Fragmenta Vaticana, § 247, from the Lib. I. Editionis secundae de Jurisdictione singulari.

The enumeration of the works of Paulus is not made merely for the sake of completeness. To those who are conversant with the matter of jurisprudence it shows his wonderful fertility and the great variety of subjects on which he was employed. Cujacius has devoted to the Libri ad Edictum and the Quaestiones of Paulus the whole of the fifth volume of his works (ed. Neap. 1758), except a few pages, which are upon the Differentiae of Modestinus. The sixth volume of the same edition contains the Recitationes Solemnes of Cujacius (A. D. 1588) on the Responsa of Paulus. The first volume of Cujacius contains the Interpretationes in Julii Pauli Receptarum Sententiarum Libros quinque. The industry of Paulus must have been unremitting, and the extent of his legal learning is proved by the variety of his labours. Perhaps no legal writer, ancient or modern, has handled so many subjects, if we except his great commentator. (Grotius, Vitae Jurisconsultorum; Cujacius, Op. ed. Neapol. 1758; Zimmern, Geschichte des Römischen Privatrechts, 367, &c.; Paulus, Receptae Sententiae cum Interpretatione Visigotthorum, ed. L. Arndts, Bonn, 1833.) [G. L.]

PAULUS, PASSIE'NUS, a contemporary and friend of the younger Pliny, was a distinguished Roman eques, and was celebrated for his elegiac and lyric poems. He belonged to the same municipium (Mevania in Umbria) as Propertius, whom he numbered among his ancestors. Pliny bestows the most unbounded praises upon the character, life, and poems of Passienus. An anecdote which Pliny relates respecting the jurist Javolenus Priscus and Passienus Paulus has given rise to much discussion, of which some account will be found under JAVOLENUS. (Plin. Ep. vi. 15, vii. 6, ix. 22.)

PAULUS, SERGIUS. 1. SERGIUS PAULUS, proconsul (dveúnaros) of Cyprus, whom the Apostle Paul converted to Christianity (Acts, xiii. 7). He is not mentioned by any other writer; but he may have been the father of the Sergius next mentioned. 2. L. SERGIUS PAULUS, one of the consuls suffecti in A. D. 94 (Fusti).

3. L. SERGIUS PAULUS, consul A. D. 168 with L. Venuleius Apronianus, in the reign of M. Aurelius (Fasti).

PAULUS, L. VETTIUS, consul suffectus A. D. 81 with T. Junius Montanus (Fasti).

PAVOR, that is, Fear or Terror, was, together with Pallor or Paleness, a companion of Mars among the Romans. Their worship was believed to have been instituted by Tullus Hostilius during a plague, or at a critical moment in a battle. Their worship was attended to by Salii, called Pallorii and Pavori. (Liv. i. 27; Aug. De Civ. Dei, iv. 15, 23; Stat. Theb. iii. 425; Val. Flacc. iii. 89; Claudian, in Rufin. i. 344.) [L. S.] PAUSA'NIAS, historical. 1. A Spartan of the Agid branch of the royal family, the son of Cleombrotus and nephew of Leonidas (Thuc. i. 94; Herod. ix. 10). His mother's name was Alcathea or Aleithea (Schol. ad Thuc. i. 134; Schol. ad Aristoph. Equit. 1. 84; Suidas calls her 'Ayx:0éa; Polyaen. viii. 51, Theano). Several writers (Arist. Polit. v. 1. § 5, vii. 13. § 13; Plut. Consol. ad Apollon. p. 182; Dem. in Neuer. § 97, p. 1378, ed. Reiske; Suidas, s. v. Пavoavías, &c.) incorrectly call him king (Paus. iii. 4. § 9); he only succeeded his father Cleombrotus in the guardian

