which induced Socrates to prefer death to life. It is not a first-rate performance; and because they do not consider it worthy of Xenophon, some critics would deny that he is the author; but this is an inconclusive reason. Laërtius states that Xenophon wrote an Apologia, and the original is as likely to have come down to us as a forgery.

In the Symposium (Zvuπóσiov), or Banquet of Philosophers, Xenophon delineates the character of Socrates. The speakers are supposed to meet at the house of Callias, a rich Athenian, at the celebration of the great Panathenaea.

seventh chapter is on the duty of a good wife, as exemplified in the case of the wife of Ischomachus. The wife's duty is to look after the interior of the household: the husband labours out of doors and produces that which the wife must use with frugality. The wife's duty is to stay at home, and not to gad abroad. It is an excellent chapter, abundant in good things, worthy of a woman's careful perusal, and adapted to practice. A wife who is perpetually leaving her home, is not the wife that Xenophon would have. It is a notion which one sees in some Socrates, Cra-modern writers, that the attachment of husband and wife, independent of the sexual passion, and their permanent love after both have grown old, is a characteristic of modern society, and that the men of Greece and Rome were not susceptible of that affection which survives the decay of a woman's youth and beauty. The notion is too absurd to need confutation. The duties of a wife, says Ischomachus, give her great opportunities, by ex

tibulus, Antisthenes, Charmides, and others are the speakers. The accessories of the entertainment are managed with skill, and the piece is interesting as a picture of an Athenian drinking party, and of the amusement and conversation with which it was diversified. The nature of love and friendship is discussed. Some critics think that the Symposium is a juvenile performance, and that the Symposium of Plato was written after that of Xe-ercising which she will not have to fear that as nophon; but it is an old tradition that the Symposium of Plato was written before that of Xenophon. The Symposium was translated into English by James Wellwood, 1710, reprinted 1750.

The Hiero (1épwvTuрavvikós) is a dialogue between king Hiero and Simonides, in which the king speaks of the dangers and difficulties incident to an exalted station, and the superior happiness of a private man. The poet, on the other hand, enumerates the advantages which the possession of power gives, and the means which it offers of obliging and doing services. Hiero speaks of the burden of power, and answers Simonides, who wonders why a man should keep that which is so troublesome, by saying that power is a thing which a man cannot safely lay down. Simonides offers some suggestions as to the best use of power, and the way of employing it for the public interest. It is suggested by Letronne that Xenophon may have been led to write this treatise by what he saw at the court of Dionysius; and, as already stated, there is a story of his having visited Sicily in the lifetime of the tyrant of Syracuse. A translation of this piece, which is attributed to Elizabeth, queen of England, first appeared in an octavo volume, published in 1743, entitled "Miscellaneous Correspondence." It was also translated, in 1793, 8vo., by the Rev. James Graves, the translator of the Meditations of Marcus Aurelius.

The Oeconomicus (Oikovoμkós) is a dialogue between Socrates and Critobulus, in which Socrates begins by showing that there is an art called Oeconomic, which relates to the administration of a household and of a man's property. Socrates (c. 4), when speaking in praise of agriculture, quotes the instance of the younger Cyrus, who was fond of horticulture, and once showed to the Spartan Lysander the gardens which he had planned and the trees which he had planted with his own hands. Cicero copies this passage, in his treatise on Old Age (de Senectute. c. 17). Xenophon gives the same character of Cyrus, in this passage of the Oeconomicus, which he gives in the Anabasis (i. 8, 9), which tends to confirm his being the author of the Anabasis, if it needs confirmation. In answer to the praises of agriculture. Critobulus speaks of the losses to which the husbandman is exposed from hail, frost, drought, and other causes. The answer of Socrates is that the husbandman must trust in heaven, and worship the gods. The

she grows older she will receive less respect in the household, but may be assured that as she advances in life, the better companion she becomes to her husband and the better guardian of her children, the more respect she will receive." This is one of the best treatises of Xenophon. It has been several times translated into English. The last translation appears to be by R. Bradley, London, 1727, 8vo.

