2. A daughter of Eurymedon, and by Poseidon the mother of Nausithous. (Hom. Od. vii. 56, &c.) 3. A daughter of Acessamenus, and the mother of Pelagon by the river god Axius. (Hom. Il. xxi. 142.)

4. A daughter of Alcáthous, and the wife of Telamon, by whom she became the mother of Ajax and Teucer. (Apollod. iii. 12. §7; Paus. i. 42. § 1, 17. § 3.) Some writers call her Eriboea. (Pind. Isthm. vi. 65; Soph. 4j. 566.)

5. A daughter of Hipponous, and the wife of Oeneus, by whom she became the mother of Tydeus. (Apollod. i. 8. § 4; comp. OENEUS.)

6. The wife of king Polybus of Corinth. (Apollod. iii. 5. §7; comp. OEDIPUS.) [L. S.] PERICLEITUS (Пepikλeiтos), a Lesbian lyric musician of the school of Terpander, flourished shortly before Hipponax, that is, a little earlier | than B. c. 550. At the Lacedaemonian festival of the Carneia, there were musical contests with the cithara, in which the Lesbian musicians of Terpander's school had obtained the prize from the time of Terpander himself to that of Pericleitus, with whom the glory of the school ceased. (Plut. de Mus. 6. p. 1133, d.)

[P.S.]

PERICLEITUS, artist. [PERICLYTUS.] PERICLES (Пepikλs). 1. The greatest of Athenian statesmen, was the son of Xanthippus, under whose command the victory of Mycale was gained, and of Agariste, the great grand-daughter of Cleisthenes, tyrant of Sicyon, and niece of Cleisthenes, the founder of the later Athenian constitution. (Herod. vi. 131; comp. CLEISTHENES.) Both Herodotus (1. c.) and Plutarch have thought the story, that before his birth his mother dreamed that she gave birth to a lion, of sufficient interest to deserve recording. Pericles belonged to the deme Cholargos in the tribe Acamantis. The date of his birth is not known. The early period of his life was spent in retirement, in the prosecution of a course of study in which his noble genius found the most appropriate means for its cultivation and expansion; till, on emerging from his obscurity, his unequalled capabilities rapidly raised him to that exalted position which thenceforwards he maintained throughout the whole of his long and brilliant career till his death. His rank and fortune enabled him to avail himself of the instructions of all those who were most eminent in their several sciences and professions. Music, which formed so essential an element in the education of a Greek, he studied under Pythocleides (Aristot. ap. Plut. Per. 3; Plat. Alcib. p. 118. c.) The musical instructions of Damon were, it is said, but a pretext; his real lessons having for their subject political science. Pericles was the first statesman who recognised the importance of philosophical studies as a training for his future career; he devoted his attention to the subtleties of the Eleatic school, under the guidance of Zeno of Elea. But the philosopher who exercised the most important and lasting influence on his mind, and to a very large extent formed his habits and character, was Anaxagoras. [ANAXAGORAS.] With this great and original thinker, the propounder of the sublimest doctrine which Greek philosophy had yet developed, that the arrangements of the universe are the dispositions of an ordering intelligence, Pericles lived on terms of the most intimate friendship, till the philosopher was compelled to retire from Athens. From him Pericles was be

lieved to have derived not only the cast of his
mind, but the character of his eloquence, which,
in the elevation of its sentiments, and the purity
and loftiness of its style, was the fitting expression
of the force and dignity of his character and the
grandeur of his conceptions. Of the oratory of
Pericles no specimens remain to us, but it appears
to have been characterised by singular force and
energy. He was described as thundering and
lightening when he spoke, and as carrying the
weapons of Zeus upon his tongue (Plut. Moral.
p. 118, d.; Diod. xii. 40; Aristoph. Acharn.
503; Cic. de Orat. iii. 34; Quintil. x. 1. § 82.)
The epithet Olympius which was given to him
was generally understood as referring to his elo-
quence. By the unanimous testimony of ancient
authors his oratory was of the highest kind. (Plat.
Phaedr. p. 269, e.) His orations were the result
of elaborate preparation; he used himself to say
that he never ascended the bema without pray-
ing that no inappropriate word might drop from
his lips. (Quintil. xii. 9. § 13.) According to
Suidas (s. v. Пepikλ.), Pericles was the first who
committed a speech to writing before delivery. The
influence of Anaxagoras was also traced in the
deportment of Pericles, the lofty bearing and calm
and easy dignity of which were sustained by an
almost unrivalled power of self-command. The
most annoying provocation never made him forsake
his dignified composure. His voice was sweet, and
his utterance rapid and distinct; in which respect,
as well as in his personal appearance, he resembled
Peisistratus. His figure was graceful and majestic,
though a slight deformity in the disproportionate
length of his head furnished the comic poets of the
day with an unfailing theme for their pleasantry,
and procured him the nicknames of oxivoképaños
and κεφαληγερέτης.

