Reiske). PHAENOPS (baîvo), the son of Asius of PHAESTUS (Paîσros), a son of Rhopalus, and grandson of Heracles, was king of Sicyon, from whence he emigrated to Crete. (Paus. ii. 6. § 3.) He is said to have established at Sicyon the custom of worshipping Heracles as a god, since before he had only been honoured as a hero, (Paus. ii. 10. § 1; Eustath. ad Hom. p. 313.) A second Phaestus was a son of Borus, of Tarne, in Maeonia, and was slain by Idomeneus at Troy (Hom. Il. v. 43.) [L. S.] under the name of Phaemon Philosophus, by An- | among those of Demosthenes (p. 1037, &c. ed. drew Goldschmidt, at Wittenberg, in 1545. It was afterwards re-edited by Rivinus, Leipzig, 1654. (Fabric. Bibl. Graec. vol. i. p. 211.) [W. M. G.] PHAENA RETE. [SOCRATES]. PHAE'NEAS (Þauvéas), an Aetolian of high rank, who held the office of praetor of the Aetolian league in B. c. 198, and was present at the conference between Flamininus and Philip at the Malian gulf, on which occasion he distinguished himself by the vehemence of his opposition to the demands of the Macedonian king. (Polyb. xvii. 1, 3, 4; Liv. xxxii. 32, 33, 34.) Early in the ensuing spring (B. c. 197) he joined Flamininus with the Aetolian contingent, and appears to have rendered important services in the campaign that followed (Liv. xxxiii. 3, 6, 7). But in the conference that was again held between the Roman general and Philip, for the settlement of the terms of peace, after the decisive battle of Cynoscephalae, Phaeneas gave great offence to Flamininus by the pertinacity with which he insisted on the restitution to the Aetolians of certain cities in Thessaly, and the dispute between them on this occasion is regarded by Polybius as the first origin of the war that subsequently broke out between the Romans and Aetolians (Polyb. xviii. 20-22; Liv. xxxiii. 13). In B. C. 192, when Antiochus landed in Greece, Phaeneas was again praetor, and in that capacity | was one of those who introduced the king into the assembly of the Aetolians at Lamia. But in the discussions that ensued he took the lead of the more moderate party, and opposed, though unsuccessfully, the warlike counsels of Thoas and his adherents (Liv. xxxv. 44, 45). Though he was overruled at this period, the unfavourable turn of affairs soon induced the Aetolians to listen to more pacific counsels, and, after the fall of Heracleia, B. C. 191, an embassy was despatched, at the head of which was Phaeneas himself, to bear the submission of the nation to the Roman general M'. Acilius Glabrio. But the exorbitant demands of the latter and his arrogant demeanour towards the ambassadors themselves, broke off all prospect of reconciliation, and the war was continued, though the Roman arms were for a time diverted against Antiochus. In B. c. 190, Phaeneas was again sent as ambassador to Rome to sue for peace, but both he and his colleagues fell into the hands of the Epeirots, and were compelled to pay a heavy ransom to redeem themselves from captivity. Meanwhile, the arrival of the consul M. Fulvius put an end to all hopes of peace. But during the siege of Ambracia, B. c. 189, the Aetolians determined to make one more effort, and Phaeneas and Damoteles were sent to the Roman consul, with powers to conclude peace on almost any terms. This they ultimately obtained, through the intercession of the Athenians and Rhodians, and the favour of C. Valerius Laevinus, upon more moderate conditions than they could have dared to hope for. Phaeneas now hastened to Rome to obtain the ratification of this treaty, which was, after some hesitation, granted by the senate on nearly the same terms as those dictated by Fulvius. (Polyb. xx. 9, 10, xxii. 8, 9, 12-14, 15; Liv. xxxvi. 28, 29, 35, xxxviii. 