in B. C. 174. (Liv. xxxv. 7, xxxvii. 47, 50, xxxix. | B. c. 63 during the consulship of her father. At 23, 32, 40, 46, xli. 21.) 6. C. SEMPRONIUS C. F. TUDITANUS, was one of the ten commissioners sent to L. Mummius in B. c. 146 in order to form Southern Greece into a Roman province. He has been confounded by Drumann (Geschichte Roms, vol. iii. p. 81) with the following [No. 7], as he had been by Cicero, whose mistake was corrected by Atticus. This Tuditanus was the proavus or great grandfather of the orator Hortensius. (Cic. ad Att. xiii. 6. § 4, xiii. 33. § 3.) 7. C. SEMPRONIUS C. F. C. N. TUDITANUS, the son of No. 6, was praetor B. c. 132, fourteen years after his father had been sent as one of the ten commissioners into Greece. (Cic. ad Att. xiii. 30. § 3, xiii. 32. § 3.) He was consul in B. c. 129, with M'. Aquilius. On the proposition of Scipio Africanus, the decision of the various disputes, which arose respecting the public land in carrying the agrarian law of Gracchus into effect, was transferred from the triumvirs who had been appointed under the law, to the consul Tuditanus; but the latter, perceiving the difficulty of the cases that were brought before him, avoided giving any decision by pleading that the Illyrian war compelled him to leave the city. In Illyricum he carried on war against the Iapydes, and at first unsuccessfully, but he afterwards gained a victory over them chiefly through the military skill of his legate, D. Junius Brutus, who had previously earned great glory by his conquests in Spain. [BRUTUS, No. 15.] On his return to Rome, Tuditanus was allowed to celebrate a triumph over the Iapydes. (Vell. Pat. ii. 4; Cic. de Nat. Deor. ii. 5; Appian, B. C. i. 19, Illyr. 10; Liv. Epit. 59; Fasti Capit.) Tuditanus was an orator and an historian, and in both obtained considerable distinction. Cicero says of him (Brut. 25): -"Cum omni vita atque victu excultus atque expolitus, tum ejus elegans est habitum etiam orationis genus." Dionysius (i. 11) classes him with Cato the Censor as among λoyiτάτους τῶν Ῥωμαίων συγγραφέων. His historical work is likewise quoted by some of the other ancient writers. (Ascon. in Cornel. p. 76, ed. Orelli; Gell. vi. 4, xiii. 15; Macrob. i. 16; Krause, Vitae et Frag. Histor. Rom. p. 178, foll.) This Tuditanus was the maternal grandfather of the orator Hortensius, since his daughter Sempronia married L. Hortensius, the father of the orator. 8. SEMPRONIUS TUDITANUS, was the maternal grandfather of Fulvia, the wife of Antonius the triumvir. He is described by Cicero as a madman, who was accustomed to scatter his money among the people from the Rostra. (Cic. Phil. iii. 6, Acad. ii. 28; Val. Max. vii. 8. § 1.) CN. TUDICIUS, a senator, who supported Cluentius. (Cic. pro Cluent. 70.) M. TU'GIO, mentioned by Cicero in his oration for Balbus (c. 20) as a person well versed in the law relating to aqueducts. TULLIA, the name of the two daughters of Servius Tullius, the sixth king of Rome. [TULLIUS, SERVIUS.] TU'LLIA, frequently called by the diminutive TULLIOLA, was the daughter of M. Cicero and Terentia. The year of her birth is not mentioned, but it was probably in B. c. 79 or 78. [TERENTIA, No. 1.] Her birthday was on the 5th of Sextilis or August. She was betrothed as early as B. c. 67 to C. Calpurnius Piso Frugi, whom she married in the time of Cicero's exile (B. c. 58), Tullia displayed a warm interest in his fate. She and ber husband threw themselves at the feet of the consul Piso to implore his pity on behalf of their father. During Cicero's banishment Tullia lost her first husband: he was alive at the end of B. c. 58, but she was a widow when she welcomed her father at Brundusium on his return from exile, in August of the following year. She was married again in B. c. 56 to Furius Crassipes, a young man of rank and large property; but she did not live with him long, though the time and the reason of her divorce are alike unknown. [CRASSIPES, No. 2.] In B. c. 50 she was married to her third husband, P. Cornelius Dolabella, one of the most profligate young men of a most profligate age. Cicero was well acquainted with the scandalous private life of his future son-in-law, for although the latter was still only twenty, he had been already twice defended by the orator in a court of justice when accused of the most abominable crimes. But the patrician birth, high connections, and personal beauty of Dolabella, covered a multitude of sins as well in Cicero's eyes as in those of his wife and daughter. Dolabella had been previously married and divorced his wife Fabia for the purpose of marrying Tullia. The marriage took place during Cicero's absence in Cilicia. The connection, as might have been anticipated, was not a happy