In his youth he stood in some fear of the people,
and, aware of the resemblance which was dis
covered in him to Peisistratus, he was fearful of
exciting jealousy and alarm; but as a soldier he
conducted himself with great intrepidity. How-
ever, when Aristeides was dead, Themistocles ostra-
cised, and Cimon much engaged in military expe
ditions at a distance from Greece, he began to take
a more active part in the political movements of
In putting himself at the head of the
the time.
more democratical party in the state, there can be
no question that he was actuated by a sincere pre-
dilection. The whole course of his political career
There is not
proves such to have been the case.
the slightest foundation for the contrary suppo
sition, except that his personal character seemed
to have greater affinities with the aristocratical
portion of the community. If he ever entertained
the slightest hesitation, his hereditary preposses
sions as the grand-nephew of Cleisthenes would
have been quite sufficient to decide his choice.
That that choice was determined by selfish mo-
tives, or political rivalry, are suppositions which,
as they have nothing to rest upon, and are con-
tradicted by the whole tenor of his public life,
are worth absolutely nothing.

As his political career is stated to have lasted above forty years (Plut. Cic. l. c.), it must have been somewhat before B. c. 469 when he firs came forward. He then devoted himself with th greatest assiduity to public affairs; was never t be seen in the streets except on his way to th place of assembly or the senate; and withdre

entirely from the convivial meetings of his acquaintance, once only breaking through this rule to honour the marriage of his nephew Euryptolemus, and admitting to his society and confidence only a few intimate friends. He took care, however, not to make himself too cheap, reserving himself for great occasions, and putting forward many of his propositions through his partisans. Among the foremost and most able of these was Ephialtes. [EPHIALTES.]

were dexterously timed for the advancement of his personal influence.

The first occasion on which we find the two rival parties assuming anything like a hostile attitude towards each other, was when Cimon, on his return from Thasos, was brought to trial [CIMON, Vol. I. p. 750]. Pericles was one of those appointed to conduct the impeachment. But whether the prosecution was not according to his wishes, or he had yielded to the intercession of Elpinice, he only rose once, for form's sake, and put forth none of his eloquence. The result, according to Plutarch, was, that Cimon was acquitted. It was shortly after this, that Pericles, secure in the popularity which he had acquired, assailed the aristocracy in its strong-hold, the Areiopagus. Here, again, the prominent part in the proceedings was taken by Ephialtes, who in the assembly moved the psephisma by which the Areiopagus was deprived of those functions which rendered it formidable as an antagonist to the democratical party. The opposition which Cimon and his party might have offered was crippled by the events connected with the siege of Ithome; and in B. C. 461 the measure was passed. That Pericles was influenced by jealousy because, owing to his not having been archon, he had no seat in the council, or that Ephialtes seconded his views out of revenge for an offence that had been given him in the council, are notions which, though indeed they have no claims to attention, have been satisfactorily refuted (comp. Müller, Eumenides, 2d Dissert. I. A.) Respecting the nature of the change effected in the jurisdiction of the Areiopagus, the reader is referred to the Dictionary of Antiquities, art. Areiopagus. This success was soon followed by the ostracism of Cimon, who was charged with Laconism.