8-11.) [E. H. B.] PHAE'NIAS. [PHANIAS.] PHAENIPPUS (Þaíviñños), an Athenian, the son of Callippus, and adopted son of Philostratus. A speech against him, composed for a suit in a case of Antidosis (Dict. of Ant. art. Antulosis), is found PHAETHON (Paélwv), that is, "the shining," occurs in Homer (II. xi. 735, Od. v. 479) as an epithet or surname of Helios, and is used by later writers as a real proper name for Helios (Apollon. Rhod. iv. 1236; Virg. Aen. v. 105); but it is more commonly known as the name of a son of Helios by the Oceanid Clymene, the wife of Merops. The genealogy of Phaethon, however, is not the same in all writers, for some call him a son of Clymenus, the son of Helios, by Merope (Hygin. Fab. 154), or a son of Helios by Prote (Tzetz. Chil. iv. 137), or, lastly, a son of Helios by the nymph Rhode or Rhodos. (Schol. ad Pind. Ol. vi. 131.) He received the significant name Phaethon from his father, and was afterwards also presumptuous and ambitious enough to request his father one day to allow him to drive the chariot of the sun across the heavens. Helios was induced by the entreaties of his son and of Clymene to yield, but the youth being too weak to check the horses, came down with his chariot, and so near to the earth, that he almost set it on fire. Zeus, therefore, killed him with a flash of lightning, so that he fell down into the river Eridanus or the Po. His sisters, who had yoked the horses to the chariot, were metamorphosed into poplars, and their tears into amber. (Eurip. Hippol. 737, &c.; Apollon. Rhod. iv. 598, &c.; Lucian, Dial. Deor. 25; Hygin. Fab. 152, 154; Virg. Eclog. vi. 62, Aen. x. 190; Ov. Met. i. 755, &c.) 2. A son of Cephalus and Eos, was carried off by Aphrodite, who appointed him guardian of her temple. (Hes. Theog. 986.) Apollodorus (iii. 14. § 3) calls him a son of Tithonus, and grandson of Cephalus, and Pausanias (i. 3. § 1) a son of Cephalus and Hemera. 3. The name of one of the horses of Eos. (Hom. Od. xxiii. 246.) It is also a surname of Absyrtus. (Apollon. Rhod. iii. 245.) [L. S.] PHAETHON, a slave or freedman of Q. Cicero, (Cic. ad Q. Fr. i. 4, ad Att. iii. 8.) PHAETHONTIADES or PHAETHONTIDES (Paetorrides), i. e. the daughters of Phaethon or Helios, and sisters of the unfortunate Phaethon. They are also called Heliades. (Virg. Eclog. vi. 62; Anthol. Palat. ix. 782.) [L. S.] PHIAETHU'SA (Paélovσa), 1. One of the 2. A daughter of Helios by Neaera, guarded the flocks of her father in Thrinacia in conjunction with her sister Lampetia. (Hom. Od. xii. 132; Apollon. Rhod. iv. 971.) [L. S.] PHAETUS, a writer on cookery of uncertain age. (Athen. xiv. p. 643, e. f.) PHAGITA, CORNELIUS. No. 2.] [CORNELIUS, Heliades or Phaethontiades. (Ov. Met. ii. 346; | leader of mercenary troops, in which character we Comp. HELIADES.) find him engaging in various enterprizes. At one time he determined to enter the service of the Tarentines, then at war with the Lucanians; but a mutiny among his own troops having compelled him to abandon this project and return to the Peloponnese, he subsequently passed over to Crete, and assisted the Cnossiaus against their neighbours of Lyttus. He was at first successful, and took the city of Lyttus; but was afterwards PHALAECUS (ÞáAαikos), a tyrant of Ambra- expelled from thence by Archidamus king of cia, in whose way Artemis once sent a young lion, Sparta: and having next laid siege to Cydonia, while he was hunting. When Phalaecus took the lost many of his troops, and was himse.f killed in young animal into his hand, the old lioness rushed the attack. We are told that his besieging forth and tore him to pieces. The people of Am- engines were set on fire by lightning, and that he, bracia who thus got rid of their tyrant, propitiated with many of his followers, perished in the conArtemis Hegemone, and erected a statue to Arte-flagration; but this story was probably invented mis Agrotera. (Anton. Lib. 4.) to give a colour to his fate of that divine vengeance which was believed to wait upon the whole of his sacrilegious race. His death appears to have been after that of Archidamus in B. c. 338. (Diod. xvi. 61–63; Paus. x. 2. § 7.) [E. H. B.] PHALAECUS (Þáλaikos), a lyric and epigrammatic poet, from whom the metre called a λaiketov took its name. (Hephaest. p. 57. Gaisf.) He is occasionally referred to by the grammarians (Terentian. p. 2424; Auson. Epist. 