After a

ship of his cousin Pleistarchus, the son of Leonidas, for whom he exercised the functions of royalty from B. c. 479 to the period of his death (Thuc. i. 94, 132; Herod. ix. 10). In B. c. 479, when the Athenians called upon the Lacedaemonians for aid against the Persians, the Spartans, after some delay (on the motives for which Bishop Thirlwall, Hist. of Greece, vol. ii. p. 327, &c., has thrown considerable light), sent a body of five thousand Spartans, each attended by seven Helots, under the command of Pausanias. From Herodotus (ix. 53) it appears that Euryanax, the son of Dorieus, was associated with him as commander. At the Isthmus Pausanias was joined by the other Peloponnesian allies, and at Eleusis by the Athenians, and forthwith took the command of the combined forces (Thuc. i. 130; Herod. viii. 3; Paus. iii. 14. § 1; the words yeμovía and nyeîota imply this), the other Greek generals forming a sort of council of war (Herod. ix. 50). The allied forces then crossed Cithaeron, and at Erythrae Pausanias halted and formed his line on the skirts of the mountain, his forces amounting to nearly 110,000 men. Here they were assailed by the Persian cavalry under Masistius, who were repulsed after the Athenians had reinforced the Megareans, who were being hard pressed [OLYMPIODORUS], and Masistius had fallen. For the purpose of being better supplied with water, Pausanias now descended into the territory of Plataeae, and posted his army on the banks of a small stream, which Herodotus calls the Asopus, and which was probably one of its tributaries. Mardonius drew up his forces on the opposite bank of the stream. delay of ten days, during which the armies were kept inactive by the unfavourable reports of the soothsayers, Mardonius resolved to attack the Greeks, Information of his intention was conveyed by night to the Greeks by Alexander of Macedon. Accordingly, the next day the Persiancavalry made a vigorous attack upon the Greeks, and gained possession of the Gargaphian spring, on which the Greeks depended for their supply of water; and as there seemed no likelihood of a general engagement that day, Pausanias, with the concurrence of the allied generals, resolved to remove nearer to Plataeae. This was done in the course of the ensuing night. On the following day the great battle of Plataeae took place. Persian forces were speedily routed and their camp stormed, where a terrible carnage ensued. The Spartans were judged to have fought most bravely in the battle, and among them, according to Diodorus (xi. 33), Pausanias was selected as having acquitted himself most valiantly. But Herodotus makes no mention of his name in this connection. An Aeginetan urged Pausanias to revenge the mutilation of Leonidas, by impaling the corpse of Mardonius; an advice which Pausanias rejected with abhorrence. Pausanias gave directions that all the spoil should be left to be collected by the Helots. Ten samples of all that was most valuable in this booty were presented to Pausanias. dotus has preserved a story, that, to exhibit the contrast between their modes of living, Pausanias ordered the Persian slaves to prepare a banquet similar to what they commonly prepared for Mardonius, and then directed his Helots to place by the side of it a Laconian dinner; and, laughing, bade the Greek generals observe the folly of the leader of the Medes, who, while able to live in such

The

Hero

style, had come to rob the Greeks of their scanty stores. (Herod. ix. 10-85; Diod. xi. 2933.)

As to the generalship of Pausanias in this action, Bishop Thirlwall remarks (Hist. of Greece, vol. ii. p. 352): "Whether Pausanias committed any considerable faults as a general, is a question still more open to controversy than similar cases in modern warfare. But at least it seems clear that he followed, and did not direct or control events, and that he was for a time on the brink of ruin, from which he was delivered more by the rashness of the enemy than by his own prudence. In the critical moment, however, he displayed the firmness, and if, as appears manifest, the soothsayer was his instrument, the ability of a commander equal to the juncture."

Immediately after the battle a formal confederacy| was entered into, on the proposition of Aristeides (Plut. Arist. 21). The contingents which the allies were to maintain for carrying on the war against the barbarians, were fixed; deputies were to be sent from all the states of Greece every year to Plataeae, to deliberate on their common interests, and celebrate the anniversary of the battle; and every fifth year a festival, to be called the Feast of Liberty, was to be celebrated at Plataeae, the inhabitants of which place were declared inviolable and independent. It is this treaty which Thucydides calls τὰς παλαιὰς Παυσανίου μετὰ τὸν Μῆdov σovdás (Thuc. iii. 68, comp. ii. 71). Before the Greek forces withdrew, Pausanias led them to attack Thebes, and demanded the surrender of those who had been traitors to the cause of Greece. After a siege of twenty days, Timagenidas and Attaginus, who had been the leaders of the Median party, consented to be delivered up. The latter, however, made his escape. Pausanias dismissed his family unharmed; but the rest who were delivered up he had conveyed to Corinth and put to death there without any form of trial-"the first indication that appears of his imperious character" (Herod. ix. 88; Diod. xi. 33). It was speedily followed by another. On the tripod dedicated by the Greeks at Delphi from the spoil taken from the Medes he had the following inscription engraved :

Ἑλλήνων ἀρχηγός ἐπεὶ στρατὸν ὤλεσε Μήδων, Παυσανίας Φοίβῳ μνῆμ' ἀνέθηκε τόδε. The inscription was afterwards obliterated by the Lacedaemonians, and the names of the states which joined in effecting the overthrow of the barbarian substituted (Thuc. i. 132; Dem. in Neaeram, p. 1378, ed. Reiske; Corn. Nepos, Paus. 1; Herod. viii. 82). Simonides, with whom Pausanias seems to have been on terms of intimacy (Aelian, Var. Hist. ix. 41), was the composer of the elegy. (Paus. iii. 8. § 2.)

