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indeed if, while two such pictures as the Ajar and Medea, celebrated by Cicero, existed at Cyzicus, two others on the same subjects should have been painted by Timomachus, and should have been admired as we know they were, and that the pictures of Ajax and Medea should be simply mentioned by Pliny as well known, without any distinction being made between the two pairs of pictures. It is true that, from one of the passages of Pliny above cited (xxxv. 4. s. 9), the inference has been drawn that, besides the Ajax and Medea, which Caesar dedicated in the temple of Venus, there was another pair of pictures brought to Rome, by Agrippa, who purchased them from the Cyzicenes at a great price, namely, an Ajax and Venus; but the passage is extremely difficult to understand clearly; and, even taking the above explanation, any conclusion drawn from it would apply only to the Ajax, and not to the Medea, which was evidently the more celebrated of the two. On the whole, then, it seems most probable that the pictures at Cyzicus, mentioned by Cicero, were the very pictures of Timomachus, which were purchased by Julius Caesar; and therefore that the word actate in Pliny must either be rejected, or interpreted with a considerable latitude. In confirmation of this conclusion another passage is cited from Pliny himself (Z. c. § 41), in which he enumerates, as examples of the last unfinished pictures of the greatest painters, which were more admired than even their finished works, the Medea of Timomachus, in connection with the Iris of Aristeides, the Tyndaridae of Nicomachus, and the Venus of Apelles; whence it has been argued that Timomachus was probably contemporary with the other great painters there mentioned, and moreover that it is incredible that Caesar should have given the large price above mentioned for two pictures of a

the Thebans. But they neglected to occupy the passes of Oneium, and Epaminondas, who was preparing to invade Achaia, persuaded Peisias, the Argive general, to seize a commanding height of the mountain. The Thebans were thus enabled to make their way through the Isthmus (Xen. Hell. vii. i. § 41; Diod. xv. 75). Towards the end, apparently, of B. c. 361, Timomachus was sent out to take the command in Thrace, for which he seems to have been utterly unfit, and he failed quite as much at least as his immediate predecessors, Menon and Autocles, in forwarding the Athenian interests in that quarter. Not only were his military arrangements defective, but, according to the statement of Aeschines, it was through his culpable easiness of disposition that Hegesander, his treasurer (Tauías), was enabled to appropriate to his own use no less than 80 minae (more than 3007.) of the public money. Timomachus appears to have been superseded by Cephisodotus in B. C. 360, and, on his return to Athens, was impeached by Apollodorus (son of Pasion, the banker), who had been one of his trierarchs. He was condemned, and, according to Demosthenes, was heavily fined; but his punishment was death, if we may believe the statement of the Scholiast on Aeschines (Aesch. c. Tim. p. 8; Schol. ad loc.; Dem. de Fals. Leg. p. 398, pro Phorm. p. 960, c. Polycl. pp. 1210, &c.; Rehdantz, Vit. Iph., Chabr., Tim. cap. v. §§ 7, 8). It was during the command of Timomachus in Thrace that he received a letter from Cotys, who repudiated in it all the promises he had made to the Athenians when he wanted their aid against the rebel Miltocythes. (Dem. c. Arist. p. 658.) [COTYS, No. 2.] [E. E.] TIMO MACHUS (Tiμónaxos), a very distinguished painter, of Byzantium. He lived (if the statement of Pliny, as contained in all the editions, be correct) in the time of Julius Caesar, who pur-living artist, especially when one of them was unchased two of his pictures, the Ajax and Medea, for the immense sum of eighty Attic talents, and dedicated them in the temple of Venus Genitrix. (Plin. H. N. vii. 38. s. 39, xxxv. 4. s. 9, 11. s. 40. 30.) In the last of these passages, Pliny defines the artist's age in the following very distinct terms: "Timomachus Byzantius Caesaris Dictatoris aetate Ajacem et Medeam pinxit." But here an important and difficult question has been raised. In Cicero's well-known enumeration of the masterpieces of Grecian art, which were to be seen in various cities (in Verr. iv. 60), he alludes to the Ajax and Medea at Cyzicus, but without mentioning the painter's name. (Quid Cyzicenos [arbitramini merere velle], ut Ajacem, aut Medeam [amittant]?) From this passage a presumption is raised, that the two pictures should be referred to a period much earlier than the time of Caesar, namely to the best period of Grecian art, to which most of the other works, in connection with whichdicates the absence of his name from the works of they are mentioned, are known to have belonged: at all events, as the manner in which they are referred to by Cicero presupposes their being already celebrated throughout the Roman empire, it is not likely that they could have been painted during the life of Caesar, and it is of course impossible that they were painted during his dictatorship. But then, the question comes, whether these were the paintings mentioned by Pliny, and, as will presently be seen, celebrated by other writers. The first impulse of any reader would be to assume this, as a matter of course; and it would be strange

