ページの画像
PDF
ePub

colouring which pervades it, and the great amount of antiquarian learning which he has scattered through it, make the Aeneid a study for the historian of Rome. Virgil's good sense and taste are always conspicuous, and make up for the defect of originality. As a whole, the Aeneid leaves no strong impression, which arises from the fact that it is not really a national poem, like the Iliad or the Odyssey, the monument of an age of which we have no other literary monument; it is a learned poem, the production of an age in which it does not appear as an embodiment of the national feeling, but as a monument of the talent and industry of an individual. The Aeneid contains many obscure passages, which a long series of commentators have laboured to elucidate. Virgil has the merit of being the best of the Roman epic poets, superior both to Ennius who preceded him, and on whom he levied contributions, and to Lu- | can, Silius Italicus, and Valerius Flaccus, who belong to a later age. The passion for rhetorical display, which characterises all the literature of Rome, is much less offensive in Virgil than in those who followed him in the line of epic poetry.

The larger editions of Virgil contain some short poems, which are attributed to him, and may have been among his earlier works. The Culex or Gnat is a kind of Bucolic poem in 413 hexameters, often very obscure; the Ciris, or the mythus of Scylla the daughter of Nisus, king of Megara, in 541 hexameters, has been attributed to Cornelius Gallus and others, but Scaliger maintains that it is by Virgil; the Moretum, in 123 verses, the name of a compound mess, is a poem in hexameters, on the daily labour of a cultivator, but it contains only the description of the labours of the first part of the day, which consist in preparing the Moretum: the female servant of the rustic Simulus is a negress; none was ever better described,

"Afra genus, tota patriam testante figura,
Torta comam, labroque tumens et fusca colo-

rem,

Pectore lata, jacens mammis, compressior alvo,
Cruribus exilis, spatiosa prodiga planta."

The Copa, in elegiac verse, is an invitation by a
female tavern keeper or servant attached to a
Caupona, to passengers to come in and enjoy them-
selves. There are also fourteen short pieces in
various metres, classed under the general name of
Catalecta. That addressed" Ad Venerem," shows
that the writer, whoever he was, had a talent for
elegiac poetry.

The first edition of Virgil, a small folio, was printed at Rome about A. D. 1469 by Sweynheym and Pannartz, and dedicated to Pope Paul II. This rare edition was reprinted in 1471, but it is of no great value. The Virgil printed by Aldus at Venice in 1501, 8vo, is also very scarce. At the close of the fifteenth and the beginning of the sixteenth centuries there were many prints of Virgil, with the commentary of Servius and others. The edition of J. L. de la Cerda, which is valued for the commentary, appeared at Madrid in 3 vols. folio, 1608-1617. The valuable edition of Nic. Heinsius was published at Amsterdam in 1676. The well printed edition of P. Masvicius, Leeuwarden, 1727, 2 vols. 4to, contains the complete commentaries of Servius, Philargyrius, and Pierius, with the “Index Erythraei," the Life of Virgil by

[ocr errors]

| Tib. Claudius Donatus, an "Index absolutissimus in Mauri Servii Honorati Commentarios in Virgilium," and an "Index Auctorum in Servii Commentariis citatorum." All these matters make the edition of Masvicius very useful. P. Burmann's edition appeared at Amsterdam, 1746, 4 vols. 4to. C. G. Heyne bestowed great labour on his edition of Virgil, 1767-1775, Leipzig, 4 vols. 8vo, with a copious index: it was reprinted with improvements in 1788. In the fourth edition of Heyne's Virgil, by G. P. E. Wagner, Leipzig, 1830, 4 vols. 8vo, the text has been corrected after the best MSS., the punctuation improved, and the orthography altered or amended. The text of this edition is also published separately in a single volume with the title "Publii Vergilii Maronis Carmina ad pristinam Orthographiam quoad ejus fieri potuit revocata, edidit P. Wagner, Leipzig, 1831, 8vo." It also contains the "Orthographia Vergiliana," or remarks on the orthography of many words in Virgil, arranged in alphabetical order.

The works of Virgil have been more fortunate than those of most of the writers of antiquity, for there are many very old MSS. of his poems. That which is called the Medicean, may probably have been written before the downfal of the Roman empire. An exact fac-simile of it was published by Foggini at Florence, 1741, 4to. The Codex Vaticanus, which is also of great antiquity, was published by Bottari, Rome, 1741, folio; but it is said not to be so accurate a copy as the fac-simile of Foggini. Wagner in his Praefatio has briefly discussed the relative ages of these two MSS.; but there seem to be no grounds for deciding the question. They are both undoubtedly very old.

