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dameia slew him, because her own sons refused to |
do it. (Plut. Parall. Min. 33.) According to the
common tradition, however, Pelops, who suspected
his sons of the murder, expelled them from the
country, and they dispersed all over Peloponnesus.
(Schol. ad Eurip. Or. 5; Paus. v. 8. §1.) Hip-
podameia, dreading the anger of her husband, fled
to Midea in Argolis, from whence her remains were
afterwards conveyed by Pelops, at the command of
an oracle, to Olympia. (Paus. vi. 20. § 4.) Some
state that Hippodameia made away with herself.
(Hygin. Fab. 85, 243.) She had a sanctuary at
Olympia in the grove Altis, to which women alone
had access, and in the race course at Olympia there
was a bronze statue of her. (Paus. vi. 20. § 10.)

4. The remains of Pelops. While the Greeks
were engaged in the siege of Troy, they were in-
formed by an oracle, that the city could not be
taken, unless one of the bones of Pelops were
brought from Elis to Troas. The shoulder bone
accordingly was fetched from Letrina or Pisa, but
was lost together with the ship in which it was
carried, off the coast of Euboea. Many years
afterwards it was dragged up from the bottom of
the sea by a fisherman, Demarmenus of Eretria,
who concealed it in the sand, and then consulted
the Delphic oracle about it. At Delphi he met
ambassadors of the Eleians, who had come to con-
sult the oracle respecting a plague, which was
raging in their country. The Pythia requested
Demarmenus to give the shoulder bone of Pelops
to the Eleians. This was done accordingly, and
the Eleians appointed Demarmenus to guard the
venerable relic. (Paus. v. 13. § 3; Tzetz. ad Lyc.
52, 54.) According to some the Palladium was
made of the bones of Pelops. (Clem. Alex. ad Gent.
p. 30, d; comp. Plin. H. N. xxviii. 4.) Pelops
was honoured at Olympia above all other heroes.
(Paus. v. 13. § 1.) His tomb with an iron sar-
cophagus existed on the banks of the Alpheius, not
far from the temple of Artemis near Pisa; and
every year the ephebi there scourged themselves, |
shedding their blood as a funeral sacrifice to the
hero. (Schol. ad Pind. Ol. i. 146.) The spot on
which his sanctuary (Пeλónov) stood in the grove
Altis, was said to have been dedicated by He-
racles, who also offered to him the first sacrifices.
(Paus. l. c.; v. 26, in fin.; Apollod. ii. 7. §2.)
The magistrates of the Eleians likewise offered to
him there an annual sacrifice, consisting of a black
ram, with special ceremonies. (Paus. v. 13. §2.)
His chariot was shown in the temple of Demeter
at Phlius, and his sword in the treasury of the
Sicyonians at Olympia. (Paus. ii. 14. § 3, vi. 19.
$ 3.)

2. Of Opus, one of the suitors of Hippodameia who was unsuccessful, and was killed. (Schol. ad Pind. Ol. i. 127.)

3. A son of Agamemnon by Cassandra. (Paus. ii. 16. § 5.) [L. S.] PELOPS (Пéλo), a physician of Smyrna, in Lydia, in the second century after Christ, celebrated for his anatomical knowledge. He was a pupil of Numisianus (Galen, Comment. in Hippocr. "De Nat. Hom." ii. 6. vol. xv. p. 136), and one of Galen's earliest tutors, who went to Smyrna, and resided in his house for some time, on purpose to attend his lectures and those of the Platonic philosopher Albinus, about A. D. 150. (De Anat. Admin. i. 1, vol. ii. p. 217, De Atra Bile, c. 3, vol. v. p. 112, De Locis Affect. iii. 11, vol. viii. p. 194,

De Libris Propriis, c. 2, and De Ord. Libror. suor.
vol. xix. pp. 16, 17, 57.) He wrote a work en-
titled 'Inокpάтelaι Elvaywyal, Introductiones Hip-
pocraticae, consisting of at least three books (Galen,
De Muscul. Dissect. init. vol. xviii. pt. ii. p. 926),
in the second of which he maintained that the
brain was the origin not only of the nerves, but also
of the veins and arteries, though in another of his
works he considered the veins to arise from the
liver, like most of the ancient anatomists (Galen,
De Hippocr. et Plat. Decr. vi. 3, 5. vol. v. pp. 527,
544). He is several times mentioned in other
parts of Galen's writings, and is said by the author
of the spurious commentary on the Aphorisms of
Hippocrates, that goes under the name of Oribasius
(p. 8. ed. Basil. 1535), to have translated the
Aphorisms into Latin, word for word.
quoted also by Paulus Aegineta (iii. 20, p. 430),
with reference to the treatment of tetanus.