A man's character cannot be entirely derived from his writings, especially if they treat of exact science. Yet a man's writings are some index of his character, and when they are of a popular and varied kind, not a bad index. Xenophon, as we know him from his writings, was a humane man, at least for his age, a man of good understanding and strong religious feelings: we might call him superstitious, if the name superstition had a welldefined meaning. Some modern critics, who can judge of matters of antiquity with as much positiveness as if all the evidence that exists were undoubted evidence, and as if they had all the evidence that is required, find much to object to in Xenophon's conduct as a citizen. He did not like Athenian institutions altogether; but a man is under no moral or political obligation to like the government under which he is born. His duty is to conform to it, or to withdraw himself. There is no evidence that Xenophon, after his banishment. acted against his native country, even at the battle of Coroneia. If we admit that his banishment was merited, and that is more than can be proved, there is no evidence that he did any thing after his banishment for which an exile can be blamed. If his preference of Spartan to Athenian institutions is matter for blame, he is blameable indeed. If we may form a conjecture of the man, he would have made an excellent citizen and a good administrator under a constitutional monarchy; but he was not fitted for the turbulence of an Athenian democracy, which, during a great part of his lifetime, was not more to the taste of a quiet man than France under the Convention. All antiquity and all modern writers agree in allowing Xenophon great merit as a writer of a plain, simple, perspicuous, and unaffected style. His mind was not adapted for pure philosophical speculation: he looked to the practical in all things; and the basis of his philosophy was a strong belief in a divine mediation in the government of the world. His belief only requires a

Rooke, London, 1727. (Comp. Schöll, Geschichte | Persia. Artabazanes, the eldest son of the former der Griech. Lit. vol. ii. p. 520, &c.; Hoffmann, Lexicon Bibliographicum, s. v.)

6. A native of Cyprus, the author of a work of the same kind as the preceding, entitled Kumpiakά, (Suid. s. v.)

7. For some others of this name the reader is referred to Fabricius (Bibl. Gr. vol. iii. p. 1, note a., p. 833; comp. Menag. ad Diog. Laërt. ii. 59). [C. P. M.] XENOPHON (Eevoowv), the name of two (or more probably three) physicians. 1. A pupil of Praxagoras (Oribas. Coll. Medic. xliv. 8, p. 12, in Mai's Class. Auct. e Vatic. Codic. Edit. Rom. 1831), who must therefore have lived in the fourth century B. C., perhaps also in the third. He is probably the native of Cos mentioned by Diogenes Laërtius (ii. 6. § 59); perhaps also the physician quoted by Caelius Aurelianus (De Morb. Chron. ii. 13, p. 416). It is also shown by M. Littré (Oeuvres d'Hippocr. vol. i. pp. 75, 76) that he is the person alluded to, but not named, by Galen (Comment. in Hippocr. Prognost. i. 4, vol. xviii. pt. ii. p. 19); and therefore he is perhaps also the physician mentioned by the same author (De Dieb. Decret. ii. 7, vol. ix. p. 872), as having written on the subject of critical days.

2. One of the followers of Erasistratus, who lived somewhat earlier than Apollonius of Memphis (Galen, Introd. c. 10, vol. xiv. p. 700), and therefore in the third century B. C., perhaps also in the fourth. He by some modern writers supposed to be the same person as the physician mentioned above; but it is hardly probable that the same person could have been pupil to both Praxagoras and Erasistratus. He wrote a work on the names of the parts of the human body. (Galen, l. c.) It is not certain which of these two physicans is the person quoted by Oribasius (ibid. xlv. 11, p. 41), and Soranus. (De Arte Obstetr. p. 257, ed. Dietz.)

3. A native of Cos, and a descendant of the family of the Asclepiadae, who was a physician to the emperor Claudius, and who obtained from him certain privileges for his native island. He was afterwards induced by Agrippina to murder the emperor by means of a poisoned feather, which he introduced into his mouth under the pretence of making him vomit, A. D. 54. (Tac. Ann. xii. 61,67.) [W.A.G.] XENOPHON, artists, 1. A sculptor, of Athens, contemporary with the elder Cephisodotus, in conjunction with whom he made the statue of Zeus, which is described under CEPHISODOTUS, No. 1, p. 667, b. In another passage, Pausanias mentions the statue of Fortune, carrying her son Plutus, in her temple at Thebes, the face and hands of which, the Thebans said, were made by Xenophon of Athens, and the rest of the work by a native artist, named Callistonicus. (Paus. ix. 16. § 1.)

2. A sculptor, of Paros, of whom nothing is known, beyond the mention of his name by Diogenes Laërtius (ii. 59). [P.S.]

XERXES I. (épens), king of Persia B. c. 485 -465. The name is said by Herodotus (vi. 98) to signify the warrior, but it is probably the same word as the Zend ksathra and the Sanscrit kshatra, a king." Xerxes was the son of Dareius and Atossa. Dareius was married twice. By his first wife, the daughter of Gobryas, he had three children before he was raised to the throne; and by his second wife, Atossa, the daughter of Cyrus, he had four children after he had become king of

marriage, and Xerxes, the eldest son of the latter, each laid claim to the succession; but Dareius decided in favour of Xerxes, no doubt through the influence of his mother Atossa, who completely

ruled Dareius.