The editions of the several parts of Virgil and the school editions are very numerous. The "Handbuch der Classischen Bibliographie" of Schweigger, ii. pp. 1145-1258, contains a long list. The edition of A. Forbiger, 3 vols. 8vo, Leipzig, 1836, and a second edition, 1845-1846, contains a sufficiently copious commentary for ordinary use, which is composed of selections from the commentators and his own notes.

The Bucolica were translated into German verse by J. H. Voss with useful notes; and a second edition by A. Voss, appeared at Altona, 1830. J. H. Voss's poetical translation of the Georgics is highly esteemed. His complete translation of Virgil appeared at Brunswick in 3 vols. 8vo, 1799. Martyn, professor of Botany at Cambridge, published a prose version of the Georgica, London, 1741, and of the Georgica, 1749, with many valuable notes. The commentary of Martyn on the Georgica is perhaps the best that has appeared for the elucidation of the matter of the poem. Gawin Douglas, bishop of Dunkeld, translated the Aeneid into Scottish verse, London, 1553. Ogilby's verse translation was published at London, 1649 and 1650; and Dryden's was published by Tonson, London, 1697. The blank verse translation of Dr. J. Trapp is very poor. The Aeneid translated by C. Pitt, and the Bucolica and Georgica by Joseph Warton, were published by Dodsley, London, 1783, 4 vols. 8vo. Sotheby's poetic version of the Georgica contains the original text and the versions of De Lille, Soave, Guzman, and Voss.

The chief authority for the Life of Virgil is the Life by Donatus, which, though not a critical performance, is undoubtedly founded on good materials. It is printed in Wagner's edition of Virgil

with notes. The editions, translations, commen- |
taries, and essays on Virgil form an enormous mass
of literature, in which the poet is rather buried
than embalmed.
[G. L.]

evening. Virginius immediately obtained leave of absence, and was already on his way to Rome, when the messenger of Appius arrived, instructing his colleagues to detain him.