He is

2. The medical writer quoted by Pliny (H. N. xxxii. 16), must be a different person, who lived about a century earlier than Galen's tutor, though Fabricius, by an oversight, speaks of him as the same person (Bibl. Gr. vol. xiii. p. 360, ed vet.): and this is probably the physician quoted by Asclepiades Pharmacion (ap. Galen, De Antid. ii. 11, vol. xiv. p. 172). [W. A. G.]

PELOR (Пéλwp), one of the Spartae or men that grew forth from the dragons' teeth which Cadmus sowed at Thebes. (Apollod. iii. 4. §1; Paus. ix. 5. § 1; Schol. ad Eurip. Phoen. 670; comp. CADMUS.) [L. S.]

PENATES, the household gods of the Romans, both in regard to a private family and to the state, as the great family of citizens: hence we shall have to distinguish between private and public Penates. The name is unquestionably connected with penus, they being the gods who were worshipped, and whose images were kept in the central part of the house, or the penetralia, and who thus protected the whole household. (Isidor. Orig. viii. 11; Fest. s. vv. Penetralia, Penus.) The Greeks, when speaking of the Roman Penates, called them θεοὶ πατρῷοι, γενέθλιοι, κτήσιοι, μύχιοι, рKIOL. (Dionys. i. 67.) The Lares therefore were included among the Penates; both names, in fact, are often used synonymously (Schol. ad Horat. Epod. ii. 43; Plaut. Merc. v. 1. 5; Aulul. ii. 8. 16; Plin. H. N. xxviii. 20), and the figures of two youths whom Dionysius (i. 68) saw in the temple of the Penates, were no doubt the same as the Lares praestites, that is, the twin founders of the city of Rome. The Lares, however, though they may be regarded as identical with the Penates, were yet not the only Penates, for each family had usually no more than one Lar, whereas the Penates are always spoken of in the plural. (Plaut. Merc. v. 1. 5.) Now considering that Jupiter and Juno were regarded as the protectors and the promoters of happiness, peace, and concord in the family, and that Jupiter is not only called a deus penetralis (Fest. s. v. Herceus), but that sacrifices were offered to him on the hearth along with the Lares, there can be little doubt but that Jupiter and Juno too were worshipped as Penates. Vesta also is reckoned among the Penates (Serv. ad Aen. ii. 297; Macrob. Sat. iii. 4; Ov. Met. xv. 864), for each hearth, being the symbol of domestic union, had its Vesta. All other Penates, both public and private, seem to have consisted of certain sacred relics connected with indefinite divinities, and

hence the expression of Varro, that the number | and names of the Penates were indefinite (ap. Arnob. iii. 40; Macrob. I. c.; Isid. Orig. viii. 11). This statement of a great antiquarian might have deterred any one from entering upon any further investigation; but some have nevertheless ventured upon the wide field of speculation, and conjectured that the Penates were Neptune and Apollo, because these divinities had surrounded Troy with walls. According to this view the Penates were the sacred relics that were believed to have been brought from Troy to Italy (Arnob. iii. 40; Macrob. I. c.) According to an Etruscan opinion the Penates were four in number, or divided into four classes, viz. Jupiter and his suite, Neptune and his train, and the gods of the upper and lower worlds; but this opinion is certainly based upon a view of the Penates which is different from that entertained by the Romans. Others again believed that the Penates were those divinities who were the representatives of the vital principle in man and nature, that is, Jupiter, Juno, and Minerva, to whom Tarquinius built a common temple on the Capitol; and as Tarquinius was believed to have been initiated in the Samothracian mysteries, the Penates were identified with the great gods of Samothrace. This was accounted for by the supposition that the Trojan Penates who had been brought to Italy, had been introduced at Troy from Samothrace. (Dionys. i. 68.; Serv. ad Aen. ii. 325, iii. 148; Macrob. 1. c.) But all these opinions and conjectures are of little value. The public Penates of the city of Rome had a chapel somewhere about the centre of the city, in a place called sub Velia. They were represented as two youths with lances in their hands, and similar images of them existed in many other sanctuaries. (Dionys. i. 68; Liv. xlv. 16.) Lavinium, the central point of Latium, too, had the Penates, who had been brought by Aeneas from Troy (Varr. De L. L. v. 144 ; Dionys. i. 67), and every Roman consul, dictator, and praetor, immediately after entering upon his office, was bound to offer up a sacrifice to the Penates and Vesta at Lanuvium. (Macrob. Sat. iii. 4.)