In B. c. 477 (see the discussion by Clinton On the Athenian Empire, Fasti Hellen. vol. ii. p. 248, &c.) the confederate Greeks sent out a fleet under the command of Pausanias, to follow up their success by driving the Persians completely out of Europe and the islands. Cyprus was first attacked, and the greater part of it subdued. From Cyprus Pausanias sailed to Byzantium, and captured the city (Thuc. i. 94). It was probably as a memorial of this conquest that he dedicated to Poseidon in a temple on the Thracian Bosporus, at a place called Exampacus, the bowl mentioned by Herodotus (iv. 81), the inscription on which is preserved by Athe

naeus (xii. 9, p. 536, a. b.). It does not distinctly appear what could have induced Justin (ix. 1) to call Pausanias the founder of Byzantium (a statement which is repeated by Isidorus, Origines, xv. 1. § 42); though if, as Justin says, Pausanias held possession of the city for seven years, he may have had opportunities for effecting such alterations in the city and the government as nearly to have remodelled both, and the honours usually accorded to founders may have been conferred on him by the Byzantines.

The capture of Byzantium afforded Pausanias an opportunity for commencing the execution of the design which he had apparently formed even before leaving Greece. Dazzled by his success and reputation, his station as a Spartan citizen had become too restricted for his ambition. His position as regent was one which must terminate when the king became of age. As a tyrant over, not Sparta merely, but the whole of Greece (εφιέμενος Ἑλληνικῆς ἀρχῆς, Thuc. i. 128), supported by the power of the Persian king, he hoped that the reward of his treachery to Greece would be ample enough to satisfy his overweening pride and arrogance.

Among the prisoners taken at Byzantium. were some Persians connected with the royal family. These Pausanias, by the aid of Gongylus, whom he had made governor of Byzantium, sent to the king without the knowledge of the other allies, giving out that they had made their escape. Gongylus escorted them, and was the bearer of a letter from Pausanias to the king, in which the former offered to bring Sparta and the rest of Greece under his power, and proposed to marry his daughter (Herodotus, v. 32. mentions that he had proposed to marry the daughter of Megabates). He at the same time requested Xerxes to send some trusty person to the coast to treat with him. Xerxes sent Artabazus with a letter thanking Pausanias for the release of the prisoners, and offering him whatever amount of troops and money he required for accomplishing his designs. (According to Plutarch, Parall. 10, he actually received 500 talents of gold from the king.) Pausanias now set no bounds to his arrogant and domineering temper. made himself dificult of access, and conducted He treated the allies with harshness and injustice, himself so angrily and violently towards all alike, that no one could come near him; and with a rashness that even exceeded his arrogance assumed the dress and state of a Persian satrap, and even journeyed through Thrace with a guard of Persians and Egyptians. The allies were so disgusted by this conduct, especially as contrasted with that of Cimon and Aristeides, that they all, except the Peloponnesians and Aeginetans, voluntarily offered to transfer to the Athenians that preeminence of rank which Sparta had hitherto enjoyed. In this way the Athenian confederacy first took its rise. Reports of the conduct and designs of Pausanias reached Sparta, and he was recalled; and as the allies refused to obey Dorcis, who was sent in his place, the Spartans declined to take any farther share in the operations against the Persians. Pausanias, on reaching Sparta, was put upon his trial, and convicted of various offences against individuals; but the evidence respecting his meditated treachery and Medism was not yet thought sufficiently strong. He however, without the orders of the ephors, sailed in a vessel of Her

occurrences took place in B. c. 336. (Diod. xvi. 93, 94; Justin. ix. 6, 7; Plut. Alex. c. 9, 10.)

8. An officer in the service of Alexander. On the capture of Sardes he was appointed to the command of the citadel. (Arrian, i. 17. § 8.)

9. A native of Thessaly, with whom the celebrated Laïs fell in love. [LAIS.]

10. According to some accounts (Paus. ii. 33. §4), the assassinator of Harpalus [HARPALUS], was a man named Pausanias. [C. P. M.]

PAUSA'NIAS (Пavoavías), the author of the Ἑλλάδος Περιήγησις, has been supposed to be a native of Lydia. The passage in which this opinion is founded is in his own work (v. 13. §7). The time when he travelled and lived is fixed approximately by various passages. The latest Roman emperors whom he mentions are Antoninus Pius, whom he calls the former Antoninus (viii. 43. §1), and his successor Marcus Antoninus, whom he calls the second Antoninus (viii. 43. §6). He alludes to Antoninus leaving Marcus for his successor, and to the defeat of the Germans and Sarmatians by Marcus. The great battle with the Quadi took place A. D. 174. (Dion Cass. lxxi. 8.) Aurelius was again engaged in hostilities with the Sarmatians, Quadi, and other barbarians, in A. D. 179, but as he died in A.D. 180, and Pausanias does not mention his death, probably he refers to his earlier campaigns. He was therefore writing his eighth book after A. D. 174. In a passage in the seventh book (20. §6) he says that he had not described the Odeion of Herodes in his account of Attica (lib. i.), because it was not then built. Herodes was a contemporary of Pius and Marcus, and died in the latter part of the reign of Marcus.