finished. Still, any positive chronological conclusion from these arguments can only be received with much caution. They seem to prove that Timomachus flourished not later than the early part of the first century B. C., but they do not prove that he is to be carried back to the third century. The associations of works and names, in the passages of Cicero and Pliny, have respect to the order of excellence and not to that of time; and it must be remembered that a great artist often obtains a reputation even above his merits during his life and soon after his death, and that fashion, as well as fame, will set a high pecuniary value on such an artist's works. On the other hand, a positive argument, to prove that Nicomachus lived later than the time of that flourishing period of the art which is marked by the name of Apelles, may be drawn from the absence of any mention of him by Pliny in his proper chronological order, which in

the Greek authors whom Pliny followed, and that he was one of those recent artists who were only known to Pliny by their works which he had seen. Without attempting to arrive at any more precise conclusion with regard to the age of Timomachus, we proceed to state what is known of his works.

(1.) The two pictures already mentioned were the most celebrated of all his works, and the Medea appears to have been esteemed his masterpiece. It is referred to, in terms of the highest praise, in several passages of the ancient writers, from which we learn that it represented Medea

meditating the murder of her children, but still hesitating between the impulses of revenge for her own wrongs and of pity for her children. A general notion of the composition is probably preserved in a painting on the same subject found at Pompeii (Mus. Borb. v. 33; Pompeii, vol. ii. p. 190), and the type of Medea is seen in a figure found at Herculaneum (Antiq. di Ercol. i. 13; Mus. Borb. x. 21), and on some gems. (Lippert. Supplem. i. 93 ; | Panofka, Annal. d. Inst. i. p. 243 ; Müller, Archäol. d. Kunst, § 208, n. 2.) A minute description of the emotions expressed in the artist's Medea is given in the following epigrams from the Greek Anthology. (Anth. Plan. iv. 135, 136, p. 317; Brunck, Anal. vol. iii. p. 214, vol. ii. p. 174; Jacobs, Anth. Pal. Append. vol. ii. p. 667.) The first is anonymous:

Τέχνη Τιμομάχου στοργὴν καὶ ζῆλον ἔδειξε Μηδείης, τέκνων εἰς μόρον ἑλκομένων· τῇ μὲν γὰρ συνένευσεν ἐπὶ ξίφος, ᾗ δ' ἀνανεύει σώζειν καὶ κτείνειν βουλομένη τέκεα.

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Τὰν ὀλοὰν Μήδειαν ὅτ' ἔγραφε Τιμομάχου χείρ, ζάλῳ καὶ τέκνοις ἀντιμεθελκομέναν, μυρίον ἄρατο μόχθον, ἵν ̓ ἤθεα δισσὰ χαράξῃ,

ὧν τὸ μὲν εἰς ὀργάν νεῦε, τὸ δ ̓ εἰς ἔλεον. ἄμφω δ' ἐπλήρωσεν· ὅρα τύπον. ἐν γὰρ ἀπειλᾷ δάκρυον, ἐν δ ̓ ἐλέῳ θυμός ἀναστρέφεται. ̓Αρκεῖ δ ̓ ἃ μέλλησις, ἔφα σοφός· αἷμα δὲ τέκνων ἔπρεπε Μηδείῃ, κοὐ χερὶ Τιμομάχου.