VIRGINIA. 1. The daughter of L. Virgi- Early next morning Virginius and his daughter nius, a brave centurion, the attempt made upon came into the forum with their garments rent. whose chastity by App. Claudius' was the imme- The father appealed to the people for aid, warning diate cause of the downfall of the Decemvirs, who them that all were involved in a like calamity. had in violation of law continued in possession of Icilius spoke still more vehemently; and the their power at the beginning of B. C. 449. The women in their company sobbed aloud. But, instory ran that Virginia was a beautiful and inno- tent upon the gratification of his lust, Appius cared cent girl, betrothed to L. Icilius, who had ren- nought for the misery of the father and the girl. dered his tribuneship memorable by his law which He came into the forum attended by a great train assigned the Aventine to the plebeians. The of clients, and took his seat upon the tribunal. maiden had attracted the notice of the decemvir M. Claudius renewed his claim. Appius hastened App. Claudius. He at first tried bribes and al- to give sentence, by which he consigned the maiden lurements; but when these failed, he had recourse to the party who claimed her as his slave, until a to an outrageous act of tyranny, which he could judge should decide the matter. M. Claudius perpetrate with all the greater ease, as her father stept forward to take possession of the maiden, but was absent from Rome, serving with the Roman was driven back by the people. Thereupon Aparmy on Mount Algidus. One morning, as Vir- pius, who had brought with him to the forum a ginia, attended by her nurse, was on her way to large body of armed patricians and their clients, her school, which was in one of the booths round ordered his lictors to disperse the mob. The the forum, M. Claudius, a client of Appius, laid people drew back in affright, leaving Virginius and hold of the damsel and claimed her as his slave. his daughter alone before the judgment-seat. All The cry of the nurse for help brought a crowd help was gone. The unhappy father then prayed around them; but M. Claudius said that he did the decemvir to be allowed to speak one word to not mean to use violence, and that he would bring the nurse in his daughter's hearing, in order to the case before App. Claudius for decision. All ascertain whether she was really his daughter. parties went accordingly before the decemvir. The request was granted; Virginius drew them In his presence Marcus repeated the tale he had both aside, and snatching up a butcher's knife from learnt, asserting, that Virginia was the child of one one of the stalls, plunged it in his daughter's of his female slaves, and had been imposed upon the breast, exclaiming, "There is no way but this to reputed father by his wife, who was childless. keep thee free." In vain did Appius call out to He further stated that he would prove this to stop him. The crowd made way for him, and Virginius, as soon as he returned to Rome, and he holding his bloody knife on high, he rushed to the demanded that the girl should meantime be handed gate of the city, and hastened to the Roman camp. over to his custody as his slave. The friends of The result is known. Both camp and city rose the maiden, on the other hand, pleaded that by against the decemvirs, who were deprived of their the old law, which had been re-enacted in the power, and the old form of government was restored. Twelve Tables, it was provided that every person L. Virginius was the first who was elected tribune, who was reputed to be free, and whom another and he hastened to take revenge upon his cruel claimed as his slave, was to continue in possession enemy. By his orders Appius was dragged to prison of his rights, till the judge declared him to be a to await his trial, and he there put an end to his slave, though he was bound to give security for his own life in order to avoid a more ignominious death. appearance in court. They therefore offered to M. Claudius, who had claimed the maiden as his give security for the maiden, and begged the de- slave, was condemned to death, but Virginius himcemvir to postpone his judgment till her father self did not allow the last sentence of the law to could be fetched from the camp. Appius, however, be carried into effect, but permitted him to go into replied that the girl could not in any case be free; exile. (Liv. iii. 44-58; Dionys. xi. 28—46; that she must belong either to her father or her Val. Max. vi. 1. § 2.) Cicero in one passage calls master, and that as her father was absent, he ad- the father Decimus Virginius (de Rep. ii. 37), but judged her to the custody of M. Claudius, who in another passage he gives him the praenomen was to give sureties to bring her before his judg- Lucius, in conformity with the other ancient writers ment-seat when the case should be tried. At this (de Fin. ii. 20). unjust sentence the crowd exhibited signs of the greatest indignation. P. Numitorius, the maiden's uncle, and Icilius, to whom she was betrothed, spoke so loudly against the sentence, that the multitude began to be roused. Appius, fearing a riot, said that he would let the cause stand over till the next day; but that then, whether her father appeared or not, he should know how to maintain the laws and to give judgment according to justice. The greatest exertions, however, were necessary to bring Virginius to the city, lest Appius should have detained him in the camp. Accordingly, while Appius was kept in court receiving bail for the appearance of Virginia on the following day, two of the friends of the family made all haste to They reached the camp the same

the camp.

2. The daughter of Aulus, was a patrician by birth, but married to the plebeian L. Volumnius Flamma, who was consul in B. c. 307 and 296. In consequence of her marriage the patrician women excluded her from the worship of the goddess Pudicitia, and she thereupon dedicated a chapel to the plebeian Pudicitia. (Liv. x. 23.)

VIRGINIA or VERGINIA GENS, patrician and plebeian. Verginius is usually found in MSS. and inscriptions, but modern editors gene rally adopt the other orthography, Virginius. The patrician branch of the gens was of great antiquity, and frequently filled the highest honours of the state during the early years of the republic. They all bore the cognomen of TRICOSTUS, but were divided into various families with the surnames of

VIRGINIUS. 1. A. VIRGINIUS, tribune of the plebs. B. c. 461, accused K. Quintius, the son of L. Cincinnatus, and after a severe struggle obtained his condemnation. (Liv. iii. 11-13.)

2. L. VIRGINIUS, the father of Virginia, whose tragic fate occasioned the downfall of the decemvirs, B. C. 449. [VIRGINIA.]

3. A. VIRGINIUS, tribune of the plebs, B. C. 395, was condemned with his colleague Q. Pomponius, two years afterwards. (Liv. v. 29.) or details see POMPONIUS, No. 3.