The fortune of Pericles, which, that his integrity might be kept free even from suspicion, was husbanded with the strictest economy under the careful administration of his steward Euangelus, insomuch as even to excite the discontent of the women of his household, was not sufficient to enable Pericles out of his private resources to vie with the profuse liberality of Cimon. Accordingly, to ingratiate himself with the people, he followed the suggestion of his friend Demonides, to make the public treasury available for similar objects, and proposed a series of measures having for their object to provide the poorer citizens not only with amusement, but with the means of subsistence. To enable them to enjoy the theatrical amusements, he got a law passed that they should receive from the public treasury the price of their admittance, amounting to two oboluses apiece. The measure was unwise as a precedent, and being at a later period carried to a much greater extent in connection with various other festivals led to the establishment of the Theoric fund. (Dict. of Antiquities, art. Theorica.) Another measure, in itself unobjectionable and equitable, was one which ordained that the citizens who served in the courts of the Heliaea should be paid for their attendance (μισθος δικαστικός—τὸ ἡλιαστικόν). It was of course not in the power of Pericles to foresee the mischievous increase of litigation which charac- In B. c. 457 the unfortunate battle of Tanagra terised Athens at a later time, or to anticipate the took place. The request made by Cimon to be propositions of later demagogues by whom the allowed to take part in the engagement was re pay was tripled, and the principle of payment ex-jected through the influence of the friends of tended to attendance at the public assembly; a measure which has been erroneously attributed to Pericles himself. (Böckh, Public Econ. of Athens, §14.) According to Ulpian (ad Demosth. wepì Curráž. p. 50, a.) the practice of paying the citizens who served as soldiers was first introduced by Pericles. To affirm that in proposing these measures Pericles did violence to his better judgment in order to secure popularity, would be to do him a great injustice. The whole course of his administration, at a time when he had no rival to dispute his pre-eminence, shows that these measures were the results of a settled principle of policy, that the people had a right to all the advantages and enjoyments that could be procured for them by the proper expenditure of the treasures of which they were masters. That in proposing them he was not insensible to the popularity which would accrue to their author, may be admitted without fixing any very deep stain upon bis character. The lessons of other periods of history will show that the practice of wholesale largess, of which Cimon was beginning to set the example, is attended with influences even more corrupting and dangerous. If Pericles thought so, his measures, though perverted to mischief through consequences beyond his foresight or control, must be admitted to have been wise and statesmanlike, and not the less so because they

VOL. IIL

Pericles; and Cimon having left his panoply for his friends to fight round, Pericles, as if in emulation of them, performed prodigies of valour. We do not learn distinctly what part he took in the movements which ensued. The expedition to Egypt he disapproved of; and through his whole career he showed himself averse to those ambitious schemes of foreign conquest which the Athenians were fond of cherishing; and at a later period effectually withstood the dreams of conquest in Sicily, Etruria, and Carthage, which, in consequence of the progress of Greek settlements in the West, some of the more enterprising Athenians had begun to cherish. In B. C. 454, after the failure of the expedition to Thessaly, Pericles led an armament which embarked at Pegae, and myaded the territory of Sicyon, routing those of the Sicyonians who opposed him. Then, taking with him some Achaean troops, he proceeded to Acarnania, and besieged Oeniadae, though without success (Thucyd. i. 111). It was probably after these events (Thirlwall, Hist. of Greece, vol. iii. p. 34), that the recal of Cimon took place. If there was some want of generosity in his ostracism, Pericles at least atoned for it by himself proposing the decree for his recal. The story of the private compact entered into between Pericles and Cimon through the intervention of Elpinice, that Cimon should have the command abroad, while Pericles

took the lead at home, is one which might safely have been questioned had it even rested on better authority than that of the gossip-mongers through whom Plutarch became acquainted with it.

It was not improbably about this time that Pericles took some steps towards the realisation of a noble idea which he had formed, of uniting all the Grecian states in one general confederation. He got a decree passed for inviting all the Hellenic states in Europe and Asia to send deputies to a congress, to be held at Athens, to deliberate in the first place about rebuilding the temples burnt by the Persians, and providing the sacrifices vowed in the time of danger; but also, and this was the most important part of the scheme, about the means of securing freedom and safety of navigation in every direction, and of establishing a general peace between the different Hellenic states. To bear these proposals to the different states, twenty men were selected of above fifty years of age, who were sent in detachments of five in different directions. But through the jealousy and counter machinations of Sparta, the project came to nothing.

and safer way of getting rid of the enemy [CLEANDRIDAS, PLEISTOANAX]. When this more important enemy had been disposed of, Pericles returned to Euboea with an armament of 50 galleys and 5000 heavy-armed soldiers, by which all resistance was overpowered. The land-owners of Chalcis (or at least some of them,—see Thirlwall, vol. iii. p. 57) were stripped of their estates. On the Histiaeans, who had given deeper provocation by murdering the whole crew of an Athenian galley which fell into their hands, a severer vengeance was inflicted. They were expelled from their territory, on which was settled a colony of 2000 Athenians, in a new town, Oreus, which took the place of Histiaea. These events were followed by the thirty years' truce, the Athenians consenting to evacuate Troezen, Pegae, Nisaea, and Achaea. The influence of the moderate counsels of Pericles may probably be traced in their consenting to submit to such terms. The conjecture hazarded by Bishop Thirlwall (vol. iii. p. 44), that the treaty was the work of the party opposed to Pericles, seems improbable. It may at least be assumed that the terms were not opposed by Pericles. The moment when his deeply-rooted and increasing influence had just been strengthened by the brilliant success which had crowned his exertions to rescue Athens from a most perilous position, would hardly have been chosen by his political opponents as one at which to set their policy in opposition to his.