one. On the breaking out of the civil war in B. C. 49, the husband and the father of Tullia espoused opposite sides. While Dolabella fought for Caesar, and Cicero took refuge in the camp of Pompey, Tullia remained in Italy. She was pregnant at the commencement of the war, and on the 19th of May, B. c. 49, was delivered of a seven months' child, which was very weak, and died soon afterwards. After the battle of Pharsalia, Dolabella returned to Rome, but brought no consolation to his wife. He carried on numerous intrigues with various Roman ladies; and the weight of his debts had become so intolerable that he caused himself to be adopted into a plebeian family, in order to obtain the tribuneship of the people, and thus be able to bring forward a measure for the abolition of debts. He was elected tribune at the end of B. C. 48, and forth with commenced to carry his schemes into execution. But Antony took up arms, and Dolabella was defeated. In the midst of these tumults Tullia, who had been long suffering from ill health, set out to join her father at Brundusium, which place she reached in June, B. C. 47. Cicero, however, was unwilling that even his own daughter should be a witness of his degradation, and he therefore sent her back to her mother. Dolabella's conduct had been so scandalous, that a divorce would have been the proper course; but this Cicero would not adopt, as he feared the anger of the dictator, and was unwilling to lose a friend in Dolabella. He did not, however, require his intercession, for Caesar not only pardoned him but received him as his friend, when he landed in Italy in September (B. c. 47). Cicero returned to Rome, and Dolabella was likewise pardoned by Caesar. In December Dolabella went to Africa to fight against the Pompeian party, but he came back to Italy in the summer of the fol lowing year (B. c. 46). Tullia and her husband now lived together again for a short time, but before Dolabella left for Spain at the end of the year, to the honours of the state was M. Tullius Decula, consul B. c. 81, and the next was the celebrated orator M. Tullius Cicero. [DECULA; CICERO.] The other surnames of the Tullii under the republic belong chiefly to freedmen, and are given below. On coins we find no cognomen. The fol lowing coin, which bears on the obverse the head of Pallas and on the reverse Victory driving a quadriga, with the legend of M. TVLLI, is supposed by some writers to belong to M. Tullius Cicero, the orator, but the coin is probably of an earlier date. (Eckhel, vol. v. p. 327.) MTVLLI At a divorce had taken place by mutual consent. the beginning of the following year (B. c. 45) Tullia was delivered of a son. As soon as she was sufficiently recovered to bear the fatigues of a journey, she accompanied her father to Tusculum, but she died there in February.* It appears from Cicero's correspondence that she had long been unwell, and the birth of her child hastened her death. Her loss was a severe blow to Cicero: he had recently divorced his wife Terentia, and married a young wife Publilia, without however adding to his domestic happiness; and thus he had clung to Tullia more than ever. His friends hastened to console him; and among the many consolatory letters which he received on the occasion is the well-known one from the celebrated jurist Serv. Sulpicius (ad Fam. iv. 5). To dissipate his grief, Cicero drew up a treatise on consolation, in which he chiefly imitated Crantor the Academician [CICERO, p. 733, b.]; and to show his love to the deceased, he resolved to build a splendid monument to her honour, which was to be consecrated as a temple, in which she might receive the worship both of himself and of others. This project he frequently mentions in his letters to Atticus, but the death of Caesar in the following year, and the active part which Cicero then took in public affairs, prevented him from carrying his design into effect. Tullia's child survived his mother. He is called Lentulus by Cicero (ad TULLIUS. 1. M. TULLIUS, or M. Atilius, Att. xii. 28), a name which was also borne by his as he is called by Dionysius, one of the decemviri father by adoption; and as Dolabella was absent in Spain, and was moreover unable from his extra-who had the charge of the Sibylline books in the vagance to make any provision for his child, Cicero took charge of him, and while he was in the country wrote to Atticus, to beg him to take care that the child was properly attended to. (Cic. ad Att. xii. 28.) The boy probably died in infancy, as no further mention is made of him. The numerous passages in Cicero's correspondence in which Tullia is spoken of, are collected in Orelli's Onomasticon Tullianum (vol. ii. pp. 596, 597), and her life is