues in the portico of Octavia, but also Timarchides himself, as the maker of a statue of Apollo, holding the cithara, in his temple, which formed a part of those buildings. Moreover, it is most probable that the passage, correctly read, contains some further information about “the sons of Timarchides,” who are nameless in the ordinary text, as established by Harduin. The old text had “ Item Polycles et Dionysius, Timarchidis filii,” &c.; and, although the first four words are not contained in the MSS. used by Harduin, who therefore rejected them, they are found, with a slight variation, in the Bamberg MS., which gives “Idem polycles et dionysius timarcidis, fili,” i.e. filius. The last word is confirmed by the Munich MS., which has “machidis filius.” . Hence it would appear to be probable that the true reading is “Idem Polycles (who had been mentioned in the preceding sentence) et Dionysius, Timarchidis filius,” or, as Jan proposes to read it, “Iidem Polycles et Dionysius (for the latter also is mentioned in the preceding sentence), Timarchidis filii.” (Sillig's edition of Pliny and Jan's Supplement.) Slight as is the difference between the two readings, they have a very different effect on the succession of this family of artists. According to the former, we have only to add to the genealogy the name of Dionysius, thus:

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Polycles |

| Timocles Timarchides

Dionysius.

But then we have the somewhat improbable result of a grandfather and grandson working together on the same statue. If, on the other hand, we adopt the reading of Jan, and combine it with the statement of Pausanias, that Timocles and Timarchides were the sons of Polycles, and is we still identify this Polycles with the Polycles of Pliny, the result is the absurdity that “the same Polycles” was both the son and the father of Timarchides. Either, therefore, we must place another Timarchides at the beginning of the genealogy, thus

Timarchides

| Polycles Dionysius

Timocles Timarchides:

or, we must reject the word idem or iden (restoring, perhaps, item in its place), and thus obtain another Polycles, the brother of Dionysius: or, lastly, the identification of the Polycles of Pausanias and Pliny may be given up, and it may be supposed that we have two different and somewhat distinct portions of this artistic family, namely,

Polycles |

Timocles Timarchides,

the artists mentioned by Pausanias, and

Timocles and Timarchides (brothers)

| Polycles Dionysius those mentioned by Pliny. In this position the question must be left for the solution of other scholars, and for the instruction of students in the difficulties of criticism. It must, however, be remembered that the text cannot be regarded as fixed by the authority of the Bamberg MS. The works of Timarchides and Timocles at Rome were in marble. Pausanias does not specify the material of their statues which he mentions. Pliny, however, includes Timarchides in his list of those statuaries in bronze, who made athletas et armatos et venatores sacrificantesque. (H. N. xxxiv. 8. s. 19. § 34.) [P. S.] TIMARCHUS (Tsuapyos), historical. 1. An Athenian general, who, in conjunction with Leotrophides, was sent in command of an expedition against Megara, in B. c. 408. (Diod. xiii. 65.) 2. An Athenian politician, the son of Arizelus, a contemporary of Demosthenes and Aeschines. He was an active orator, and took a conspicuous part in public affairs, being the author of a considerable number of decrees. One of these forbade the exportation of arms or marine stores for the service of Philip of Macedon, under pain of death. Timarchus was, however, a man of the most profilgate and abandoned habits. He joined Demosthenes in impeaching Aeschines, on the score of malversation in the embassy to Philip. Aeschines, however, anticipated him, and brought him to trial under a law of Solon, by which any one who had been guilty of such flagrant excesses as Timarchus, was forbidden to appear before the public assembly. There are different accounts as to the result of this trial. According to some, Timarchus was condemned and disfranchised ; according to others, he put an end to his life even before the trial was terminated. (Plut. Wit. X. Orat. Aesch. ; Prooem. ad Aesch. adv. Tim.) Timarchus had previously been impeached by Aristogeiton, and prevented from being entrusted with a public commission. (Suidas s. v.; Harpocr. s. v. Airtokxetöns and ©époravöpos; Tzetzes, Chiliad. vi. 47, &c.; Aeschines Karā Tudpxov, with Taylor's preface.) 3. A favourite of Antiochus, the son of Antiochus the Great, by whom he was appointed satrap of Babylon. He administered the affairs of his province badly, and having made a stand against Demetrius Soter, was overpowered and put to death by him. (Appian. Syr. 45, 47.) 4. A tyrant of Miletus, who was overthrown by Antiochus, the son of Antiochus Soter. The deliverance seems to have been a most welcome one, as the Milesians, in consequence of it, gave to Antiochus the surname 9eós. (Appian. Syr. 65.) [C. P. M.] TIMARCHUS (Tuapxos), literary. 1. A friend and disciple of Aristotle, left by him as one of the guardians of Nicanor. (Diog. Laërt. v. 12.) 2. A Greek grammarian, who lived in the reign of Ptolemaeus Euergetes. (Suid. s. v. 'AtroAA&vios.) 3. A Greek grammarian, of uncertain date. Athenaeus (xi. p. 501) quotes from the fourth book of a work by him, repl row 'Epator06vows ‘Epuow. He also wrote upon Homer (Schol. ad Il. op. 122), and on Euripides (Schol. ad Eurip. Med. 1). If the reading in Harpocration (s. v. 'Apyās), is correct, Timarchus was a native of Rhodes, and was a writer on glosses. But as we find elsewhere mention of a Rhodian named Timachidas, who was a glossographer, some critics propose to alter the reading in Harpocration. The reason is not a very convincing one. (Vossius, de Hist. Gr. p. 143; Ruhnken, Opuscula, p. 205.) [C.P. M.] TIMARCHUS, artist. [CEPHIsodotus, No. 2. p. 670.] TIMARCHUS, CLAUDIUS, of Crete, was accused in the senate in A. D. 62, on which occasion Paetus Thrasea made a celebrated speech, the substance of which is given by Tacitus (Ann. xv. 20). TIMA’RETE (Tuapérm), a female painter, the daughter of that Micon, whom Pliny distinguishes from the celebrated painter Micon, by the epithet of minor (H. N. xxxv. 9. s. 35). Pliny also tells us that she painted a panel-picture of Diana, in a very ancient style of the art (antiquissimae picturae), which was preserved at Ephesus. (H. N. xxxv. 11. s. 40. § 43.) [P. S.] TIMA'SION (Tuagsaw), a citizen of Dardanus in the Troad, appears to have been a soldier of fortune, and served in Asia under CLEARCHUs and DERcyllidas. He was exiled from his na tive city,+at what period we do not know, and was one of those who entered the service of Cyrus the Younger. In the retreat of the 10,000, after the treacherous arrest of the five generals by Tissaphemes, Timasion was chosen commander in the