There is a similar epigram by Ausonius (No. 129). From these descriptions it appears that the great art of Timomachus consisted in the expression of that conflict of emotions which precedes the perpetration of some dreadful act, and in exciting in the minds of the spectators the corresponding emotions of terror and pity, which are the end aimed at by all tragic exhibitions; and, at the same time, in avoiding the excess of horror, by representing, not the deed itself, but only the conception of it in the mind. Plutarch mentions the painting as an example of one of those works of art, in which unnatural deeds (wрážeis ǎтoжοi) are represented, and which, while we abhor the deed, we praise on account of the skill shown in representing it in a becoming manner (Thv Téxvnv, ei μeμíμnτai проσnKÓVTWS TO ÚROKEίμevov, Plut. de Aud. Poet. 3, p. 18, b.). There are also two other epigrams upon the picture in the Greek Anthology (Jacobs, l. c. Nos. 137, 138), from the former of which we learn that it was painted in encaustic; and, from the connection in which Timomachus mentioned by Pliny, it would seem that this was the case with all his works.

(2.) His Ajax resembled his Medea in the conflict of emotions which it expressed. It represented the hero in his madness, meditating the act of suicide. It is described by Philostratus (Vit. Apollon. ii. 10), in an epigram in the Greek Anthology (Jacobs, l. c. No. 83, p. 648), and by Ovid (Trist. ii. 528).

(3.) His other works are mentioned by Pliny in the following words: -- “Timomachi aeque laudantur Orestes, Iphigenia in Tauris, Lecythion agilitatis exercitator, Cognatio nobilium, Palliati, quos dicturos pinxit, alterum stantem, alterum sedentem; praecipue tamen ars ei favisse in Gorgone visa est." (Plin. H. N. xxxv. 11. s. 40. § 30.) [P.S.]

TIMON (Tiuwv). 1. The son of Timarchus of Phlius, a philosopher of the sect of the Sceptics, and a celebrated writer of the species of satiric poems called Silli (oixλo), flourished in the reign of Ptolemy Philadelphus, about B. c. 279, and onwards. A pretty full account of his life is preserved by Diogenes Laërtius, from the first book of a work on the Silli (v T Tрútæ tŵv eis toùs σíλλovs úñoμvnμáтwv) by Apollonides of Nicaea ; and some particulars are quoted by Diogenes from Antigonus of Carystus, and from Sotion (Diog. Laërt. ix. c. 12. §§ 109-115). Being left an orphan while still young, he was at first a choreutes in the theatre, but he abandoned this profession for the study of philosophy, and, having removed to Megara, he spent some time with Stilpon, and then he returned home and married. He next went to Elis with his wife, and heard Pyrrhon, whose tenets he adopted, so far at least as his restless genius and satirical scepticism permitted him to follow any master. During his residence at Elis, he had children born to him, the eldest of whom, named Xanthus, he instructed in the art of medicine and trained in his philosophical principles, so that he might be his successor and repre sentative (καὶ διάδοχον τοῦ βίου κατέλιπε ; but these words may, however, mean that he left him heir to his property). Driven again from Elis by straitened circumstances, he spent some time on the Hellespont and the Propontis, and taught at Chalcedon as a sophist with such success that he realised a fortune. He then removed to Athens, where he lived until his death, with the exception of a short residence at Thebes. Among the great men, with whom he became personally acquainted in the course of his travels, which probably extended more widely about the Aegean and the Levant than we are informed, were the kings Antigonus and Ptolemy Philadelphus. He is said to have assisted Alexander Aetolus and Homerus in the composition of their tragedies, and to have been the teacher of Aratus (Suid. s. v. "Apaτos). "These indications," says Mr. Clinton, " mark his time. He might have heard Stilpo at Megara twenty-five years before the reign of Philadelphus" (Fast. Hellen. vol. iii. s. aa. 279, 272). He died at the age of almost ninety. Among his pupils were Dioscurides of Cyprus, Nicolochus of Rhodes, Euphranor of Seleuceia, and Praylus of the Troad.