written at length by Drumann (Geschichte Roms, vol. vi. p. 696, foll.). TULLIA GENS, patrician and plebeian. This gens was of great antiquity, for even leaving out of question Servius Tullius, the sixth king of Rome, whom Cicero claims as his gentilis (Tusc. i. 16), we are told that the Tullii were one of the Alban houses, which were transplanted to Rome in the reign of Tullus Hostilius. (Liv. i. 30.) According to this statement the Tullii belonged to the minores gentes. We find mention of a Tullius in the reign of the last king of Rome [TULLIUS, No. 1], and of a M. Tullius Longus, who was consul in the tenth year of the republic, B. c. 500. [LONGUS.] The patrician branch of the gens appears to have become extinct at an early period; for after the early times of the republic no one of the name occurs for some centuries, and the Tullii of a later age are not only plebeians, but, with the exception of their bearing the same name, cannot be regarded as having any connection with the ancient gens. The first plebeian Tullius who rose * It is stated by Middleton (Life of Cicero, vol. ii. p. 365), on the authority of Plutarch (Cic. 41), that Tullia died at Dolabella's house at Rome; but Plutarch does not say so; and Drumann has shown clearly from passages in Cicero's letters, that she died at her father's Tusculan villa. | COIN OF THE TULLIA GENS. TULLINUS, VOLCA'TIUS, accused in a. d. 65, as privy to the crimes of L. Torquatus Silanus, escaped punishment (Tac. Ann. xvi. 8), and is conjectured by Lipsius to be the same person as Volcatius Tertullinus, who is mentioned as tribune of the plebs in A. D. 69. (Tac. Hist. iv. 9.) reign of Tarquinius Superbus, was bribed by Petronius Sabinus to allow him to take a copy of these books, and was in consequence punished by the king by being sewed up in a sack and thrown into the sea, a punishment subsequently inflicted upon parricides. (Val. Max. i. 1. § 13; Dionys. iv. 62.) 2. SEX. TULLIUS, served for the seventh time as centurio primi pili in B. c. 358 under the dictator C. Sulpicius Peticus, when he besought the dictator on behalf of his comrades to let them fight against the Gauls, and distinguished himself in the battle which ensued. He also fought with great bravery in the following year under the consul C. Marcius Rutilus against the Privernates. (Liv. vii. 13—16.) 3. L. TULLIUS, a Roman eques, was magister of the company which farmed the Scriptura (see Dict. of Antiq. s. v.) in Sicily. (Verr. iii. 71.) 4. M. TULLIUS, on whose behalf Cicero spoke in B. c. 71. It is quite uncertain who this M. TulHe was not a freedman, as appears from lius was. Cicero's speech, but it is equally clear that he was a different person both from M. Tullius Decula, consul B. c. 81, and from M. Tullius Albinovanus. The fragments of Cicero's speech for Tullius were published for the first time from a palimpsest manuscript by Angelo Mai. An analysis of it is given by Drumann. (Geschichte Roms, vol. v. p. 258, foll.) 5. L. TULLIUS, a legate of Cicero in Cilicia, owed his appointment to the influence of Q. Titinius, and probably also of Atticus, whose friend he was. His conduct, however, did not give satisfaction to Cicero. (Cic. ad Att. v. 4, 11, 14, 21.) In one of Cicero's letters (ad Fam. xv. 14. § 8) we read of his legate L. Tulleius, which is probably a false reading for L. Tullius. 6. TIB. TULLIUS, fought on the side of the Pompeian party in Spain in B. c. 45. (Auctor, slave of the queen's, and one of the captives taken B. Hisp. 17, 18.) TULLIUS ALBINOVA'NUS. VANUS.] [ALBINOTULLIUS, A'TTIUS, the celebrated king of the Volscians, to whom Coriolanus fled, when he was banished from Rome, and who induced his people to make war upon the Romans, with Coriolanus as their general. For details and authorities, see CORIOLANUS. In the best MSS. of Livy the name is written Attius Tullius, and in Zonaras we also find Touλios; but in Dionysius and Plutarch the form Τύλλος occurs. Tullius, and not Tullus is the correct form. (Alschefski, ad Liv. ii. 37; Niebuhr, Hist. of Rome, vol. ii. note 217.) TULLIUS BASSUS. [BASSUS, p. 471.] TÜ'LLIUS FLAVIA'NUS, a commander of a troop of cavalry under Petilius Cerialia, was taken prisoner by the Vitellian troops in the battle in the suburbs of Rome, A. D. 69. (Tac. Hist. iii. 79.) at Corniculum, was offering cakes to the Lar or the household genius, when she saw in the fire on the hearth an apparition of the deity. Tanaquil, who understood the portent, commanded her to dress herself as a bride, and to shut herself up in the chamber. There she became pregnant by the god, whom some Romans maintained to be the household genius, and others Vulcan; the former supporting their opinion by the festival which Servius