The Itinerary of Pausanias, which is in ten books, contains a description of Attica and Megaris (i.), Corinthia, Sicyonia, Phliasia, and Argolis (ii.), Laconica (iii.), Messenia (iv.), Elis (v. vi.), Achaea (vii.), Arcadia (viii.), Boeotia (ix), Phocis (x.). His work shows that he visited most of the places in these divisions of Greece, a fact which is clearly demonstrated by the minuteness and particularity of his description. But he also travelled much in other countries. A passage in the eighth book (46. § 4, 5) appears to prove that he had been at Rome, and another passage (x. 21. § 1) is still more to the purpose. He speaks of seeing a hymn of Pindarus on a triangular stele in the temple of the Libyan Ammon, near the altar which Ptolemaeus, the son of Lagus, dedicated to Ammon (ix. 16. $1). He also visited Delos (ix. 40. § 5), as we infer from his mode of description, which is exactly like that of Herodotus in similar cases: "the Delians have a wooden statue (§óavov) of Aphrodite, of no great size, which has lost the left hand by reason of age, and it terminates in a quadrangular form instead of feet." It is probable that he also visited Syria and Palestine, for he contrasts the byssus that grew in Eleia with the byssus of the Hebrews (v. 5. §2). He must of course have visited a great number of places which lay between the extreme points which have been mentioned. Nothing is known of Pausanias except what we learn from his own book.

The Periegesis is merely an Itinerary. Pausanias gives no general description of a country or even of a place, but he describes the things as he comes to them. His account is minute; but it mainly refers to objects of antiquity, and works of

VOL. III.

art, such as buildings, temples, statues, and pictures. He also mentions mountains, rivers, and fountains, and the mythological stories connected with them, which indeed are his chief inducements to speak of them. His religious feeling was strong, and his belief sure, for he tells many old legends in true good faith and seriousness. His style has been much condemned by modern critics, some of whom consider it a sample of what has been called the Asiatic style. Some even go so far as to say that his words are wrongly placed, and that it seems as if he tried to make his meaning difficult to discover. But if we except some corrupt passages, and if we allow that his order of words is not that of the best Greek writers, there is hardly much obscurity to a person who is competently acquainted with Greek, except that obscurity which sometimes is owing to the matter. He makes no attempt at ornament; when he speaks of the noble works of art that he saw, the very brevity and simplicity with which he describes many beautiful things, present them to us in a more lively manner than the description of a connoisseur, who often thinks more about rounding a phrase than about the thing which he affects to describe. With the exception of Herodotus, there is no writer of antiquity, and perhaps none of modern times, who has comprehended so many valuable facts in a small volume. The work of Pausanias is full of matter mythological, historical, and artistic; nor does he neglect matters physical and economical. His remarks on earthquakes (vii. 24), on the soft stone full of sea shells (Xíbos koyxíτns) used in the buildings of Megara, on the byssus above referred to, and on a kind of silk worm (vi. 26), show the minuteness of his observation. At Patrae he was struck with the fact (vii. 21. § 14) that the females were double the number of the males; which is explained by the circumstance that the greater part of them got their living by making head-gear, and weaving cloth from the byssus of Elis. He has thus preserved a valuable record of the growth and establishment of manufacturing industry in a small Greek town in the second century of our aera.

When Pausanias visited Greece, it was not yet despoiled of all the great works of art. The country was still rich in the memorials of the unrivalled genius of the Greeks. Pausanias is not a critic or connoisseur in art, and what is better, he does not pretend to be one; he speaks of a thing just as he saw it, and in detail. His description of the works of Polygnotus at Delphi (x. 25-31), the paintings in the Poecile at Athens (i. 15), the treasures of art collected in Elis (v. vi.), among which was the Jupiter of Pheidias (v. 10), are valuable records, simply because they are plain facts. Greece was still richer in sculpture at the time of his visit than in painting, and he describes works of all the great Greek sculptors, both in marble and in bronze; nor does he omit to mention the memorials of the archaic style which were still religiously preserved in the temples of Greece.

The first edition of Pausanias was printed at Venice, 1516, fol., by Aldus, but it is very incorrect. Xylander (Holzmann) commenced an edition, which was finished by Sylburg, and appeared with the Latin version of Romolo Amaseo, at Frankfort on the Main, 1583, fol., and at Hanau, 1613. The edition of Kühn, Leipzig, 1696. fol., also contains the Latin version of Romolo Amaseo, which was first published at Rome in 1547, 4to.

M