4), but they give us no information respecting his works, except that he composed hymns to Hermes. The line quoted by Hephaestion (l. c.) is evidently the first verse of a hymn. He seems to have been distinguished as an epigrammatist (Ath. x. p. 440, d.) ; and five of his epigrams are still preserved in the Greek Anthology (Brunck, Anal. vol. i. p. 421), besides the one quoted by Athenaeus (l. c.). The age of Phalaecus is uncertain. The conjecture of Reiske (ap. Fab. Bibl. Graec. vol. iv. p. 490) is founded on an epigram which does not properly belong to this writer. A more probable indication of his date is furnished by another epigram, in which he mentions the actor Lycon, who lived in the time of Alexander the Great (Meineke, Hist. Crit. Com. Graec. p. 327); but this epigram also is of somewhat doubtful authorship. At all events he was probably one of the principal Alexandrian poets. [L. S.] PHALAECUS (Þáλaikos), son of Onomarchus, the leader of the Phocians in the Sacred War. He was still very young at the death of his uncle Phayllus (B. c. 351), so that the latter, though he designated him for his successor in the chief command, placed him for a time under the guardianship of his friend Mnaseas. But very shortly afterwards Mnaseas having fallen in battle against the Boeotians, Phalaecus, notwithstanding his youth, assumed the command in person, and carried on hostilities with various success. The war had now resolved itself into a series of petty invasions, or rather predatory incursions by the Phocians and Boeotians into each other's territory, and continued without any striking incident until B.C. 347. But it seems that Phalaecus had failed or neglected to establish his power at home as firmly as his predecessors had done: and a charge was brought against him by the opposite party of having appropriated part of the sacred treasures to his own private purposes, in consequence of which he was deprived of his power. No punishment, however, appears to have been inflicted on him; and the following year (B. c. 346) we find him again appointed general, without any explanation of this revolution but it seems to have been in some manner connected with the proceedings of Philip of Macedon, who was now preparing to interpose in the war. It is not easy to understand the conduct of Phalaecus in the subsequent transactions; but whether he was deceived by the professions of Philip, or had been secretly gained over by the king, his measures were precisely those best adapted to facilitate the projects of the Macedonian monarch. Instead of strengthening his alliance with the Athenians and Spartans, he treated the former as if they had been his open enemies, and by his behaviour towards Archidamus, led that monarch to withdraw the forces which he had brought to the succour of the Phocians. All this time Phalaecus took "no measures to oppose the progress of Philip, until the latter had actually passed the straits of Thermopylae, and all hope of resistance was vain. He then hastened to conclude a treaty with the Macedonian king, by which he provided for his own safety, and was allowed to withdraw into the Peloponnese with a body of 8000 mercenaries, leaving the unhappy Phocians to their fate. (Diod. xvi. 38—40, 56, 59; Paus. x. 2. §7; Aesch. de F. Leg. p. 45-47; Dem. de F. Leg. pp. 359, 364; Thirlwall's Greece, vol. v. chap. 44.) Phalaecus now assumed the part of a mere It is much older than Phalaecus, whose name is given to it, not because he invented, but because he especially used it. It is a very ancient and important lyric metre. Sappho frequently used it, and it is even called the μérpov ŽαTOIKÒV TOL Þaλaikelov (Atil. Fort. p. 2674, Putsch; Terentian. p. 2440). No example of it is found in the extant fragments of Sappho ; but it occurs in those of Anacreon and Simonides, in Cratinus, in Sophocles (Philoct. 