4. L. VIRGINIUS, a tribune of the soldiers in the second Punic war, B. c. 207. (Liv. xxvii. 43.)

Cueliomontanus, Esquilinus, and Rutilus respect- had not left their homes, rose as a man against the ively. The first of them who obtained the consul-rule of such treacherous tyrants, and they found in ship was T. Virginius Tricostus Caeliomontanus in Viriathus a leader who was well acquainted with B. C. 496. The plebeian Virginii are also men- the country, and who knew how to carry on the tioned at an early period among the tribunes, but war in the way best adapted to the nature of the none of them had any cognomen. Under the em- country and the habits of his countrymen. At pire we find Virginii with other surnames, a list first he avoided all battles in the plains, and waged of which is given below. an incessant guerilla warfare in the mountains. It was not, however, till B. c. 147 that the Lusitanians were able to collect any formidable body of men; and in this year having invaded Turdetania, they were attacked, while ravaging the country, by the Roman propraetor C. or M. Vetilius, defeated with loss and obliged to take refuge in a fortress, to which the Romans laid siege. The want of provisions prevented them from holding out long, and they accordingly endeavoured to make terms with Vetilius, who promised to assign to them a place where they might settle. Viriathus, who was serving among his countrymen, but who had not yet been formally recognised as their general, reminded them of the treachery of the Romans, and promised, if they would obey his commands, to save them from their present danger. His offer was gladly accepted, and he was unanimously elected their commander. By a bold and skilful stratagem he eluded the Roman general, and again assembled his forces at Tribola, a town to the south of the Tagus in Lusitania. Thither he was followed by Vetilius; but Viriathus, pretending to retreat, led the Romans into an ambuscade, where they were attacked by the Lusitanians, and defeated with great loss: Vetilius himself was killed; and out of 10,000 Romans scarcely 6000 escaped. The survivors took refuge under the command of the quaestor within the walls of Carpessus, which Appian supposes to be the same as the ancient Tartessus. Fearing to meet the enemy in the field, the quaestor obtained 5000 men from the Belli and Titthi, Celtiberian tribes, who were then allies of the Romans, and sent them against Viriathus; but they were also defeated by the Lusitanian general, who now laid waste Carpetania without encountering any opposition.

5. VIRGINIUS, tribune of the plebs, B. c. 87, who accused Sulla, is spoken of under VIRGILIUS, No. 1.

6. VIRGINIUS, proscribed by the triumvirs B. c. 43, escaped to Sicily by promising large sums of money to his slaves, and to the soldiers who were sent to kill him. (Appian, B. C. iv. 48.)

VIRGINIUS CA/PITO. [CAPITO.] VIRGINIUS FLAVUS. [FLAVUS.] VIRGINIUS ROMA'NUS, a contemporary of the younger Pliny, wrote comedies and mimiiambi, which are much praised by Pliny. (Ep. vi. 21.)

VIRGINIUS RUFUS. [RUFUS.] VIRIATHUS (Oviplatos, Diod. and Dion Cass.: Ovpíaroos, Appian), a Lusitanian, commanded his countrymen in their war against the Romans, whose power he defied, and whose armies he vanquished during many successive years. He is described by the Romans as originally a shepherd or huntsman, and afterwards a robber, or, as would be called in Spain in the present day, a guerilla chief. His character is drawn very favourably in a fragment of Dion Cassius (Fragm. 78, p. 33, ed. Reimar.), and his account is confirmed by the testimony of other ancient writers, who celebrate especially his justice and equity, which was particularly shown in the fair division of the spoils he obtained from the enemy. (Comp. Diod. vol. ii. p. 519, ed. Wess.; Cic. de Off. ii. 11.) The Lusitanians had long been accustomed to support themselves by robbery and rapine; and as they still continued their predatory mode of life after the Romans had become masters of the neighbouring countries, the Roman commanders in Spain resolved to reduce them to submission. Accordingly in B. c. 151 their country was invaded by the propraetor Ser. Galba, and in the following year (B. c. 150) by the proconsul L. Lucullus as well as by Galba. The Lusitanians in alarm sent offers of submission to Galba, who enticed them to leave their mountain fastnesses by promising to give them fertile lands, and when they had descended into the plains, relying on the word of a The war in Spain had now assumed such a Roman general, he surrounded them with his troops threatening aspect that the senate resolved to send and treacherously butchered them. Very few of a consul and a consular army into that country. the Lusitanians escaped, but among the survivors Accordingly, in B. C. 145, the consul Q. Fabius was Viriathus, who was destined to be the avenger Aemilianus, the son of Aemilius Paulus, who con of his country's wrongs. The Lusitanians, whoquered Macedonia, received Spain as his province.