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Timon appears to have been endowed by nature with a powerful and active mind, and with that quick perception of the follies of men, which betrays its possessor into a spirit of universal distrust both of men and truths, so as to make him a sceptic in philosophy and a satirist in every thing. According to Diogenes, Timon had that physical defect, which some have fancied that they have found often accompanied by such a spirit as his, and which at least must have given greater force to its utterances; he was a one-eyed man ; and he used even to make a jest of his own defect, calling himself Cyclops. Some other examples of his bitter sarcasms are recorded by Diogenes; one of which is worth qoting as a maxim in criticism: being asked by Aratus how to obtain the pure text of Homer, he replied, "If we could find the old copies, and not those with modern emendations." He is also said to have been fond of retirement, and of gardening; but Diogenes introduces this statement and some others in such a way as to suggest a doubt whether they ought to be referred

to our Timon or to Timon the misanthrope, or whether they apply equally to both.

very admirable productions of their kind. (Diog. 1. c.; Aristocles ap. Euseb. Praep. Ev. xiv. p. 763, c.; Suid. s. vv. σiλλalvei, Tiμwv; Ath. passim; Gell. iii. 17.) Commentaries were written on the Silli by Apollonides of Nicaea, as already mentioned, and also by Sotion of Alexandria. (Ath. viii. p. 336, d.) The poem entitled Ἰνδαλμοί, in elegiac verse, appears to have been similar in its subject to the Silli (Diog. Laërt. ix. 65). Diogenes also mentions Timon's lau6oí (ix. 110), but perhaps the word is here merely used in the sense of satirical poems in general, without reference to the metre.

The writings of Timon are represented as very numerous. According to Diogenes, in the order of whose statement there appears to be some confusion, he composed en, Kal тpaywdías, kal σarúpovs, καὶ δράματα κωμικὰ τριάκοντα, τραγικὰ δὲ ἑξήKOVTA, σÍAλOUS TE Kal Kivaldous. The double mention of his tragedies raises a suspicion that Diogenes may have combined two different accounts of his writings in this sentence; but perhaps it may be explained by supposing the words Tрayıkà dè Kovтa to be inserted simply in order to put the number of his tragedies side by side with that of He also wrote in prose, to the quantity, Diogenes his comedies. Some may find another difficulty in tells us, of twenty thousand lines. These works the passage, on account of the great number and were no doubt on philosophical subjects, but all variety of the poetical works ascribed to Timon; we know of their specific character is contained in but this is nothing surprising in a writer of that the three references made by Diogenes to Timon's age of universal imitative literature ; nor, when works περὶ αἰσθήσεως, περὶ ζητήσεως, and κατὰ the early theatrical occupations of Timon are borne | σοφίας. in mind, is it at all astonishing that his taste for the drama should have prompted him to the composition of sixty tragedies and thirty comedies, besides satyric dramas. One thing, however, it is important to observe. The composition of tragedies and comedies by the same author is an almost certain indication that his dramas were intended only to be read, and not to be acted. No remains of his dramas have come down to us.

Of his epic poems we know very little; but it may be presumed that they were chiefly ludicrous or satirical poems in the epic form. Possibly his Python (ewv), which contained a long account of a conversation with Pyrrhon, during a journey to Pytho, may be referred to this class; unless it was in prose (Diog. ix. 64, 105; Euseb. Praep. Ev. xiv. p. 761, a.). It appears probable that his Αρκεσιλάου περίδειπνον οι πρόδειπνον was a satirical poem in epic verse (Diog. ix. 115; Ath. ix. p. 406, e.). Whether he wrote parodies on Homer or whether he merely occasionally, in the course of his writings, parodied passages of the Homeric poems, cannot be determined with certainty from the lines in his extant fragments which are evident parodies of Homer, such, for example, as the verse preserved by Diogenes,

Ἔσπετε νῦν μοι ὅσοι πολυπράγμονές ἐστε σοφισταί, which is an obvious parody on the Homeric invocation (Il. ii. 484),

Εσπετε νῦν μοι Μοῦσαι Ολύμπια δώματ' ἔχουσαι,

The most celebrated of his poems, however, were the satiric compositions called Silli (σíλλoi), a word of somewhat doubtful etymology, but which undoubtedly describes metrical compositions, of a character at once ludicrous and sarcastic. The invention of this species of poetry is ascribed to Xenophanes of Colophon. [XENOPHANES.] The Silli of Timon were in three books, in the first of which he spoke in his own person, and the other two are in the form of a dialogue between the author and Xenophanes of Colophon, in which Timon proposed questions, to which Xenophanes replied at length. The subject was a sarcastic account of the tenets of all philosophers, living and dead; an unbounded field for scepticism and satire. They were in hexameter verse, and, from the way in which they are mentioned by the ancient writers, as well as from the few fragments of them which have come down to us, it is evident that they were