established in honour of the Lares, the latter by the deliverance of his statue from fire (Ov. Fast. vi. 625, foll.; Dionys. iv. 2). There are two other legends respecting the birth of Servius, which have more of an historical air, and may therefore be regarded as of later origin. One re[CIM-lated that his mother was a slave from Tarquinii, that his father was a client of the king, and that he himself was brought up in the palace with the other household slaves, and waited at the royal table (Cic. de Rep. ii. 21). The other legend, which gives Servius a nobler origin, and which is therefore preferred both by Dionysius and Livy, states that his father, likewise called Servius Tullius, was a noble of Corniculum, who was slain at the taking of the city, and that his mother, then in a state of pregnancy, was carried away captive to Rome where she gave birth to the future king in the royal palace. The prodigies which preceded the birth of Servius accompanied his youth. Once as he was sleeping at mid-day in the porch of the palace, his head was seen surrounded with flames. Tanaquil forbade their being extinguished, for her prophetic spirit recognised the future destiny of the boy: they played around him without harming him, and when he awoke, the fire vanished. From this time forward Servius was brought up as the king's child with the greatest hopes. Nor were these hopes disappointed. By his personal bravery he gained a battle which the Romans had nearly lost; and Tarquinius placed such confidence in him, that he gave him his daughter in marriage, and entrusted him with the exercise of the government. His rule was mild and beneficent; and so popular did he become, that the sons of Ancus Marcius, fearing lest they should be deprived of the throne which they claimed as their inheritance, procured the assassination of Tarquinius [TARQUINIUS]. They did not, however, reap the fruit of their crime, for Tanaquil, pretending that the king's wound was not mortal, told the people that Tarquinius would recover in a few days, and that he had commanded Servius meantime to discharge the duties of the kingly office. Servius forthwith began to act as king, greatly to the satisfaction of the people; and when the death of Tarquinius could no longer be concealed, he was already in firm possession of the royal power. Servius thus succeeded to the throne without being elected by the senate and the curiae; but the curiae afterwards, at his own request, invested him with the imperium. (Cic. de Rep. ii. 21; Dionys. iv. 12.) TULLIUS GE'MINUS. [GEMINUS.] TU'LLIUS LAUREA (ToÚλλios Aavpéas), the author of three epigrams in the Greek Anthology. Fabricius conjectured, and Reiske and Jacobs approve of the suggestion, that he is identical with Laurea Tullius, the freedman of Cicero, from whose Latin poems in elegiac verse Pliny (H. N. xxxi. 2) quotes some lines, which are printed also in Burmann's Anthologia Latina (vol. i. p. 340). This conjecture is strongly confirmed by the fact, that the epigrams of Tullius had a place in the Anthology of Philip, which consisted chiefly of the poets of the Augustan age. In the title of one of the three epigrams there is a slight confusion in the different copies of the Anthology, the Planudean giving ZaruλAlov, and the Palatine Tarviov, both of which variations perhaps arise from the reading M. Tuλλíov. (Fabric. Bibl. Graec. vol. iv. p. 498; Brunck, Anal. vol. ii. p. 102; Jacobs, Anth. Graec. vol. ii. p. 90, vol. xiii. p. 907.) [P.S.] L. TULLIUS MONTA NUS, accompanied M. Cicero the younger to Athens in B. c. 45. He is also mentioned at a later time in Cicero's correspondence, and it is probably to him that the Tullianum caput refers. (Cic. ad Att. xii. 52, 53, xiv. 16, 17, xv. 26, 29.) TULLIUS RUFUS, a man of quaestorian rank, belonged to the Pompeian army, and was slain at the battle of Thapsus, B. c. 46. (Hirt, B. Afr. 85.) TULLIUS SENE CIO. [SENECIO.] TU'LLIUS, SERVIUS, the sixth king of Rome. The account of the early life and death of Servius Tullius is full of marvels, and cannot be regarded as possessing any title to a real historical narrative. According to the general tradition, he was of servile origin, and owed his elevation to the favour of the gods, and especially to the protection of the goddess Fortune, with whom he was always a favourite. During his life-time she used to visit him secretly in his chamber as his spouse; and after his death, his statue was placed in her temple, and remained unhurt when the temple itself was once destroyed by fire (Ov. Fast. vi. 573, foll., 625; Val. Max. i. 8. § 11). The future greatness of Servius was announced by a miracle before his birth. His mother Ocrisia, a female The reign of Servius Tullius is almost