136-151), and other ancient Greek poets. [P.S.] PHALACRUS, one of the Sicilians oppressed by Verres. He was a native of Centuripa, and the commander of a ship. (Cic. Verr. v. 40, 44, 46.) PHALANTHUS (Þáλavtos), a son of Agelaus, and grandson of Stymphalus, and the reputed founder of Phalanthus in Arcadia. (Paus. viii. 35. § 7.) [L. S.] PHALANTHUS (Þáλavlos), a Phoenician leader, who held for a long time against the Do our real knowledge of his life and history, it has only served to envelope every thing connected with him in a cloud of fable, through which it is scarcely possible to catch a glimpse of truth. The period at which he lived has been the subject of much dispute, and his reign has been carried back by some writers as far as the 31st Olympiad (B. c. 656), but there seems little doubt that the statement of Suidas, who represents him as reigning in the 52d Olympiad, is in the main correct. Eusebius in one passage gives the older date, but in another assigns the commencement of his reign to the third year of the 52d Olympiad (B. c. 570); and this is confirmed by statements which represent him as contemporary with Stesichorus and Croesus. (Suid. s. v. Þáλapis; Euseb. Chron. an. 1365, 1393, 1446; Syncell. p. 213, d. ed. Paris; Oros. 4. 20; Plin. H. N. vii. 56; Arist. Rhet. ii. 20; Diod. Exe. Vat. pp. 25, 26; Bentley, Dissertation on the Epistles of Phalaris; Clinton, F. H. vol. i. p. 236, vol. ii. p. 4.) rians the town of Ialysus in Rhodes, being en- | colony by a sedition. He ended his days in exile, couraged by an oracle, which had declared that he but, when he was at the point of death, he desired should not be driven from the land till white crows the Brundusians to reduce his remains to dust and should appear and fishes be found in bowls. Iphi- sprinkle it in the agora of Tarentum; by which clus, the Greek leader, having heard this, some- means, he told them, Apollo had predicted that what clumsily fulfilled the conditions of the pro- they might recover their country. The oracle, phecy by whitening some crows with chalk and however, had named this as the method of securing introducing a few small fish into the bowl which Tarentum to the Partheniae for ever. (Strab. vi. held Phalanthus's wine. The latter accordingly pp. 278-280, 282; Just. iii. 4, xx. 1; Paus. x. was terrified into surrender, and evacuated the 10; Arist. Pol. v. 7, ed. Bekk.; Diod. xv. 66; island after a futile attempt, wherein he was out- Dion. Hal. Fragm. xvii. 1, 2; Hor. Carm. ii. 6; witted by Iphiclus, to carry off a quantity of trea- Serv. ad Virg. Aen. iii. 551; Heyne, Excurs, xiv. sure with him. (Ergias, ap. Ath. viii. pp. 360, e, f, ad Virg. l. c.; Clint. F. H. vol. i. p. 174, vol. ii. 361, a, b.) [E. E.] p. 410, note u; Thirlwall's Greece, vol. i. p. 352, PHALANTHUS (Þáλavlos), a Lacedaemo- &c.; Müll. Dor. i. 6. § 12, 7. § 10, iii. 5. §7, "nian, son of Aracus, was the founder of Tarentum 6. § 10.) [E. E.] about B. c. 708. The legend, as collected from PHA'LARIS (Þáλapis), ruler of Agrigentum Justin, and from Antiochus and Ephorus in Strabo, in Sicily, has obtained a proverbial celebrity as a is as follows. When the Lacedaemonians set forth cruel and inhuman tyrant. But far from the notoon their first Messenian war, they bound them-riety thus given to his name having contributed to selves by an oath not to return home till they had brought the contest to a successful issue. But nine years passed away, and in the tenth their wives sent to complain of their state of widowhood, and to point out, as its consequence, that their country would have no new generation of citizens to defend it. By the advice therefore of Aracus, the young men, who had grown up since the beginning of the war, and had never taken the oath, were sent home to become fathers of children by the Spartan virgins; and those who were thus born were called Пaptevía (sons of the maidens). According to Theopompus (ap. Ath. vi. p. 271, c, d; comp. Casaub. ad loc.), the widows of those who had fallen in the Messenian war were given as wives to Helots; and, though this statement more probably refers to the second war, it seems likely that the Partheniae were the offspring of some marriages of disparagement, which the necessity of the period had induced the Spartans to permit. The notion of Manso, that the name was given in derision