The fragments of his poems have been collected by H. Stephanus, in his Poësis Philosophica, 1573, 8vo. ; by J. F. Langenrich, at the end of his Dissertationes III. de Timone Sillographo, Lips. 1720, 1721, 1723, 4to.; by Brunck, in his Analecta, vol. ii. pp. 67, foll.; by F. A. Wölke, in his monograph De Graecorum Syllis, Varsav. 1820, 8vo.; and by F. Paul, in his Dissertatio de Sillis, Berol. 1821, 8vo. (See also Creuzer and Daub's Studien, vol. vi. pp. 302, foll.; Ant. Weland, Dissert. de praecip. Parodiarum Homericarum Scriptoribus aped Graecos, pp. 50, foll. Gotting. 1833, 8vo. ; Fabric. Bibl. Graec. vol. iii. pp. 623-625; Menag. ad Diog. Laërt. l. c.; Welcker, die Griech. Tragod. pp. 1268, 1269; Bode, Gesch. d. Hellen. Dichtk. vol. ii. pt. i. pp. 345-347; Ulrici, vol. ii. p. 317; Clinton, F. H. vol. iii. p. 495).

2. ΤIMON THE MISANTHROPE (δ μισάνθρωπος) is distinguished from Timon of Phlius by Diogenes (ix. 112), but, as has been remarked above, it is not clear how much, or whether any part, of the information Diogenes gives respecting Timon is to be referred to this Timon rather than the former. There was a certain distant resemblance between their characters, which may have led to a confusion of the one with the other. The great distinctions wrote nothing, and that he lived about a century between them are, that Timon the misanthrope and a half earlier than Timon of Phlius, namely, at the time of the Peloponnesian war. The few particulars that are known of Timon the misanthrope are contained in the passages in which he is attacked by Aristophanes (Lysist. 809, &c., Av. 1548) and the other comic poets in the dialogue of Lucian, which bears his name (Timon, c. 7), and in a few other passages of the ancient writers (Plut. Anton. 70; Tzetz. Chil. vii. 273; Suid. s. v.) The comic poets who mention him, besides Aristophanes, are Phrynichus, Plato, and Antiphanes, the last of whom made him the subject of one of his comedies. (See Meineke, Hist. Crit. Com. Graec. pp. 327, 328.) He was an Athenian, of the demos of Colyttus, and his father's name was Echecratides. In consequence of the ingratitude he experienced, and the disappointments he sufered, from his early friends and companions, he secluded himself entirely from the world, admit ting no one to his society except Alcibiades, in whose reckless and variable disposition he probably found pleasure in tracing and studying an image of the world he had abandoned; and at last he is

2. Son of Conon, was a native of the demus

said to have died in consequence of refusing to whose Anuoroinтos is quoted by Suidas (s. v. suffer a surgeon to come to him to set a broken xápa) is an error for Tiuóoтpatos. (Meineke, limb. His grave is said to have been planted with | Frag. Com. Graec. vol. i. pp. 499, 500, vol. iv. thorns, and the following epitaph upon him is pre- pp. 595, 596; Editio Minor, p. 1184.) [P.S.] served in the Greek Anthology (Brunck, Anal. vol. TIMOTHEUS (Tuóteos), historical. 1. Father i. p. 153; Jacobs, Anth. Graec. vol. i. p. 86): – of Conon, the famous general. (Paus. viii. 52.) Ενθάδ' ἀποῤῥήξας ψυχὴν βαρυδαίμονα κείμαι, Τοὔνομα δ' οὐ πεύσεσθε, κακοὶ δὲ κακῶς ἀπόλοισθε. The few details recorded of his eccentricities by the authors above cited have no value except as contributing to the study of his whole character, as one type of the diseased human mind, a subject which lies beyond our present limits, but for which the reader will find ample materials in comparing the ancient authorities with Shakspeare's Timon of Athens, and in this comparison Mr. Knight's Introductory Notice to that tragedy will be found to give valuable assistance.