as barren of military exploits as that of Numa. The only war which Livy mentions (i. 42) is one against Veii, which was brought to a speedy conclusion. This war is magnified by Dionysius (iv. 27) into victories over the whole Etruscan nation, which is said to have revolted after the death of Tarquinius Priscus ; and these pretended triumphs have found their way into the Fasti, where they are recorded, creditor of the power of seizing the body of his debtor, and restricted him to the seizure of the goods of the latter; and that he assigned to the plebeians allotments of lands out of the territories which they had won in war (Cic. de Rep. ii. 21; Dionys. iv. 9; Liv. i. 46). The king had good reasons for mistrusting the patricians. Accordingly, when he took up his residence on the Esquiline, he would not allow them to dwell there, but assigned to them the valley, which was called after them the Patricius Vicus, or Patrician Street (Festus s. v.). Meantime, the long and uninterrupted popularity of the king seemed to deprive L. Tarquinius more and more of the chance of regaining the throne of his father. The patricians, anxious to recover their supremacy, readily joined Tarquinius in a conspiracy to assassinate the king. The legend of his death is too celebrated to be omitted here, although it perhaps contains no further truth than that Servius fell a victim to a patrician conspiracy, the leader of which was the son or descendant of the former king. The legend ran as follows. Servius Tullius, soon after his succession, gave his two daughters in marriage to the two sons of Tarquinius Priscus. L. Tarquinius the elder was married to a quiet and gentle wife; Aruns, the younger, to an aspiring and ambitious woman. The character of the two brothers was the very with the year and date of their occurrence. But the great deeds of Servius were deeds of peace; and he was regarded by posterity as the author of all their civil rights and institutions, just as Numa was of their religious rites and ordinances. Three important events are assigned to Servius by universal tradition. First he established a constitution, in which the plebs took its place as the second part of the nation, and of which we shall speak more fully below. Secondly, he extended the pomoerium, or hallowed boundary of the city (Dict. of Antiq. s. v. Pomoerium), and completed the city by incorporating with it the Quirinal, Viminal and Esquiline hills. He surrounded the whole with a stone wall called after him the wall of Ser vius Tullius; and from the Porta Collina to the Esquiline Gate where the hills sloped gently to the plain, he constructed a gigantic mound, nearly a mile in length, and a moat, one hundred feet in breadth and thirty in depth, from which the earth of the mound was dug. Rome thus acquired a circumference of five miles, and this continued to be the legal extent of the city till the time of the emperors, although suburbs were added to it. Thirdly, Servius established an important alliance with the Latins, by which Rome and the cities of Latium became the members of one great league. As leagues of this kind were always connected among the ancients with the worship at some opposite of the wives who had fallen to their lot; common temple, a temple of Diana or the Moon was built upon the Aventine, which was not included in the pomoerium, as the place of the religious meetings of the two nations. It appears that the Sabines likewise shared in the worship of this temple. There was a celebrated tradition, that a Sabine husbandman had a cow of extraordinary beauty and size, and that the soothsayers had predicted that whoever should sacrifice this cow to Diana on the Aventine, would raise his country to rule over the confederates. The Sabine, anxious to secure the supremacy of his own people, had driven the cow to Rome, and was on the point of sacri ficing her before the altar, when the crafty Roman priest rebuked him for daring to offer it with unwashed hands. While the Sabine went and washed in the Tiber, the Roman sacrificed the cow. The gigantic horns of the animal were preserved down to very late times, nailed up in the vestibule (Liv. i. 45). From the fact that the Aventine was se lected as the place of meeting, it has been inferred that the supremacy of Rome was acknowledged by the Latins; but since we find it expressly stated that this supremacy was not acquired till the reign of Tarquinius Superbus, this view is perhaps not strictly correct. (Comp. Niebuhr, Lectures on the History of Rome, p. 118, London, 1848.) After Servius had established his new constitution, he did homage to the majesty of the centuries, by calling them together, and leaving them to decide whether he was to reign