As the public Lares were worshipped in the central part of the city or country, and at the public hearth, so the private Penates had their place at the hearth of every house; but not only the hearth was sacred to them, but the table also. On the hearth a perpetual fire was kept up in their honour, and the table always contained the salt-cellar and the firstlings of fruit for these divinities. (Plut. Sympos. vii. 4; Amob. ii. 67; Liv. xxvi. 36; Val. Max. iv. 4. § 3; Cic. De Fin. ii. 7.) Every meal that was taken in the house thus resembled a sacrifice offered to the Penates, beginning with a purification and ending with a libation which was poured either on the table or upon the hearth. After every absence from the hearth, the Penates were saluted like the living inhabitants of the house; and whoever went abroad prayed to the Penates and Lares for a happy return, and when he came back to his house, he hung up his armour, staff, and the like by the side of their images (Terent. Phorm. ii. 1.81; Plaut. Stich. iv. 1. 29; Ov. Trist. i. 3. 41, iv. 8. 21), and on the whole, there was no event occurring in a family, whether sad or joyful, in which people did not pray to the Lares and Penates. (Comp. Hartung.

Die Relig. der Röm. vol. i. p. 71, &c.; Klausen, Aeneas und die Penaten, p. 620, &c.) [L. S.] PENEIUS (Inveiós), also called Peneus, a Thessalian river god, and a son of Oceanus and Tethys. (Hes. Theog. 343; Hom. Il. ii. 757; Ov. Met. i. 568, &c.) By the Naiad Creusa he became the father of Hypseus, Stilbe, and Daphne. (Diod. i. 69; Ov. Am. iii. 6. 31; Hygin. Fab. 203; Serv. ad Aen. i. 93; Ov. Met. iv. 452; Pind. Pyth. ix. 26, where the Scholiast, instead of Creusa, mentions Phillyra, the daughter of Asopus.) Cyrene also is called by some his wife, and by others his daughter, and hence Peneius is called the genitor of Aristaeus. (Hygin. Fab. 161; Virg. Georg. iv. 355.) [L. S.]

PENE LEOS (Invéλews), son of Hippalcmus and Asterope, and one of the Argonauts. He was the father of Opheltes, and is also mentioned among the suitors of Helen. (Apollod. i. 9. § 16, iii. 10. § 8, where he is erroneously called a son of Leïtus; Diod. iv. 67; Paus. ix. 5. § 8; Hygin. Fub. 97; Plut. Quaest. Gr. 37.) He was one of the leaders of the Boeotians in the war against Troy, where he slew Ilioneus and Lycon, and was wounded by Polydamas. (Hom. Il. ii. 494, xiv. 487, &c. xvi. 341, xvii. 597, &c.; comp. Virg. Aen. ii. 425.) He is said to have been slain by Eurypylus, the son of Telephus. (Paus. ix. 5. § 8; Dict. Cret. iv. 17.) [L. S.]