In B. C. 448 the Phocians deprived the Delphians of the oversight of the temple and the guardianship of the treasures in it. In this they seem at least to have relied on the assistance of the Athenians, if the proceeding had not been suggested by them. A Lacedaemonian force proceeded to Phocis, and restored the temple to the Delphians, who granted to Sparta the right of precedence in consulting the oracle. But as soon as the Lacedaemonians had After the death of Cimon the aristocratical party retired, Pericles appeared before the city with an was headed by Thucydides, the son of Melesias. Athenian army, replaced the Phocians in posses- He formed it into a more regular organization, sion of the temple, and had the honour which producing a more marked separation between it had been granted to the Lacedaemonians trans- and the democratical party. Though a better poferred to the Athenians (Thucyd. i. 112). Next litical tactician than Cimon, Thucydides was no year (B. C. 447), when preparations were being match for Pericles, either as a politician or as an made by Tolmides, to aid the democratical party orator, which, indeed, he acknowledged, when once, in the towns of Boeotia in repelling the efforts and being asked by Archidamus whether he or Pericles machinations of the oligarchical exiles, Pericles op- was the better wrestler, he replied that when he posed the measure as rash and unseasonable. His threw Pericles the latter always managed to peradvice was disregarded at the time; but when, a suade the spectators that he had never been down. few days after, the news arrived of the disaster at The contest between the two parties was brought to Coroneia, he gained great credit for his wise caution an issue in B. c. 444. Thucydides and his party and foresight. The ill success which had attended opposed the lavish expenditure of the public treasure the Athenians on this occasion seems to have on the magnificent and expensive buildings with aroused the hopes of their enemies; and when the which Pericles was adorning the city, and on the five years' truce had expired (B. c. 445), a general festivals and other amusements which he instituted and concerted attack was made on them. Euboea for the amusement of the citizens. In reply to the revolted; and before Pericles, who had crossed clamour which was raised against him in the asover with an army to reduce it, could effect any-sembly, Pericles offered to discharge the expense of thing decisive, news arrived of a revolution in Megara and of the massacre of the greater part of the Athenian garrison, the rest of whom had fled to Nisaea; and intelligence was also brought of the approach of a Lacedaemonian army under the command of Pleistoanax, acting under the guidance of Cleandridas. Pericles, abandoning Euboea for the present, at once marched back to Athens. The Peloponnesians had already begun to ravage the country; Pericles, with his usual prudence, declined the risk of a battle; he found a bribe a simpler

When, some time after, in a transient outbreak of ill-feeling, Pericles was called upon to submit his accounts for inspection, there appeared an item of ten talents spent for a necessary purpose. As the purpose to which the sum had been applied was tolerably well understood, the statement was allowed to pass without question (Aristoph. Nub.

the works, on condition that the edifices should be
inscribed with his name, not with that of the people
of Athens. The assembly with acclamation em-
powered him to spend as much as he pleased. The
contest was soon after decided by ostracism, and
Pericles was left without a rival; nor did any one
throughout the remainder of his political course

832, with the Scholiast; Thucyd. ii. 21).
was probably this incident which gave rise to the
story which Plutarch found in several writers, that
Pericles, for the purpose of postponing the Pelopon-
nesian war, which he perceived to be inevitable,
sent ten talents yearly to Sparta, with which he
bribed the most influential persons, and so kept the
Spartans quiet; a statement which, though pro-
bably incorrect, is worth noting, as indicating a
belief that the war was at any rate not hurried on
by Pericles out of private motives.

appear to contest his supremacy.

Nothing could be more dignified or noble than the attitude which under these circumstances he assumed towards the people. The boundless influence which he possessed was never perverted by him to sinister or unworthy purposes. So far from being a mere selfish demagogue, he neither indulged nor courted the multitude. "As long as he was at the head of the state in peace he administered its affairs with moderation, and kept a safe guard over it, and it became in his time very great. Being powerful on the ground both of his reputation and of his judgment, and having clearly shown himself thoroughly incorruptible, he restrained the multitude with freedom, and was not so much led by it as himself led it, because he did not seek to acquire power by unworthy means, bringing forward propositions which would gratify the people, but on the ground of his high character being able to speak in opposition even to its angry feelings. And so, whenever he saw them insolently confident beyond what the occasion justified, by his speeches he reduced them to a more wary temper, and when on the other hand they were unreasonably alarmed, he restored them again to confidence. And there was in name a democracy, but in reality a government in the hands of the first man" (Thucyd. ii. 65). After the ostracism of Thucydides the organized opposition of the aristocratical party was broken up, though, as we shall see, the malevolence of the enemies of Pericles exposed him subsequently to some troublesome contests.