On the arrival of the praetor C. Plautius in the following year, B. C. 146, with a fresh army, Viriathus abandoned Carpetania and retreated into Lusitania. He was eagerly followed by Plautius, who crossed the Tagus in pursuit of him, but while the Romans were engaged in fortifying their camp on a mountain, covered with olives, which the Roman writers call the Hill of Venus, they were attacked by Viriathus and put to the rout with great slaughter. Plautius was so disheartened with this defeat that he made no further attempt against the enemy, but led his army into winter quarters, although it was still only the middle of summer. The country of the Roman allies was thus again left exposed to the ravages of Viriathus, who compelled the inhabitants to pay to him the full value of their crops, and destroyed them if they refused. He also took Segobriga, the chief town of the Celtiberians. (Frontin. Strat. iii. 11. § 4.)

He levied two new legions at Rome, consisting for the most part of new recruits, in order to give some repose to the veteran troops, who were worn out by the wars in Greece and Macedonia. He likewise obtained some forces from the allies; and when he mustered his troops at Urso or Orso, the modern town of Osuna in Andalusia, his army amounted to 15,000 foot and 2000 horse. But before his arrival in Spain the Romans had again experienced another disaster. The army of the praetor Claudius Unimanus had been nearly annihilated, and the fasces and other spoils taken from the Romans had been erected by Viriathus as trophies in the mountains. (Flor. ii. 17. § 16.) Fabius appears not to have arrived in Spain till the middle of the summer; and as he would not fight with the enemy till his raw troops had received further training, he left his army under the command of his legate, while he himself went over to Gades to offer a sacrifice to Hercules. In his absence his foragers were attacked by Viriathus, who slew many of them; and the legate of Fabius having thereupon ventured to offer battle to Viriathus, was defeated. When Fabius returned from Gades, he could not be tempted by Viriathus to any regular engagement, but passed the remainder of the year in exercising his troops and in occasional skirmishes with the enemy, by which his soldiers acquired confidence and experience. In the following year (B. c. 144) Fabius was continued in the government of Spain, and he now felt suffi, cient reliance upon his troops to venture to attack Viriathus with all his forces. Viriathus was defeated and driven out of the Roman dominions in Spain, and his two chief towns fell into the hands of Fabius. After these successes Fabius led his troops into winter quarters at Corduba.

These successes of Fabius, however, were more than counterbalanced by another formidable insurrection in Spain. The Arevaci, Belli, and Titthi, Celtiberian people, inhabiting that part of Spain now called Old Castile, had been subdued by the Romans some years previously, and two of them, the Belli and Titthi, had, as we have already seen, sent assistance to the Romans in their war against Viriathus. They were now, however, induced to follow the example of Viriathus, and to take up arms against the Romans, and thus almost the whole of central Spain was in open revolt. The war against the Celtiberians became even more protracted than that against the Lusitanians, and is usually known by the name of the Numantine war, from Numantia, the principal town of the Arevaci. In B. C. 143 the consul Q. Metellus Macedonicus was sent into Nearer Spain, and the propraetor Q. Pompeius into Further Spain, as the successor of Fabius Aemilianus.* While Metellus conducted the war with success against the Celtiberians, Pompeius was not equally fortunate in his campaign against Viriathus. He had at first gained a victory over the Lusitanian general, and pursued him as far as the mountain south of the Tagus, which has been already mentioned under the name of the Hill of Venus. Here Viriathus turned upon his pursuers, and drove them back into their camp with the loss of 1000 men and several standards. This

* Appian, Hisp. 66, calls the successor of Fabius Quintius; but by this name he must understand Quintus Pompeius: see Drumann, Geschichte Roms, vol. iv. p. 307.

defeat so disheartened Pompeius that he allowed the enemy to lay waste the country around the Guadalquiver without resistance, and led his army early in the autumn into winter-quarters at Corduba.