PENELOPE (Πηνελόπη, Πενελόπη, ΠηνελόTea), a daughter of Icarius and Periboea of Sparta (Hom. Od. i. 329; Apollod. iii. 10. § 6; comp. ICARIUS.) According to Didymus, Penelope was originally called Ameirace, Arnacia, or Arnaea, and Nauplius or her own parents are said to have cast her into the sea (Tzetz. ad Lyc. 792), where she was fed by sea-birds (nvéλones) from which she derived her name. (Eustath. ad Hom. p. 1422.) She was married to Odysseus, king of Ithaca, by whom she had an only child, Telemachus, who was yet an infant at the time when her husband went with the Greeks to Troy. (Od. xi. 447, xxi. 158.) During the long absence of Odysseus, she was beleaguered by numerous and importunate suitors, whom she deceived by declaring that she must finish a large shroud which she was making for Laërtes, her aged father-in-law, before she should make up her mind. During the day time she accordingly worked at the shroud, and in the night she undid the work of the day. (Od. xix. 149, &c., comp. ii. 121; Propert. ii. 9. 5.) By this means she succeeded in putting off the suitors. But at length her stratagem was betrayed by her servants; and when, in consequence, the faithful Penelope, who was pining and longing for her husband's return, was pressed more and more by the impatient suitors, Odysseus at length arrived in Ithaca, and as she recognised him by several signs, she heartily welcomed him, and the days of her grief and sorrow were at an end. (Od. xvii. 103, xxiii. 205, xxiv. 192; Eurip. Orest. 588, &c.; Ov. Heroid. i. 83; Trist. v. 14; Propert. iii. 12. 23, &c.; comp. ICARIUS and ODYSSEUS.) While the Homeric tradition describes Penelope as a most chaste and faithful wife, later writers charge her with the very opposite vices, and relate that by Hermes or by all the suitors together she became the mother of Pan. (Lycoph. 772; Schol. ad Herod. ii. 145; Cic. De Nat. Deor. iii. 22; comp. PAN.) Odysseus on his return for this reason repudiated her, whereupon she went to

Sparta, and thence to Mantineia, where her tomb
was shown in after times. (Paus. viii. 12. § 3.)
According to another tradition, Penelope, with
Telemachus and Telegonus, who had killed his
father Odysseus, went to Aeaea, and there mar-
ried Telegonus; whereas, according to others again,
she married Telegonus in the islands of the
Blessed. (Hygin. Fab. 127; Tzetz. ad Lycophr.
805.)
[L. S.]
PENETRAʼLIS, a surname or epithet given
to the several divinities at Rome, that were wor-
shipped in the Penetrale, or the central part of
the house, such as Jupiter, Vesta, the Penates, &c.
(Senec. Oed. 265; Fest. s. v. Herceus; comp.
PENATES.)
[L. S.]

PENNUS, i. e. " sharp" (pennum antiqui acutum dicebant, Isid. Orig. xix. 19), was a familyname in the Junia and Quinctia gentes. In the latter gens it always occurs with other surnames, under which the Quinctii with this cognomen are given [CAPITOLINUS, QUINCTIUS, Nos. 7, 8, 9; CINCINNATUS, No. 3]: the Penni of the Junia gens are given below.

1. M. JUNIUS PENNUS, curule aedile, B. c. 205, and praetor urbanus, B. c. 201. (Liv. xxix. 11, xxx. 40, xxxi. 4.)

a circular revolution (Scalig. Poet. ii. 30). Poets of a higher stamp have occasionally had recourse to a similar artifice, but merely for the sake of making a passing impression, as when we read in Ovid (Amor. i. 9),

Militat omnis amans et habet sua castra Cupido,

Attice, crede mihi, militat omnis amans. (Compare Fast. iv. 365; Martial. ix. 98.) But we have no example among the purer writers of a serious composition in which such a conceit is prolonged through a series of couplets.

We know nothing with regard to the personal history of the author of these pieces nor of the period when he may have flourished, although from the tone in which they are conceived we may safely assign him to the later empire, and one expression (i. 33) might lead us to believe that he was a Christian. He is generally supposed to be the person to whom Lactantius dedicates the Epitome of his Divine Institutions, and whom he styles "brother," but beyond the identity of name we are not aware that any evidence can be adduced in support of this position.

Certain short poems included in the Catalecta Petroniana are in some MSS. given to Pentadius, particularly two elegiac couplets on the faithlessness of woman (Burmann, Anthol. Lat. iii. 88, or No. 245, ed. Meyer), and fourteen hendecasyllabics, De Vita Beata, which certainly bear the impress of a better age than the verses discussed above (Burmann, Anthol. Lat. iii. 93, or No. 250, ed. Meyer;

2. M. JUNIUS M. F. M. N. PENNUS, son of No. 1, was praetor B. C. 172, and obtained Nearer Spain for his province. The reinforcements for his army, which he urgently demanded from the senate, did not arrive till he had to give up the province to his successor. He was consul B. c. 167, with Q. Aelius Paetus, and obtained Pisae as his pro-Wernsdorf, Poët. Lat. Min. vol. iii. p. 405). There vince. (Liv. xlii. 9, 10, 18, xlv. 16, 17; Cic. Brut. is also an Epitaphium Achilli (Burm. Anthol. i. 98, 28; Fasti Capit.) Meyer, append. 1614), which has a strong resem