to those who had declined the expedition, shrinking from war like maidens, seems less deserving of notice. As they grew up, they were looked down upon by their fellow-citizens, and were excluded from certain privileges. Indignant at this, they formed a conspiracy under Phalanthus, one of their number, against the government, and when their design was detected, they were allowed to go forth and found a colony under his guidance and with the sanction of the Delphic god. Pausanias tells us that Phalanthus, when setting out on this expedition, was told by an oracle from Delphi, that he would find a territory and a city in that place where rain should fall on him under a clear sky (alopa). On his arrival in Italy, he conquered the barbarians in battle, but was unable to take any of their cities or their land. Wearied out with his fruitless efforts, and cast down under the belief that the oracle had meant to express an impossibility, he was lying one day with his head on his wife's lap, as she strove to comfort him, when suddenly, feeling her tears dropping on him, it flashed upon his mind that, as her name was Aethra (Aĭopa), the mysterious prediction was at length fulfilled. On the succeeding night he captured Tarentum, one of the largest and most flourishing towns on the coast. The mass of the inhabitants took refuge, according to Justin, in Brundusium, and hither Phalanthus himself fled afterwards, when he was driven out from his own There seems no doubt that he was a native of Agrigentum, though the author of the spurious epistles ascribed to him represents him as born in the island of Astypalaea, and first arriving in Sicily as an exile. Concerning the steps by which he rose to power we are almost wholly in the dark. Polyaenus indeed tells us that he was a farmer of the public revenue, and that under pretence of constructing a temple on a height which commanded the city, he contrived to erect a temporary citadel, which he occupied with an armed force, and thus made himself master of the sovereignty. But this story has much the air of a fable, and it is clearly implied by Aristotle (Pol. v. 10) that he was raised by his fellow-citizens to some high office in the state, of which he afterwards availed himself to assume a despotic authority. Of the events of his reign, which lasted according to Eusebius sixteen years, we can hardly be said to know anything; but a few anecdotes preserved to us by Polyaenus (v. 1.), the authority of which it is difficult to estimate, represent him as engaged in fre quent wars with his neighbours, and extending his power and dominion on all sides, though more frequently by stratagem than open force. It would appear from Aristotle (Rhet. ii. 20), if there be no mistake in the story there told, that he was at one time master of Himera as well as Agrigentum; but there certainly is no authority for the statement of Suidas (s. v. Þáλapis), that his power extended over the whole of Sicily. The story told No circumstance connected with Phalaris is more celebrated than the brazen bull in which he is said to have burnt alive the victims of his cruelty, and of which we are told that he made the first experiment upon its inventor Perillus. [PERILLUS.] This latter story has much the air of an invention of later times, and Timaeus even denied altogether the existence of the bull itself. It is indeed highly probable, as asserted by that writer, that the statue extant in later times-which was carried off from Agrigentum by the Carthaginians, and afterwards captured by Scipio at the taking of that city-was not, as pretended, the identical bull of Phalaris, but this is evidently no argument against its original existence, and it is certain that the fame of this celebrated engine of torture was inseparably associated with the name of Phalaris as early as the time of Pindar. (Pind. Pyth. i. 185; | Schol. ad loc.; Diod. xiii. 90; Polyb. xii. 25; Timaeus, fr. 116-118. ed. Didot; Callim. fr. 119, 194; Plut. Parall. p. 315.) That poet also speaks of Phalaris himself in terms which clearly prove that his reputation as a barbarous tyrant was then already fully established, and all subsequent writers, until a very late period, allude to him in terms of similar import. Cicero in particular calls him "crudelissimus omnium tyrannorum" (in Verr. iv. 33), and uses his name as proverbial for a tyrant in the worst sense of the word, as opposed to a mild and enlightened despot like Peisistratus. (Cic. ad Att. vii. 20; see also De Off. ii. 7, iii. 6, De Rep. i. 28, and other passages; Polyb. vii. 7; Lucian. Ver. Hist. 23, Bis. Accus. 