In the following year, B. c. 142, the consul Q. Fabius Servilianus was sent into Further Spain as the successor of Pompeius. Q. Metellus remained as proconsul in Nearer Spain. Servilianus brought with him two Roman legions and allied troops, amounting in all to 16,000 foot and 1600 horse, and he also obtained from Micipsa some elephants. He at first carried on the war with great success, defeated Viriathus, and compelled him to retire into Lusitania, took by storm many of his cities, and exterminated several guerilla bands. Next year, however, B. C. 141, when Servilianus remained in Spain as proconsul, the fortune of war changed. The Romans had laid siege to Erisane; Viriathus stole into the town by night, and at the dawn of day made a successful sally against the besiegers. The Romans lost a great number of men, and were put to flight. In their retreat they became enclosed within a mountain pass, where they were surrounded by the Lusitanians, much in the same way as their ancestors had been by the Samnites at the celebrated Caudine Forks. Escape was impossible, and they had no alternative but an unconditional surrender. Viriathus used his victory with moderation. He agreed to allow the Romans to depart uninjured, on condition of their permitting the Lusitanians to retain undisturbed possession of their own territory, and of their recognising him as a friend and ally of the Roman people. Servilianus concluded a treaty with Viriathus on these terms, and it was ratified by the Roman people.

Thus the war with Viriathus appeared to have been brought to a conclusion ;, but the consul Q. Servilius Caepio, who succeeded his brother Servilianus in the command of Further Spain in B. C. 140, was greatly disappointed at the unexpected termination of the war. He had looked forward to the war in Spain as an opportunity for gaining both wealth and glory; and he therefore used every exertion to induce the senate to break the treaty by representing it as unworthy of the Roman people. The senate, however, had not the effrontery to give their approval to an open violation of the peace, but connived at Caepio's injuring Viriathus as far as he could without any open attack. But after a short time we are told that the senate allowed Caepio to declare open war against Viriathus, probably having obtained meantime some pretext for this act of faithlessness. Caepio forthwith took the field against Viriathus; but the latter sent three of his most faithful friends, Audax, Ditalco, and Minurus, to the Roman general, to offer him terms of peace. Caepio persuaded the envoys by promises of large rewards to murder Viriathus. Accordingly, on their return they murdered Viriathus, while he was asleep in his tent, and made their escape to the Roman camp before any of the Lusitanians became aware of the death of their general. The murderers, however, did not receive the rewards which had been promised them; and when they demanded them of the consul, he coolly replied that the Romans did not approve of the murder of a general by his own soldiers. The death of Viriathus did not put an immediate stop to the After burying Viriathus with great magni

war.

ficence, his soldiers elected Tantalus as their general; but the latter was no match for a Roman consul, and before the end of the year was obliged to submit to Caepio. [CAEPIO, No. 6.] The war with Viriathus lasted eight years, according to Appian (Hisp. 75), who dates its commencement from the time that Viriathus became the leader of the Lusitanians. Other writers, however, say that the war lasted fourteen years, which must be computed from the beginning of the Celtiberian war, B. C. 153. (Appian, Hisp. 60-75; Eutrop. iv. 16; Oros. v. 4; Flor. ii. 17; Liv. Epit. 54; Frontin. ii. 5. § 7, ii. 13. § 4, iii. 10. § 6, iii. 11. § 4, iv. 5. § 22; Vell. Pat. ii. 1; Aurel. Vict. de Vir. Ill. 71; Val. Max. ix. 6. § 4; Diod. Exc. ex xxxii. pp. 591, 597, ed. Wess.; Dion Cass. Fragm. 78, p. 33, ed. Reimar.)

VIRIDOMARUS. 1. Or BRITOMARTUS, the leader of the Gauls, slain by Marcellus. [MARCELLUS, No. 4, p. 928, a.]

2. Or VIRDUMARUS, a chieftain of the Aedui, whom Caesar had raised from a low rank to the highest honour. He and Eporedorix came with the cavalry of the Aedui to the assistance of Caesar in his war against Vercingetorix in B. c. 52, and they at first used their influence to prevent the Aedui from joining the rest of the Gauls in the general revolt from Rome. Shortly afterwards, however, both Viridomarus and Eporedorix revolted themselves, but were much mortified when the Gauls chose Vercingetorix as their commander-inchief, as they had hoped to obtain that honour for themselves. (Caes. B. G. vii. 38-40, 54, 55, 63.) VIRIDOVIX, the chieftain of the Unelli, was conquered by Q. Titurius Sabinus, Caesar's legatus, in B. c. 56. (Caes. B. G. iii. 17-19; Dion Cass. xxxix. 45.)