3. M. JUNIUS PENNUS, son of No. 2, was tri-blance to the Tumulus Hectoris generally given to bune of the plebs, B. C. 126, in which year he brought forward a law for expelling all strangers or foreigners (peregrini) from Rome. This law was opposed by C. Gracchus, because the peregrini were of assistance to him in his struggle with the aristocracy, but it was carried notwithstanding. Pennus was afterwards elected to the aedileship, but died before obtaining any higher honour in the state. (Cic. Brut. 28, de Off. iii. 11; Fest. s. v. Respublica.)

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an Eusebius or an Eusthenius, but by Scaliger and Wernsdorf to Pentadius. Wernsdorf, in one portion of his work, endeavoured to prove that the Epitome Iliados Homeri, which bears the name of Pindarus, ought in reality to be assigned to Pentadius, but this idea he afterwards abandoned. (Wernsdorf, Poet. Lat. Min. vol. iii. p. 256, iv. p. 546; Burmann, Anthol. Lat. iii. 105, Meyer, vol. i. p. xxvii. and Epp. No. 241-252, and append. Ep. No. 1614; see also Burmann, i. 98, 102, 139, 140, PENTA DIUS, the name prefixed in MSS. to 141, 142, 148, 165, ii. 203, iii. 88, 93, 105, v. ten short elegies or epigrams, extending in all to 69.) [W.R.] ninety-eight lines, which are severally entitled: PENTHESILEIA (Пev@eσíλeiα), a daughter -1. De Fortuna, 18 couplets. 2. De Adventu of Ares and Otrera, and queen of the Amazons. Veris, 11 couplets. 3, 4, 5, 6. De Narcisso, re-(Hygin. Fab. 112; Serv. ad Aen. i. 491; comp. spectively 5, 1, 2, 1, couplets. 7. Tumulus Acidis, 4 couplets. 8. Tumulus Hectoris, 5 couplets. 9. De Chrysocome, 1 couplet. 10. In Virgilium, couplet.

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Hygin. Fab. 225; Justin. ii. 4; Lycoph. 997.) In the Trojan war she assisted the Trojans, and offered gallant resistance to the Greeks. (Dict. Cret. iii. 15; Ov. Heroid. xxi. 118.) After the fall of Hector she fought a battle against the Greeks, but was defeated: she herself fell by the hand of Achilles, who mourned over the dying queen on account of her beauty, youth, and valour. (Dict. Cret. iv. 2; Schol. ad Hom. Il. ii. 219; Paus. v. 11. § 2, x. 31; Quint. Smyrn. i. 40, &c.) She was frequently represented by ancient artists, and among others by Polygnotus, in the Lesche at Delphi. (Paus. x. 31.) When Achilles slew Penthesileia he is said to have also killed Thersites because he treated her body with contempt, and reproached Achilles for his love towards her. (Schol. ad Hom. l. c., ad Soph. Philoct. 445.) Diomedes, a relative of Thersites, is said then to have thrown the body of Penthesileia into the river Scamander, whereas, according to others,