Xerxes succeeded his father at the beginning of B. c. 485. Dareius had died in the midst of his preparations against Greece, which had been interrupted by a revolt of the Egyptians. The first care of Xerxes was to reduce the latter people to subjection. He accordingly invaded Egypt at the beginning of the second year of his reign (B. C. 484), compelled the people again to submit to the Persian yoke, and then returned to Persia, leaving his brother Achaemenes, governor of Egypt. The next four years were devoted to preparations for the invasion of Greece. It was his object to collect a mighty armament, which might not simply be sufficient to conquer Europe, but which might display the power and magnificence of the greatest monarch of the world. Troops were gathered together from all quarters of the wide-spread Persian empire, and even the most distant nations subject to his sway were required to send their contingents. Critalla in Cappadocia was the place of meeting, and there they came pouring in, nomad hordes from the steppes of central Asia, dark-coloured tribes from the rivers flowing into the Indus, and negroes from the inland parts of Africa, as well as from all the intermediate countries. Immense stores of provisions were at the same time collected from all parts of the Persian empire, and deposited at suitable stations along the line of march. The fleet was furnished by the Phoenicians, Ionians and other maritime nations subject to the Persians. An agreement also was made with the Carthaginians, that they should attack the Greek cities in Sicily and Italy, while Xerxes invaded the mother country. Two great works were at the same time undertaken, which might bear witness to the grandeur and power of the Persian monarch. He ordered that a bridge of boats should be thrown across the Hellespont, and that a canal should be cut through the isthmus of Mount Athos, on which the fleet of Mardonius had been wrecked in B. C. 492. The bridge across the Hellespont stretched from the neighbourhood of Abydos on the Asiatic side to the coast between Sestos and Madytus on the European, where the strait is about an English mile in breadth. The work was entrusted to Phoenicians and Egyptians; but after it had been completed, it was destroyed by a violent storm. Xerxes was so enraged that he caused the heads of the chief engineers to be cut off, and commanded that the strait itself should be scourged, and a set of fetters cast into it. A new bridge was constructed, of which Herodotus has left us a minute account (viii. 36). There were in fact two bridges formed of two lines of ships; but our limits prevent us from entering into the details of their construction. The canal cut through the isthmus of Mount Athos from the Strymonic to the Toronaic gulph was about a mile and a half long, and was broad and deep enough for two triremes to sail abreast. This work is said to have occupied a multitude of workmen for a space of three years. That these works were unnecessary is no proof that they were never executed; for Xerxes' invasion of Greece must not be judged by the necessities or probabilities of any ordinary war. It was rather a lavish display of

human life and human labour to gratify the caprice | sea forces amounted to 2,641,610 fighting men. and magnify the power of an Eastern despot, than This does not include the attendants, the slaves, simply a military force collected for the conquest the crews of the provision ships, &c., which accordof a formidable enemy. The cutting of the canal ing to the supposition of Herodotus were more in through Mount Athos has been rejected as a false- number than the fighting men; but supposing them hood by numerous writers both ancient and modern. to have been equal, the total number of male Juvenal speaks of it (x. 174) as a specimen of persons who accompanied Xerxes to Thermopylae reach the astounding figure of 5,283,220! In Greek mendacity, addition to this, there were the eunuchs, concubines and female cooks, of whom no one could tell the amount, nor that of the beasts of burthen, cattle and Indian dogs. (Herod. vii. 184-187.)

and Niebuhr denies it most positively as a thing quite incomprehensible. (Vorträge über alte Geschichte, vol. i. p. 403.) But since it is evident that Herodotus went in person over the whole ground traversed by the Persian army, the mere fact that he gives a most minute description of this canal (vii. 37) ought to convince every one of its exist-relation, and considers it as founded on the epic ence even without any further evidence, since he certainly never said that he saw what he did not There are, however, the most distinct traces of it at the present day, as is shown by Lieutenant Wolfe, who has given an account of its present condition in the article "Athos" which he wrote in the "Penny Cyclopaedia."

any ascertained data; and when we learn from Thucydides that he found it impossible to find out the exact numbers of the small armies of Greeks who fought at Mantineia, we shall not be ashamed to avow our inability to count the Asiatic multitudes at Doriscus." (Hist. of Greece, vol. v. p. 46, foll.)