over them or not. The body which he had called into existence, naturally ratified his power, and declared him to be their king. The patricians, however, were far from acquiescing in the new order of things, and hated the man who had deprived them of their exclusive rule, and had conferred such important benefits upon the plebeians. In addition to his constitutional changes in favour of the second order in the state, tradition related, that out of his private wealth, he discharged the debts of those who were reduced to indigence; that he deprived the VOL. III. for Lucius was proud and haughty, but Aruns unambitious and quiet. The wife of Aruns, enraged at the long life of her father, and fearing that at his death her husband would tamely resign the sovereignty to his elder brother, resolved to destroy both her father and her husband. Her fiendish spirit put into the heart of Lucius thoughts of crime which he had never entertained before. Lucius murdered his wife, and the younger Tullia her husband; and the survivors, without even the show of mourning, were straightway joined in unhallowed wedlock. Tullia now incessantly urged her husband to murder her father, and thus obtain the kingdom which he so ardently coveted. It was said that their design was hastened by the belief that Servius, in order to complete his legislation, entertained the thought of laying down his kingly power, and establishing the consular form of government. The patricians were no less alarmed at this scheme, as it would have had the effect of confirming for ever the hated laws of Servius. Their mutual hatred and fears united them closely together; and when the conspiracy was ripe, Tarquinius entered the forum arrayed in the kingly robes, seated himself in the royal chair in the senate house, and ordered the senators to be summoned to him as their king. At the first news of the commotion, Servius hastened to the senatehouse, and standing at the door-way, ordered Tarquinius to come down from the throne. Tarquinius sprang forward, seized the old man, and flung him down the stone steps. Covered with blood, the king was hastening home; but, before he reached it, he was overtaken by the servants of Tarquinius, and murdered. Tullia drove to the senate-house, and greeted her husband as king; but her transports of joy struck even him with horror. He bade her go home; and as she was returning, her charioteer pulled up, and pointed out the corpse of her father lying in his blood across the road. She commanded him to drive on; the blood of her father spirted over the carriage and on her dress; 4 G and from that day forward the street bore the this point we are entirely in the dark. Niebuhr, name of the Vicus Sceleratus, or Wicked Street. in the first edition of his history, inclined strongly The body lay unburied, for Tarquinius said scof- to the opinion that Rome was of Etruscan origin, fingly, "Romulus too went without burial;" and and in his lectures, delivered in the year 1826, he this impious mockery is said to have given rise to adopted the Etruscan tradition respecting the origin his surname of Superbus (Liv. i. 46-48; Ov. of Servius Tullius, on the ground that Etruscan Fast. vi. 581, foll.). Servius had reigned forty-literature is so decidedly more ancient than that of four years. His memory was long cherished by the Romans, that he did not hesitate to give prethe plebeians, and his birth-day was celebrated on ference to the traditions of the former." (Lectures, the nones of every month, for it was remembered p. 84.) In the second edition of his history, howthat he was born on the nones of some month, but ever, Niebuhr so completely abandoned his former the month itself had become a matter of uncer- idea of the Etruscan origin of Rome, that he would tainty. At a later time, when the oppressions of not even admit the Etruscan origin of the Luceres, a the patricians became more and more intolerable, point in which most subsequent scholars dissent the senate found it necessary to forbid the markets from him; and in his Lectures of the year 1828, to be holden on the nones, lest the people should he strongly maintains the Latin origin of Servius attempt an insurrection to restore the laws of Tullius, and asserts his belief that "Etruscan lite their martyred monarch. (Macrob. Sat. i. 13.) rature is mostly assigned to too early a period, and that to the time from the Hannibalian war down to the time of Sulla, a period of somewhat more than a century, most of the literary productions of the Etruscans must be referred." (Lectures, p. 125.) But the fact is that whether we are to follow the Etruscan or the Roman tradition about Servius is one of those points on which no certainty can be by any