Achilles himself buried it on the banks of the Xanthus. (Tzetz. ad Lye. I. c.; Dict. Cret. iv. 3.; Tryphiod. 37.) Some, further, state that she was not killed by Achilles, but by his son Pyrrhus (Dar. Phryg. 36), or that she first slew Achilles, and Zeus on the request of Thetis having recalled Achilles to life, she was then killed by him. (Eustath. ad Hom, p. 1696.) [L. S.] PENTHEUS (Пeveeús), a son of Echion and Agave, the daughter of Cadmus. (Eurip. Phoen. iv. 942; Paus. ix. 5. §2.) He was the successor of Cadmus as king of Thebes, and being opposed to the introduction of the worship of Dionysus in his kingdom, he was torn to pieces by his own mother and two other Mainades, Ino and Autonoe, who in their Bacchic frenzy believed him to be a wild beast. (Ov. Met. iii. 513, &c.; Eurip. Bacch. 215; Philost. Imag. i. 1; Apollod. iii. 5. § 2; Hygin. Fab. 184; Serv. ad Aen. iv. 469; Nonnus, Donys. xlv. 46; Oppian, Cyneg. iv. 289.) The place where Pentheus suffered death, is said to have been Mount Cithaeron, but according to some it was Mount Parnassus. Pentheus is said to have got upon a tree, for the purpose of witnessing in secret the revelry of the Bacchic women, but on being discovered by them, he was torn to pieces. (Eurip. Bacch. 816, 954, 1061, &c.; Theocrit. xxvi. 10.) According to a Corinthian tradition, the women were afterwards commanded by an eracle to find out that tree, and to worship it like the god Dionysus himself; and out of the tree two carved images of the god were made accordingly. (Paus. ii. 2. § 6.) [L. S.] PENTHILUS (Пéveiλos), a son of Orestes and Erigone, is said to have led a colony of Aeolians to Thrace. He was the father of Echelatus and Damasias. (Paus. ii. 18. § 5, iii. 2. § 1, v. 4, § 2, vii. 6. § 2; Tzetz. ad Lyc. 1374; Strab. xiii. p. 582; Aristot. Polit. v. 8, 13.)

There was also a son of Periclymenus of this name. (Paus. ii. 18. § 7.)

PENULA, M. CENTENIUS. NIUS.]

[L. S.] [CENTE

PEPAEPIRIS (Пnяainipis), a queen of Bosporus, known only from her coins, from which it appears that she was the wife of Sauromates I. (Eckhel, Doctr. Numor. vol. ii. p. 375.) [SAUROMATES.] [E. H. B.] PEPAGO MENUS, DEMETRIUS (AnunTрios Пewayóμevos), a Greek medical writer, who is supposed to have lived towards the end of the thirteenth century after Christ, and to have dedicated one of his works to the emperor Michael Palaeologus, A. D. 1260-1282. He is the author of a treatise, Пep Пodáуpas, De Podagra, which has been attributed by some persons to Michael Psellus (Leo Allatius, De Psellis, § 52, ap. Fabric. Bibl. Graec, vol. v. ed. vet.). It consists of forty-five short chapters, besides the preface and conclusion, and, though principally compiled from former writers, is curious and interesting. A good analysis of its contents is given by Mr. Adams, in his commentary on Paulus Aegineta (iii. 78). It was first published without the author's name, in a Latin translation by Marcus Masurus, Rom. 1517, 8vo. ; and afterwards in Greek and Latin, Paris, 1558. 8vo. The last and best edition is by J. S. Bernard, Greek and Latin, Ludg. Bat. 1743, 8vo., sometimes found with a new title page, Arnhem. 1753. The Latin translation by Masurus is inserted in H. Stephani Medicae Artis Principes,

| Paris, 1567, fol. ; and the Greek and Latin text in the tenth volume of Chartier's Hippocrates and Galen.

|

Fabricius (Bibl. Graec. vol. iii. p. 531, ed. vet.) conjectures that Demetrius Pepagomenus may be the author of the little treatise, Пepì tŷs tŵv év Νεφροῖς Παθῶν Διαγνώσεως καὶ Θεραπείας, De Renum Affectuum Dignotione et Curatione, which is wrongly attributed to Galen [GALEN, p. 215. § 97], but there seems to be no sufficient ground for this opinion. Demetrius Pepagomenus is perhaps the author of two other short Greek works, the one entitled Ιερακοσόφιον, ἢ περὶ τῆς τῶν Ἱεράκων ̓Ανατροφῆς τε καὶ Ἐπιμελείας, Hieracosophium, sive de Accipitrum Educatione et Curatione, the other Κυνοσόφιον, ἢ περὶ Κυνῶν Ἐπιμελείας, Cynosophium, sive de Canum Curatione; which are to be found in the collection of "Rei Accipitrariae Scriptores," published by Nic. Rigaltius, Greek and Latin, Paris, 1612, 4to. and elsewhere. The treatise De Canum Curatione is sometimes attributed to Phaemon. (Choulant, Handb. der Bücherkunde für die Aeltere Medicin; Haller, Bibl. Medic. Pract. vol. i. ; Fabric. Bibl. Graec.) [W. A. G.]