room of Clearchus, and he and Xenophon, as the youngest of the new leaders, were appointed to command the rear-guard. When the Cyreans had reached Cotyora, and were waiting there for the transports which the Sinopian envoys had promised them, Timasion and Thorax, a Boeotian, took advantage of the report of Xenophon's project for the establishment of a Greek colony on the Euxine, to represent to some merchants of Sinope and Heracleia that the only way to prevent it was to furnish pay as well as ships to the army. The two cities in question, on this being reported to them, not only engaged to do what was desired, but even bribed Timasion to persuade the Greeks to accept the terms, and to sail away home. Afterwards, however, when they knew that Xenophon had abandoned his project, they would not fulfil their promise of paying the soldiers, and Timasion accordingly and the other generals, who had been involved in the same intrigues with him, and had ventured to hold out to the men brilliant prospects of abundant funds, tried to persuade Xenophon to resume his design. He refused, however, to bring the question at all before the army, and they then attempted to gain over the officers of their respective divisions, but a report of what they were about spread among the troops, and their indignant opposition defeated the plan. When the Cyreans separated into three divisions at Heracleia, Timasion continued with the one under Xenophon, and when it was advancing to rescue the Arcadians from the Bithynians, whose country they had attempted to plunder, and who had hemmed them round on a hill where they had taken refuge, he was sent forward with the cavalry to reconnoitre; and shortly after we find him again commanding the cavalry in the battle in which the Greeks defeated the forces of Pharnabazus and the Bithynians. On the discovery of the inability of CoERATADAs to perform the promises by which he had induced the Cyreans to elect him as their leader, while the army was lying without the walls of Byzantium, Timasion, in opposition to the other generals, wished to cross over again to Asia, in the hope of returning to his native city with the treasures which we find he had collected in his expeditions. He entered with the rest of the army into the service of Seuthes [SEuthEs, No. 2], and took part in the hard winter campaign which reestablished the Thracian prince in his kingdom; and when the disputes arose about the pay, which Seuthes wished to evade, and Heracleides, the instigator of the prince, endeavoured to cause disunion among the generals, Timasion positively refused to act apart from Xenophon. He, no doubt, crossed over to Asia with the army, when it entered into the Spartan service; and perhaps he then took an early opportunity to return home to Dardanus. (Xen. Anab. iii. 1. § 47, 2. § 37, v. 6. §§ 19—37, vi. 1. § 32, 3. §§ 14, 22, 5. § 28, vii. 1. § 40, 2. §§ 1, 2, 3. §§ 18, 46, 5. §§ 4, 10.) [E. E.j TIMASITHEUS or TIMESITHEUS (Tuaríðeos, Tipumaideos), a citizen of Trapezus, and a proxenus of the Mossynoeci, between whom and the Cyrean Greeks he acted as interpreter, when the latter wished to make a treaty with the barbarians, and to obtain a passage through their country. (Xen. Anal. v. 4. §§ 2, &c.) [E. E.] TIMASI'THEUS (Tuao ideos), an athlete of Delphi, who conquered several times in the pan

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