8; Plut. de ser. num. vind. p. 553.) by Diodorus of the manner of his death has every | riousness. The proofs of this, derived from the appearance of a fable, but is probably so far founded glaring anachronisms in which they abound-such in fact that he perished by a sudden outbreak of as the mention of the cities of Tauromenium, the popular fury, in which it appears that Tele- Alaesa, and Phintias, which were not built till machus, the ancestor of Theron, must have borne long after the death of Phalaris - the allusions to a conspicuous part. (Diod. Exc. Vat. p. 25, 26; tragedies and comedies as things well known and of Tzetz. Chil. v. 956; Cic. de Off. ii. 7; Schol. ad ordinary occurrence— the introduction of sentiPind. Ol. iii. 68.) The statement of Iamblichus, ments and expressions manifestly derived from who represents him as dethroned by Pythagoras later writers, such as Herodotus, Democritus, and (De Vit. Pyth. 32. § 122. ed. Kiessl.), is wholly even Callimachus-and above all, the dialect of unworthy of credit. the epistles themselves, which is the later Attic, such as was the current language of the learned in the latter ages of the Roman empire-would appear so glaring, that it is difficult to conceive how a body of men of any pretensions to learning could be found to maintain their authenticity. Still more extraordinary is it, that a writer of so much taste and cultivation as Sir William Temple should have spoken in the highest terms of their intrinsic merit, and have pronounced them unquestionably genuine on this evidence alone. (Essay on Ancient and Modern Learning, Works, vol. iii. p.478.) Probably no reader at the present day will be found to look into them without concurring in the sentence of Bentley, that they are "a fardle of common-places." The epistle in which the tyrant professes to give the Athenians an account of his treatment of Perillus, and the reasons for it (Ep. v. of Lennep and Schaefer, it is Ep. ccxxii. of the older editions), would seem sufficient in itself to betray the sophist. The period at which this forgery was composed cannot now be determined. Politian ascribed the spurious epistles in question to Lucian, but there is certainly no ground for this supposition, and they are probably the work of a much later period. The first author who refers to them is Stobaeus, by whom they are repeatedly quoted, without any apparent suspicion (Florileg. tit. 7. § 68, 49. §§ 16, 26, 86. § 17); but Photius alludes to them (Ep. 207), in terms that clearly intimate that he regarded them as spurious. At a later period they are mentioned with the greatest admiration by Suidas (s. v. Þáλapis), who calls them Savuarías mávu. Tzetzes also has extracted largely from them, and calls Phalaris himself ἐκεῖνος ὁ πάνσοφος. (Chil. i. 669, &c., v. 839–969.) After the revival of learning also, they appear to have enjoyed considerable reputation, though rejected as spurious by Politian, Menage, and other eminent scholars. They were first given to the world in a Latin translation by Francesco Accolti of Arezzo, published at Rome in 1470, of which many successive editions appeared before the end of the fifteenth century. The original Greek text was not published till 1498, when it was printed at Venice, together with the epistles ascribed to Apollonius of Tyana and M. Brutus. They were afterwards inserted by Aldus in his collection of the Greek writers of epistles (Venet. 