VIRIPLACA, "the goddess who soothes the anger of man," was a surname of Juno, describing her as the restorer of peace between married people. She had a sanctuary on the Palatine, into which women went when they thought themselves wronged by their husbands. They frankly told the goddess their grief, and the latter disposed their minds to become reconciled to their husbands. (Fest. p. 62; Val. Max. ii. 1. § 6.) [L. S.] VIRIUS LUPUS. [LUPUS.] VIRTUS, the Roman personification of manly valour. She was represented with a short tunic, her right breast uncovered, a helmet on her head, a spear in her left hand, a sword in the right, and standing with her right foot on a helmet. There was a golden statue of her at Rome, which Alaricus, king of the Goths, melted down. (Liv. xxvii. 25, xxix. 11; Val. Max. i. 1. § 8; Cic. de Nat. Deor. ii. 23; Zosim. v. 21.) [L. S.]

VISCELLINUS, SP. CA'SSIUS, celebrated as the author of the first agrarian law at Rome, to which he fell a martyr. He was thrice consul and twice triumphed. His first consulship was in B. C. 502, in the eighth year of the republic, when he had Opiter Virginius Tricostus as a colleague. According to Dionysius (v. 49) Cassius carried on war against the Sabines, whom he defeated with such great loss near Cures, that they were obliged to sue for peace, and surrender to the Romans a large portion of their land. Cassius in consequence obtained a triumph on his return to Rome, which is confirmed by the Capitoline Fasti. Livy, on the other hand, says (ii. 17) nothing about a war with the Sabines, but relates that the two consuls carried

on war against the Aurunci, and took Pometia. But as the war against the Aurunci aud the capture of Pometia is repeated by Livy (ii. 22, 25, 26) under B. c. 495, these events ought probably to be placed in the latter year, in accordance with Dionysius (vi. 29).

In the following year, B. c. 501, Cassius was appointed first magister equitum to the first dictator, T. Larcius Flavus; but in some authorities a different year is given for the first dictatorship. After the battle of the lake Regillus in B. c. 498 or 496, Cassius is said to have urged in the senate the destruction of the Latin towns. (Liv. ii. 18; Dionys. v. 75, vi. 20.) In B. c. 493 he was consul a second time with Postumus Cominius Auruncus ; and they entered upon their consulship during the secession of the plebeians to the Sacred Mount. The second consulship of Cassius is memorable by the league which he formed with the Latins. As soon as the plebeians had become reconciled to the patricians, and had returned to Rome, Cominius marched against the Volscians, while his colleague remained at Rome to ratify the league with the Latins. According to Niebuhr the campaign of Cominius against the Volscians is only an inference adopted by Livy from the absence of the consul, who, he supposes, had left Rome in order to take the oath to the treaty among the Latins. In the same year Cassius consecrated the temple of Ceres, Bacchus, and Proserpine, which the dictator A. Postumius Albus had vowed in B. c. 498. (Liv. ii. 33; Cic. de Rep. ii. 33, pro Balb. 23; Dionys. vi. 49, 94, 95; respecting the league with the Latius, see Niebuhr, Hist. of Rome, vol. ii. p. 38, foll.)

In B. C. 486 Cassius was consul a third time with Proculus Virginius Tricostus Rutilus. He marched against the Volscians and Hernicans, but no battle took place as the enemy sued for a peace. Notwithstanding he obtained a triumph over these people on his return to Rome, which is recorded in the triumphal Fasti. Whether he really marched against these people or not, may be doubted; but that he formed a league with the Hernicans, admits of no question. By his league with the Latins in his second consulship, and with the Hernicans in his third, he had again formed that confederacy to which Rome owed her power under the later kings. Livy says (ii. 41) that Cassius deprived the Hernicans of two thirds of their land; but this is a complete misconception. It is much more probable that by this treaty the Hernicans were placed on equal terms with the Romans and the Latins, and that each of the three nations was entitled to a third part of the lands conquered in war by their mutual arms. After the treaty with the Hernicans Cassius proposed his celebrated agrarian law. The account of this law given by Dionysius cannot be safely trusted: according to Niebuhr it betrays distinct marks of a writer of the second half of the seventh century of the city, and is compiled with great ignorance of the ancient times. The law must have been simply a restoration of the old law of Servius Tullius, and must have directed that the portion of the patricians in the public land should be strictly defined, that the remainder should be divided among the plebeians, and that the tithe should again be levied from the lands possessed by the patricians. The patricians, headed by the other consul, Virginius, made the most vehement opposition to the law; but it seems almost certain that it was legally passed, though

« 前へ次へ »