PEPAGO MENUS, NICOLA'US (Nikólaos Пenayoμévos), wrote a eulogium on the martyr Isidorus, of which a part is given by Allatius, ad Eustathium Antiochen. p. 69. It is said that other writings of his are to be found in the public libraries of Paris. As he was a correspondent of Nicephorus Gregoras, he must have lived about A. D. 1340. (Fabric. Bibl. Graec. vol. vii. p. 649, vol. x. p. 265, vol. xi. p. 293). [W. M. G.]

PEPHRE DO or PEMPHRAEDO (Пeрndú or Пeupрnd), a daughter of Phorcys, and one of the Gracae. (Hes. Theog. 273; Apollod. ii. 4. § 2; Tzetz. ad Lyc. 838; Schol. ad Apollon. Rhod. iv. 1515; Zenob. i. 41.) [L. S.]

PEPONILA. [SABINUS, JULIUS.] PEPRO'MENE (Πεπρωμένη), namely μοῖρα, that is, the share destined by fate, occurs also as a proper name in the same sense as Moira or Fate. (Paus. viii. 21. § 2; Hom. Il. iii. 309.) [L.S.]

PERA, the name of a family of the Junia gens. 1. D. JUNIUS D. F. D. N. PERA, was consul B. c. 266, with N. Fabius Pictor, and triumphed twice in this year, the first time over the Sassinates, and the second time over the Sallentini and Messapii. He was censor in B. c. 253, with L. Postumius Megellus. (Fasti Capit.)

2. M. JUNIUS D. F. D. N. PERA, son of the preceding, was consul B. c. 230 with M. Aemilius Barbula, censor B. c. 225 with C. Claudius Centho, and dictator B. c. 216 after the fatal battle of Cannae. In order to raise soldiers he armed not only slaves, but even criminals. (Fasti Capit.; Liv. xxii. 57, 59, xxiii. 14.)

PERAETHUS (Пépaidos), a son of Lycaon, from whom the town of Peraetheis in Arcadia was believed to have derived its name. (Paus. viii. 3. § 1, 27. § 3.) [L. S.]

PERCE/NNIUS, a common soldier, and previously employed in the theatres to hiss or applaud, as the case might be, was the ringleader in the formidable mutiny of the Pannonian legions, which broke out at the beginning of the reign of Tiberius, A. D. 14. He was killed by order of Drusus shortly after his arrival in the camp. (Tac. Ann. i. 16, 17, 28, 29.)

PERDICCAS (Пeрdiккas). 1. Son of Orontes, a Macedonian of the province of Orestis, was

one of the most distinguished of the generals of | Justin. xii. 15; it is remarkable that Arrian does Alexander the Great. We are told that he was not even allude to this circumstance.) descended from a royal house (Curt. x. 7. § 8) probably that of the independent princes of Orestis, and it appears that in consequence of his noble birth he early held a distinguished place at the court of Philip of Macedon. We find him mentioned as one of the select officers who, under the title of owμaroQúλaкes, were immediately about the king's person at the time of his death; and he was one of the first to avenge that crime upon the assassin Pausanias. (Diod. xvi. 94.) It is probable that he continued to hold the same honourable post under the youthful Alexander, though he is not distinctly mentioned as doing so until a later period (see Arr. Anab. iv. 21. § 7, v. 13. § 1, vi. 11. § 3, 28. § 6); but besides this he had the separate command of one of the divisions of the phalanx, at the head of which we find him accompanying the young king in the campaign against the Illyrians, and again at the siege of Thebes. On this last occasion he greatly distinguished himself, but was severely wounded, and narrowly escaped with his life. (Arr. ib. i. 6, 8; Diod. xvii. 12.) During the earlier campaigns in Asia we likewise find him commanding one of the divisions of the phalanx, which was composed of his own countrymen the Orestians, together with the neighbouring tribe of the Lyncestians. This post he held in all the three great battles of the Granicus, Issus, and Arbela; in the last of which he was again severely wounded: and his name is also mentioned with distinction at the sieges of Halicarnassus and of Tyre. (Arr. Anab. i. 14, 20, 21, ii. 8, iii. 11; Curt. iii. 9. § 7, iv. 3. § 1, 16. § 32; Diod. xvii. 57, 61.) In the subsequent operations in Persia, Sogdiana, and India, his name occurs still more frequently; and he appears to have borne a continually increasing share in the confidence and favour of Alexander. At this time he was transferred from the infantry to the cavalry, where he commanded one of the hipparchies, or divisions of the horseguards (éraîpoi); but in addition to this we find him repeatedly charged with separate commands of importance, sometimes in conjunction with Ptolemy, Craterus, or Hephaestion, sometimes as sole general. He appears to have especially distinguished himself in the battle against Porus, and shortly after we find him commanding the whole left wing of the army in the action with the Cathaeans. Again, in the attack of the chief city of the Malli it was Perdiccas who was appointed to conduct the assault on one side of the fortress, while Alexander himself led that on the other. (Arr. Anab. iii. 18, iv. 16, 21, 22, 28, 30, v. 12, 13, 22, vi. 6, 9, 15, Ind. 18; Curt. vii. 6. § 19, viii. 10. § 2, 14. §§ 5, 15, ix. 1. § 19.) Nor was he forgotten in the distribution of honours at Susa, where he received a crown of gold for his services in common with the other Somatophylaces, and the daughter of Atropates, the satrap of Media, in marriage. (Arr. vii. 4. § 7, 5. § 9.) In virtue of his office as Somatophylax, he was one of those in constant attendance upon the king's person when not employed on other military services (see Curt. vi. 8. § 17, viii. 1. §§ 45, 48), and thus was naturally one of the officers who were gathered around the bed of the dying Alexander, who is said in his last moments to have taken the royal signet ring from his finger and given it to Perdiccas. (Diod. xvii. 117, xviii. 2; Curt. x. 5. § 4;