1499), and passed through several editions in the 16th and 17th centuries, but none of any note, until that printed at Oxford in 1695, which bore the name of Charles Boyle, and gave occasion to the famous dissertation of Bentley already referred to. For the literary history of this controversy, in which Bentley was opposed not only by Boyle, but by all the learning which Oxford could muster, as well as by the wit and satire of Swift and Atterbury, the reader may consult Monk's Life of Bentley, chaps. 4-6, and Dyce's preface to his edition of Bentley's works (8vo. Lond. 1836). Since this period only two editions of the Epistles of Phalaris But in the later ages of Greek literature, there appears to have existed or arisen a totally different tradition concerning Phalaris, which represented him as a man of a naturally mild and humane disposition, and only forced into acts of severity or occasional cruelty, by the pressure of circumstances and the machinations of his enemies. Still more strange is it that he appears at the same time as an admirer of literature and philosophy, and the patron of men of letters. Such is the aspect under which the character of the tyrant of Agrigentum is presented to us in two declamations commonly ascribed to Lucian (though regarded by many writers as not the work of that author), and still more strikingly in the well-known epistles which bear the name of Phalaris himself. Purely fictitious as the latter undoubtedly are, it is difficult to conceive that the sophist who composed them would have given them a colour and character so entirely opposite to all that tradition had recorded of the tyrant, if there had not existed some traces of a wholly different version of his history. The once celebrated epistles alluded to are now remembered chiefly on account of the literary controversy to which they gave rise, and the masterly dissertation in which Bentley exposed their spu have been given to the world: the one commenced dictator Caesar, who patronised the musician by Lennep, and published after his death by Valck-Tigellius; but he did not fulfil his promise, for enaer (4to. Groningae, 1777), which contains a reasons which he assigned to Tigellius, but which greatly improved text and valuable notes, together appeared unsatisfactory to the latter. (Cic. ad with a Latin translation of Bentley's dissertations. Att. ix. 9. § 4, 13. § 6, ad Fam. ix. 16, vii. 24, The latter are omitted by Schaefer in his edition ad Att. xiii. 49; Weichert, Poët. Lat. p. 304; (8vo. Lips. 1823), in which he has reproduced the Drumann's Rom. vol. vi. p. 318.) text and notes of Lennep, but with many corrections of the former and some additional notes of his own. This last edition is decidedly the best that has ever appeared. The epistles have also been repeatedly translated into Italian and French, and three separate versions of them have appeared in English, the latest of which is that by Franklin, Lond. 1749. [E. H. B.] PHALCES (Þáλкns), ́a son of Temenus, and father of Rhegnidas, was one of the Heracleidae. | He took possession of the government of Sicyon, and there founded the temple of Hera Prodromia. (Paus. ii. 6. § 4, 11. § 2, 13. § 1; Strab. viii. p. 389.) He is said to have killed his father and his sister Hyrnetho. (Paus. ii. 29. § 3.) A Trojan of the same name occurs in Homer. (I. xiv. 513.) [L. S.] PHA'LEAS, or PHA'LLEAS (Þaλéas, Þaλλéas), a writer on political economy mentioned by Aristotle. He was a native of Chalcedon. He had turned his attention mainly to the relations of property, his theory being that all the citizens in a state should have an equal amount of property, and be educated in the same manner. (Arist. Pol. ii. 4. §§ 1, 6, 12, 9. § 8.) [C. P. M.] PHALE'RION, a painter of second-rate merit, who painted a picture of Scylla. (Plin. H. N. xxxv. 11. s. 40. § 38.) [P.S.] PHALEREUS, [DEME TRIUS.] DEMETRIUS. PHANES (Þávns). 1. A mystic divinity in the system of the Orphics, is also called Eros, Ericapaeus, Metis, and Protogonus. He is said to have sprung from the mystic mundane egg, and to have been the father of all gods, and the creator of men. (Proc. in Plat. Crat. p. 36; Orph. Arg. 15; Lactant. Instit. i. 5.) 