possibility obtained. So much seems clear, that Servius usurped the throne: he seized the royalty upon the murder of the former king, without being elected by the senate and the comitia, and be introduced great constitutional changes, apparently to strengthen his power against a powerful faction in the state. It is equally clear that his reign came to a violent end: he was dethroned and murdered by the descendants of the previous king, in league with his enemies in the state, who sought to recover the power of which they had been dispossessed. Now if we are right in our supposition that Tarquinius Priscus and Tarquinius Superbus were both of Etruscan origin, and represent an Etruscan sovereignty at Rome [TARQUINIUS], it seems to follow that the reign of Servius Tullius represents a successful attempt of the Latins to recover their independence, or in any case the sovereignty of an Etruscan people different from the one to which the Tarquins belonged. Further than this we cannot go; and it seems to us impossible to determine which supposition has the greatest preponderance of evidence in its favour. K.O. Müller adopted the latter supposition. He believed that the Etruscan town of Tarquinii was at the head of the twelve cities of Etruria at this time, that it conquered Rome, and that the reign of Tarquinius Priscus represents the supremacy of the state of Tarquinii at Rome. He further supposed that the supremacy of Tarquinii may not have been uni The Roman traditions, as we have seen, were unanimous in making Servius Tullius of Latin origin. He is universally stated to have been the son of a native of Corniculum, which was a Latin town; and Niebuhr, in his Lectures, supposes that he may have been the offspring of a marriage between one of the Luceres and a woman of Corniculum, previously to the establishment of the connubium, and that this may be the foundation of the story of his descent. His name Tullius also indicates a Latin origin, since the Tullii are expressly mentioned as one of the Alban gentes which were received into the Latin state in the reign of Tullus Hostilius. (Liv. i. 30.) His institutions, likewise, bear all the traces of a Latin character. But the Etruscan tradition about this king was entirely different, and made him a native of Etruria. This Etruscan tradition was related by the emperor Claudius, in a speech which he made upon the admission of some Lugdunensian Gauls into the senate; and the fragments of which are still preserved on two tables discovered at Lyons in the sixteenth century, and since the time of Lipsius have been printed in most editions of Tacitus. In this speech Claudius says "that, according to the Tuscans, Servius was the faithful companion of Caeles Vibenna, and shared all his fortunes: that at last being overpowered by a variety of disasters, he quitted Etruria with the remains of the army which had served under Caeles, went to Rome, and occupied the Caelian Hill, calling it so after his former commander: that he exchanged his Tuscan name Mastarna for the Roman one of Servius Tullius, obtained the kingly power, and wielded it to the great good of the state." This Caeles Vibenna was well known to the Roman writers, according to whom he came himself to Rome, though the statements in whose reign heversally acknowledged throughout Etruria, and came differed greatly. All accounts, however, represent him as a leader of an army raised by himself, and not belonging to any state, and as coming to Rome by the invitation of the Roman kings, to assist them. [CAELES.] There can be no question that the emperor Claudius drew his account from Etruscan annals; and there is no reason for disbelieving that Caeles Vibenna and Mastarna are historical personages, for, as Niebuhr observes, Caeles is too frequently and too distinctly mentioned to be fabulous, and his Etruscan name cannot have been invented by the Romans. The value of the tradition about Mastarna would very much depend upon the date of the Etruscan authorities, from whom Claudius derived his account; but on that the army of Caeles and of his lieutenant Mastarna perhaps belonged to the town of Volsinii, which wished to maintain its independence against Tarquinii; that it was with the remains of this army that Mastarna eventually conquered Rome, and thus destroyed the dominion of Tarquinii in that city. (Müller, Etrusker, vol. i. p. 121.) CONSTITUTION OF SERVIUS TULLIUS. The most important event connected with the reign of Servius Tullius is the new constitution which he gave to the Roman state. The details of this constitution are stated in different articles in the Dictionary of Antiquities, and it is therefore only necessary to give here a general outline, which the |