In the deliberations which followed the death of the king (B. c. 323), Perdiccas assumed a leading part. In the general council of the officers he was the first to propose that the crown should be reserved for the child of which Roxana was then pregnant, supposing it to prove a male: and it was immediately suggested by Aristonous that the regency in the mean time should be confined to Perdiccas. This proposal-with the modification put forward by Pithon, that Leonnatus should be associated with him in the supreme authority,―obtained the concurrence of almost all the chief officers, supported by the whole body of the Macedonian cavalry. But the infantry, at the head of whom Meleager had placed himself [MELEAGER], refused to acquiesce in this decision, and clamorously demanded that Arrhidaeus, the bastard brother of Alexander, should be at once proclaimed king. Matters soon came to an open rupture between the two parties, and the cavalry, with most of the leading men in the army, withdrew from Babylon, and encamped without the city. Perdiccas at first remained behind, but an attempt made upon his life by his rival, which was frustrated only by his own intrepidity, soon compelled him to follow the example of the seceders. The cavalry now threatened to cut off the supplies, and reduce Babylon to a state of famine; but after repeated embassies a compromise was at length effected, by which it was agreed that Arrhidaeus should be declared king, reserving however to the son of Roxana a share of the sovereignty, as soon as he should be born, while Perdiccas, under the honorary title of chiliarch of the éraîpoi, should hold the chief command under the new monarch, Meleager taking rank immediately under him. (Curt. x. 6—8; Justin. xiii. 2-4; Arrian. ap. Phot. p. 69, a; Dexipp. ibid. p. 64, b.; Diod. xviii. 2.)

But this arrangement, though sanctioned by a solemn treaty, was not destined to be of long duration. Perdiccas took advantage of his new position to establish his influence over the feeble mind of the nominal king Arrhidaeus, while he lulled his rival Meleager into security by the profoundest dissimulation, until his schemes were ripe for execution, and he was able to crush at one blow Meleager himself with all his leading partisans. [MELEAGER]. By this decisive stroke he freed himself from one of his most formidable adversaries, but at the same time he necessarily aroused the fears of all others who felt themselves to be either his rivals or his enemies. For a time, however, he thought himself secure in the possession of the supreme power; the king was a mere puppet in his hands, and the birth of Alexander, the expected son of Roxana, appeared greatly to strengthen his authority, while the partition of the several satrapies or governments of Asia and Europe among the generals of Alexander, removed to a distance and separated from one another all his more formidable competitors. An alarming revolt of the Greek soldiers who had been settled in the provinces of Upper Asia, was successfully put down through the agency of Pithon, and the whole of those who had submitted were barbarously massacred by the express orders of the regent. (Diod. xviii. 7.)

Perdiccas now deemed himself at leisure (B. c. 322) to undertake the reduction of Cappadocia, which

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