[P. S.]

TIMON, a statuary, of whom nothing is known beyond the mention of him by Pliny as one of those who made athletas et armatos et venatores sacrificantesque. (Plin. H. N. xxxiv. 8. s. 19. § 34.) [P.S.]

ΤΙ ΜΟΝΑΧ (Τιμώναξ), wrote Σικελικά and Пeрl Σkvov. (Schol. ad Apoll. Rhod. iii. 1235, iv. 328, 1217.)

TIMO'NIDES (Tiuavions), accompanied Dion into Sicily, and fought on his side. On one occasion, when Dion had been wounded while fighting against the mercenaries of Dionysius, and was obliged to retire from the combat, he appointed Timonides to the command of his troops. The history of Dion's wars in Sicily was related by Timonides in some letters to the philosopher Speusippus, which are quoted by Plutarch and Diogenes Laërtius. (Plut. Dion, cc. 22, 30, 31, 35; Diog. Laërt. iv. 5, where Tuwvions must be read instead of wrions; C. Müller, Fragm. Historic. Graec. vol. ii. p. 83, Paris, 1848.) The Scholiast on Theocritus (i. 63) quotes a work on Sicily by Simonides, where Timonides is probably likewise the correct reading. In the article SIMONIDES (p. 836, b) an error has been committed, which may be corrected from the preceding account.

of Anaphlystus, and, according to a probable conjecture of Boeckh, belonged to the priestly family of the Eumolpidae (Corp. Inser. 393; see Rehdantz, Vit. Iph. Chabr. Tim. p. 45). For the statement of Athenaeus (xiii. p. 577, a), that his mother was a Thracian hetaera, there appear to be no good grounds. Inheriting a considerable fortune from his father, he seems in his early years to have indulged in the display of it, as we may gather from an allusion in the Plutus of Aristophanes (B. C. 388); and we may therefore well believe the assertion, that it was through his intercourse with Isocrates that his mind was directed to higher views (Lys. de Arist. Bon. p. 155; Arist. Plut. 180; Schol. ad loc.; Dem. c. Aphob. i. p. 815, c. Aphob. de F. T. p. 862; Pseudo-Dem. Erot. p. 1415). In B. c. 378, Timotheus was made general with Chabrias and Callistratus, and it is possible that, while Chabrias was occupied in Boeotia, his colleagues commanded the fleet, and were engaged in bringing over Euboea and other islands to the Athenian confederacy (Xen. Hell. v. 4. § 34 Diod. xv. 29, 30; Plut. de Glor. Ath. 8; Rehdantz, p. 57). In B. c. 375, Timotheus was sent with sixty ships to cruize round the Peloponnesus, in accordance with the suggestion of the Thebans, that the Spartans might thus be prevented from invading Boeotia. On his voyage he ravaged Laconia, and then proceeded to Corcyra, which he brought over to the Athenian alliance, behaving after his success with great moderation. This conduct, together with his conciliatory disposition and manners, contributed mainly to the prosperous issue of his further negotiations, and he succeeded in gaining the alliance of the Cephallenians and Acarnanians, as well as that of Alcetas I., the king of Epirus. A Spartan fleet under Nicolochus was sent out against him, but he defeated it off Alyzia on the Acarnanian coast, and, being strengthened shortly after by a reinforcement from Corcyra, he entirely commanded the sea, though, having brought with him only thirteen talents from home, he was greatly embarrassed for want of funds (Xen. Hell. v. 4. §§ 62-66; Dem. c. Arist. p. 686; Isocr. TEρl 'AVтid. § 116; Diod. xv. 36; Corn. Nep. Tim. 2; Ael. V. H. iii. 16; Pseudo-Arist. Oecon. ii. 23 ; Polyaen. iii. 10). In the following year peace was concluded between Athens and Sparta, and Timotheus was recalled. On his way, however, he stopped at Zacynthus, and forcibly restored some democratic exiles who had fled to him for refuge; hereupon the oligarchical party in the island complained to Sparta, and the failure of her application to Athens for redress led to a renewal of the war TIMO'STRATUS (Tiμóσтpatos), a comic poet, (Xen. Hell. vi. 2. §§ 2, 3; Diod. xv. 45). In B. C. of unknown time, the author of four dramas, 373, he was appointed to the command of sixty Ασωτος, Πάν, Παρακαταθήκη, and Φιλοδεσπότης, | ships destined to act against MNASIPPUs in Corcyra ; of which we have scarcely any remnants, beyond but he had no means of fully manning his squadthe titles. (Antiatt. pp. 80. 12, 81. 1, 89. 23, 91. | ron, and he was obliged therefore to cruize about 1, 98. 4; Phot. Lex. s. v. (áypa.) He is mentioned the Aegean for the purpose of collecting men and by Photius among the poets quoted by Stobaeus money. It would appear to have been in the (Bibl. Cod. 167, p. 374); but no references to him course of this cruize that he formed an intimacy are found in our present copies of Stobaeus. It is with Amyntas, king of Macedonia, who made him probable also that the name of a poet Anμóσтратos, | a present of a quantity of timber for a house which