fleet. With the remaining ships, amounting to 44 in number, Pericles attacked a Samian fleet of 70, as it was returning from Miletus, and gained the victory. Having received reinforcements, he landed a body of troops, drove the Samians within the walls, and proceeded to invest the town. victory, though probably a slight one, was gained by the Samians under the command of Melissus [MELISSUS], and Pericles, with 60 ships, sailed to meet the Phoenician fleet. In his absence, the force which he had left behind was defeated, and the Samians exerted themselves actively in introducing supplies into the town. On the return of Pericles they were again closely besieged. An additional squadron of 40 ships was sent from Athens under the command of Hagnon, Phormion, and Thucydides. The Samians, being again decisively defeated in a sea-fight, were closely blockaded. Though Pericles is said to have made use of some new kinds of battering engines, the Samians held out resolutely, and murmurs were heard among the Athenian soldiers, whose dissolute habits (comp. Athen. xiii. p. 572, e.) soon rendered them weary of the tedious process of blockade. There is a story that, in order to pacify them, Pericles divided his army into eight parts, and directed them to cast lots, the division which drew a white bean being allowed to feast and enjoy themselves, while the others carried on the military operations. At the end of nine months the Samians capitulated, on condition that they should give up their ships, dismantle their fortifications, and pay the cost of the A few years after the commencement of the 30 siege by instalments. Their submission was speedily years' truce a war broke out between Samos and followed by that of the Byzantines. On his return Miletus about the towns of Priene and Anaea. to Athens, Pericles celebrated with great magniThe Milesians, being vanquished, applied for help ficence the obsequies of those who had fallen in to Athens, and were backed by the democratical the war. He was chosen to deliver the customary party in Samos itself. So favourable an opportunity oration. At its close the women who were present for carrying out the policy which Athens pursued showered upon him their chaplets and garlands. towards her allies was quite sufficient to render the Elpinice alone is said to have contrasted his hardintervention of Aspasia unnecessary for the purpose won triumph with the brilliant victories of her of inducing Pericles to support the cause of the brother Cimon. Pericles had indeed good reason Milesians. The Samians were commanded to to be proud of his success; for Thucydides (viii. desist from hostilities, and submit their dispute to 76) does not scruple to say that the Samians were the decision of an Athenian tribunal. This they within a very little of wresting from the Athenians showed themselves slow to do, and Pericles was their maritime supremacy. But the comparison sent with a fleet of 40 galleys to enforce the com- with the Trojan War, if ever really made, was mands of the Athenians. He established a demo- more likely to have come from some sycophantic cratical constitution in Samos, and took 100 hos-partisan, than from Pericles himself. (Plut. l. c.; tages from the oligarchical party, which he lodged in Lemnos. He also levied a contribution of 80 talents. The bribe of a talent from each of the hostages, with a large sum besides from the oligarchical party and from Pissuthnes, the satrap of Sardes, is said to have been offered to Pericles to induce him to relinquish his intention, and of course refused. He then returned, leaving a small garrison of Athenians in Samos. When he had left, a body of Samians, who had left the island as he approached, having concerted measures with Pissuthnes, recovered the hostages, overpowered the Athenian garrison and their political opponents, and renounced the Athenian alliance. A Phoenician fleet was promised to assist them; the enemies of Athens in Greece were urged, though without success, to take up the cause of the Samians; and Byzantium was induced to join in the revolt. Pericles, with nine colleagues and a fleet of 60 vessels, returned to put down the revolt. Detachments were sent to get reinforcements from the other allies, and to look out for the Phoenician

Thucyd. i. 115-117; Diod. xii. 27, 28; Suidas, s. v. Zaμíwv ó dâμos; Aelian, V.H. ii. 9; Aristoph. Acharn. 850.)

Between the Samian war, which terminated in B. C. 440, and the Peloponnesian war, which began in B. c. 431, the Athenians were not engaged in any considerable military operations. On one occasion, though the date is uncertain, Pericles conducted a great armament to the Euxine, apparently with very little object beyond that of displaying the power and maritime supremacy of the Athenians, overawing the barbarians, and strengthening the Athenian influence in the cities in that quarter. Sinope was at the time under the power of the tyrant Timesilaus. Application was made to Pericles for assistance to expel the tyrant. A body of troops, which was left under the command of Lamachus, succeeded in effecting this object, and a body of 600 Athenians was afterwards sent to take possession of the confiscated property of the tyrant and his partisans.

While the Samian war was a consequence of