Greeks, who had in a panic deserted Artemisium and sailed to Chalcis in Euboea, thus leaving Xerxes at full liberty to communicate with his fleet, now took courage, and sailed back to their former position at Artemisium. On their arrival they found the Persian fleet, which had recovered from the effects of the storm, drawn up on the After the review of Doriscus Xerxes continued opposite coast in the neighbourhood of Aphetae. his march through Thrace in three divisions, and Meantime Xerxes had attempted to force his way along three different lines of road. The tribes through the pass of Thermopylae, but his troops through which he marched had to furnish a day's were repulsed again and again by Leonidas and his meal for the immense host, and for this purpose had gallant band. At last a Malian, of the name of made preparations many months beforehand. The Ephialtes, showed the Persians a pass over the cost of feeding such a multitude brought many of mountains of Oeta, and thus enabled them to fall the cities of Thrace to the brink of ruin: the city on the rear of the Greeks. Leonidas and his of Thasos alone, on account of their possessions on Spartans disdained to fly, and were all slain after the main land, expended no less a sum for this pur- performing miracles of valour [LEONIDAS]. On pose than 400 talents. On reaching Acanthus, the same days on which Leonidas was fighting near the isthmus of Athos, Xerxes left his fleet, with the land forces of Xerxes, the Greek ships which received orders to sail through the canal at Artemisium attacked the Persian fleet. In the that had been dug across the isthmus, to double the first battle, which was not fought till late in the two peninsulas of Sithonia and Pallene, and await | day, the Greeks had the advantage, and in the folhis arrival at Therme, afterwards called Thessalo-lowing night the Persian ships suffered still more nica (now Saloniki), a little to the east of the from a violent storm, which blew right upon the mouth of the river Axius. After joining his fleet shore at Aphetae. The same storm completely at Therme, Xerxes marched through Mygdonia and destroyed a squadron of the Persian fleet, which Bottiaeis, as far as the mouth of the Haliacmon. had been sent to sail round Euboea in order to cut Hitherto his march had been through territory sub- off the retreat of the Greeks. The Persian ships ject to the Persian empire, and he now entered at Aphetae had been too much damaged to renew Macedonia, the monarch of which reverently ten- the fight on the following day, but the day after dered his submission, and undertook to conduct they again sailed out and offered battle to the him further. Greeks. The contest lasted the whole day, and both sides fought with the greatest courage. Although the Greeks at the close still maintained their position, and had destroyed a great number of the enemy's ships, yet their own loss was considerable, and half the Athenian ships was disabled. Under these circumstances the Greek commanders saw that it was impossible to remain at Artemisium any longer, and their resolution to retreat was quickened by the disastrous intelligence that Xerxes was master of the pass at Thermopylae. Upon this they forthwith abandoned Artemisium and retired to Salamis, opposite the southwestern coast of Attica.

The Greeks had originally intended to defend the defile of Tempe, the northernmost entrance of Greece, and they sent thither a force of 10,000 men, in accordance with the urgent desires of the Thessalians. But upon arriving there the Greeks found that it would be impossible to hold the pass, as the Persians could land troops in their rear, and there was another pass across the mountains east of Tempe, by which the Persians could enter Thessaly. The Greeks therefore returned to the isthmus about the same time as Xerxes crossed the Hellespont. Their retreat was followed by the submission of the whole of Thessaly to Xerxes, who accordingly met with no opposition till he reached Thermopylae. Here the Greeks resolved to make a stand. This pass was in one important respect better adapted for defence than that of Tempe, for the mainland was here separated from the island of Euboea only by a narrow strait, so that by defending the strait with their fleet the Persians could not land troops in their rear on the mainland. Accordingly, while Leonidas, king of Sparta, conducted a land force to Thermopylae, his colleague Eury biades sailed with the combined Greek fleet to the north of Euboea, and took up his position on the northern coast, which faced Magnesia, and which was called Artemisium from the temple of Artemis belonging to the town of Histiaea.

The remainder of the history of the invasion of Xerxes is so fully related in other articles in this work [THEMISTOCLES; EURYBIADES; LEONIDAS; ARISTEIDES; MARDONIUS], that it is only necessary in this place to give a very brief enumeration of the subsequent events. Xerxes arrived in safety with his land forces before Thermopylae, but his fleet was overtaken by a violent storm and hurricane off the coast of Sepias in Magnesia, by which at least four hundred ships of war were destroyed, as well as an immense number of transports. The

The Peloponnesians had resolved to retire within the peninsula, and to build a wall across the isthmus. It was now too late to send an army into Boeotia, and Attica thus lay exposed to the full vengeance of the invader. The fleet had been ordered to assemble at Troezen in order to co-ope rate with the land forces for the protection of the Peloponnesus, and Eury biades had only remained at Salamis at the earnest entreaty of the Athenians, in order to assist them in the transport of their families. They had no time to lose. Themistocles urged them at once to remove the women, children, and infirm persons to Salamis, Aegina, and Troezen, and within six days the whole population with few exceptions left the country. The greater num ber were conveyed to Troezen, where they were received most hospitably, and maintained at the public expense. Meantime Xerxes had entered Phocis, which he laid waste with fire and sword. At Panopeus he sent a detachment of his army to plunder Delphi, while he himself marched into Boeotia with the main body of his forces. All the people of Boeotia submitted to him with the excep tion of the inhabitants of Thespiae and Plataea, which were deserted by their citizens, and were both burnt by Xerxes. Thus he reached Athens