TIMO PHANES (Tuopárns), the brother of Timoleon. [TIMOLEON.]

TIMO'STHENES (Tiuoo0érns), the Rhodian, was the admiral of the fleet of Ptolemy Philadelphus, who reigned from B. c. 285 to 247. He may therefore be placed about B. c. 282. He wrote a work on Harbours (Tepi Aiμévwv), in ten books, which was copied by Eratosthenes, and which is frequently cited by the ancient writers. Strabo says (ix. p. 421) that Timosthenes also wrote poetry. (Marcian. Heracleot. p. 63; Strab. ii. 92, iii. p. 140, et alibi ; Harpocrat. s. v. èp' ¡epóv; Schol. ad Theocr. xiii. 22; Steph. Byz. s. 'Ayάon, 'Apтákn, et alibi; Vossius, De Hist. Graec. pp. 147, 148, ed. Westermann; Clinton, Fast. Hell. vol. iii. p. 508.)

vv.

he was building in the Peiraeeus. A considerable time, however, was expended in these preliminary operations, the danger of losing Corcyra was becoming more and more imminent, and Timotheus, being accused by Iphicrates and Callistratus, was deposed from his command, and recalled to Athens to stand his trial. This came on in the autumn of the same year, and he obtained an acquittal principally through the intervention of Jason of Pherae, and Alcetas, king of Epeirus, who had come to Athens to intercede for him. In the oration against him written for Apollodorus, son of Pasion, and ascribed to Demosthenes, there are many statements connected with the circumstances of Timotheus at this period, which we must of course regard with suspicion; but we learn from it certainly that he was now reduced to great pecuniary embarrassments, having probably expended his money in the public service, and was even compelled to borrow from Pasion wherewithal to receive his distinguished guests above mentioned (Xen. Hell. vi. 2. §§ 11-13; Diod. xv. 47; Dem. c. Tim. pp. 1186-1192, &c.; Corn. Nep. Tim. 4). In the following year (B. c. 372) he entered into the service of Artaxerxes II., king of Persia, and went to command against Nectanabis I. in Egypt; but of his operations in this quarter we have no record (Dem. c. Tim. pp. 1191, 1192, 1195). It appears to have been about B. c. 367 that he was sent by the Athenians to aid ARIOBARZANES, with an injunction, however, not to abet him in any enterprise against the king, his master; and accordingly, when he found that he was in open revolt from Artaxerxes, he refused to give him any assistance. He did not, however, consider himself precluded from besieging Samos, which was occupied by a Persian garrison under Cyprothemis, and, if he had felt any scruples, the rescript of the king, so favourable to Thebes at the expense of Athens, must have removed them [PE LOPIDAS; LEON, No. 6]. The attack on the island was successful, and at the end of eleven months Samos was restored to the Athenian alliance. Timotheus then sailed northward, and took the towns of Sestus and Crithote on the Hellespont, acquisitions which, according to Isocrates, first directed the attention of the Athenians to the recovery of the whole Chersonesus. If we may believe Cornelius Nepos, he was placed in possession of these two places by Ariobarzanes, as a reward for his services to him; but it is not easy to reconcile this statement with the account of Demosthenes, as given above, of his refusal to help the rebel satrap. (Dem. pro Rhod. Lib. pp. 192, 193; Isocr. Tepì 'Avтid. §§ 118, &c.; Corn. Nep. Tim. 1; Pseudo-Arist. Oec. ii. 23; Polyaen. iii. 10.)

These successes, coupled probably with their jealousy of Iphicrates as the son-in-law of Cotys, seem to have mainly induced the Athenians to appoint Timotheus instead of him as commander in Macedonia (B. c. 364), where the recovery of Amphipolis was the great object of their wishes. In the interval between the recall of Iphicrates and the arrival of Timotheus, the Athenian forces were commanded by Callisthenes, whose disadvantageous treaty with Perdiccas III. of Macedonia contributed perhaps to hamper the new general, when he came on the scene of action. Timotheus, on taking the command, endeavoured to secure the services of the adventurer Charide

mus, but the latter passed over to the service of Cotys, in ships with which the Athenians themselves had furnished him; and it was now perhaps that, despairing of any effectual assault on Amphipolis, Timotheus turned his arms against the Olynthians, from whom, with the help of king Perdiccas, he took Potidaea and Torone; and followed up these successes, if we may believe Isocrates, his friend and panegyrist, with the capture of all the Chalcidian towns. It was in the same year, if we adopt the chronology of Diodorus, that he rejected an application from the nobles of Heracleia on the Euxine to aid them against the people; and in the same year, too, he relieved Cyzicus from a siege in which it was hard pressed, perhaps by the Persian garrison, which the citizens had ejected, perhaps, according to a conjecture of Mitford, by the armament of Epaminondas, who at the time was endeavouring to make Thebes a naval power, and to contest with Athens the sovereignty of the sea. The chronology, however, of the operations of Timotheus at this period is very uncertain; but on the whole it appears probable, following the views of Rehdantz, in preference to those of Thirlwall, that his campaign in the Chersonesus against Cotys was subsequent to his attempt on Amphipolis. The latter turned out an utter failure, the enemy having collected against him with numbers so superior, that he found it necessary to burn his ships on the Strymon, and to make his retreat by land. He was more successful, however, in the war with Cotys, who was probably assisted by the Byzantians (B. c. 363?), and gathered from his territory booty to the value of 1200 talents. (Dem. Olynth. ii. p. 22, iii. p. 36; Schol. Aug. ad loc.; Dem. c. Arist. pp. 669, 670; Aesch. de Fals. Leg. p. 32; Isocr. Tepl 'AvTid. § 119; Deinarch. c. Dem. p. 91, c. Philocl. p. 110; Diod. xv. 81; PseudoArist. Oec. l. c.; Polyaen. iii. 10; Just. xvi. 4; C. Nep. Tim. 1; Mitford's Greece, vol. v. p. 220; Thirlwall's Greece, vol. v. pp. 189, 193, 206, 217, 218; Rehdantz, pp. 132, &c.) [CHARIDEMUS; CLEARCHUS.]

At this period Timotheus would probably be at the height of his glory and popularity, not only among the Athenians, but with many of the other Greeks, a popularity, however, not unmixed with envy, if we may believe the anecdote related by Aelian, that painters were wont to represent him as sleeping in his tent, while Fortune, standing over his head, drew cities for him into a net. (Dem. c. Lept. pp. 482, 483; Isocr. Ep. ad Myt. p. 426; Paus. i. 3; Ael. V. H. xiii. 43; Plut. Reg. et Imp. Apoph. Tim. 1.) It seems most likely also that at this time, about B. c. 360, he increased his political influence by a reconciliation with Iphicrates, to whose son Menestheus he gave his daughter in marriage. [IPHICRATES; MENESTHEUS.] To the suit instituted against him by Apollodorus, the son of Pasion, for sundry sums of money alleged to have been borrowed by him from the latter, it is not possible to assign any exact date; but there is no period at which it can be fixed more satisfactorily than between B. c. 360 and 356. The oration, written for the plaintiff on this occasion, and ascribed to Demosthenes, is still extant. (See Rehdantz, pp. 195, 196.) In B. C. 358, when the Thebans had sent a military force over to Euboea, Timotheus, by an energetic appeal and fervid eloquence, incited the Athenians to raise an armament for the purpose of opposing them there, and saving

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