2. A Theban who is said to have introduced the worship of Dionysus Lysius from Thebes to Sicyon. (Paus. ii. 7. § 6.) [L. S.] PHANES (Þávns), a Greek of Halicarnassus, of sound judgment and military experience, in the service of Amasis, king of Egypt, fled from the latter and passed over to Cambyses, king of Persia. When Cambyses invaded Egypt, the Greek and Carian mercenaries in the service of the Egyptian monarch, put to death the sons of Phanes in the presence of their father, and drank of their blood. (Herod. iii. 4, 11.) PHANGO, FUFI'CIUS. [FANGO.] PHA'NIAS, a freedman of App. Claudius Pulcher (Cic. ad Fam. ii. 13, iii. 1, 6). PHA'NIAS or PHAE'NIAS (Þavías, Þairias ; the MSS. vary between the two forms, and both are given by Suidas). 1. Of Eresos in Lesbos, a distinguished Peripatetic philosopher, the immediate disciple of Aristotle, and the contemporary, fellow-citizen, and friend of Theophrastus, a letter of whose to Phanias is mentioned by Diogenes (v. 37; Schol. in Apollon. i. 972; Strab. xiii. p. 618). He is placed by Suidas (s. v.) at Ol. 111, B. C. PHALE'RUS (Þáλnpos). 1. One of the Lapithae, who was present at the wedding of Peiri-336 (comp. Clem. Alex. Strom. i. p. 145, Sylb.). thous. (Hes. Scut. Herc. 180.) His Phanias does not seem to have founded a distinct 2. A son of Alcon, and grandson of Erechtheus school of his own, but he was a most diligent or Eurysthenes, was one of the Argonauts, and the writer upon every department of philosophy, as it founder of Gyrton. (Orph. Arg. 144.) He is said was studied by the Peripatetics, especially logic, to have emigrated with his daughter Chalciope or physics, history, and literature. In fact he was, Chalcippe to Chalcis in Euboea, and when his for the extent of his studies, the most distinguished father demanded that he should be sent back, the disciple of Aristotle, after Theophrastus. Chalcidians refused to deliver him up. (Schol. ad writings may be classified in the following manApollon. Rhod. i. 97.) In the port of Phalerum ner :near Athens, which was believed to have derived its name from him, an altar was dedicated to him. (Paus. i. 1. § 4.) [L. S.] PHALI'NUS (Þaλîvos), a Zacynthian, in the service of the satrap Tissaphernes, with whom he was in high favour in consequence of his pretensions to military science. After the battle of Cunaxa, B. c. 401, he accompanied the Persian heralds, whom Artaxerxes and Tissaphernes sent to the Cyrean Greeks to require them to lay down their arms; and he recommended his countrymen to submit to the king, as the only means of safety. Plutarch calls him Phalenus. (Xen. Anab. ii. 1. $$ 7-23; Plut. Artax. 13.) [E. E.] PHAMAEAS or PHAMEAS, HIMILCO. [HIMILCO, No. 11.] PHA'MEAS, a rich freedman from Sardinia, was the uncle of M. Tigellius Hermogenes, of whom Horace speaks (Sat. i. 2). Phameas died in B. c. 49; and in B. c. 45 Cícero undertook to plead some cause relating to the property of Phameas against the young Octavii, the sons of Cueius. Cicero did this in order to please the In a I. On Logic. Of this class of his writings we have but little information, probably because, being only paraphrases and supplements to the works of Aristotle, they were, in after generations, eclipsed by the writings of the master himself. passage of Ammonius (ad Categ. p. 13; Schol. Arist. p. 28, a. 40, ed. Brandis) we are told that Eudemios, Phanias, and Theophrastus wrote, in emulation of their master, Karnyopías κal repl ἑρμηνείας καὶ ̓Αναλυτικήν. There is also a rather important passage respecting ideas, preserved by Alexander of Aphrodisias, from a work of Phanias, mpòs Atódwpov (Schol. Arist. p. 566, a. ed. Brandis), which may possibly be the same as the work pos Tous σopiorás, from which Athenaeus cites a criticism on certain musicians (xiv. p. 633). II. On Natural Science. A work on plants, Tà pUTIKά, or тà Teρì OUTŵv, is repeatedly quoted by Athenaeus, and frequently in connection with the work of Theophrastus on the same subject, to which, therefore, it has been supposed by some to have formed a supplement. (Ath. ii. p. 54, f, 58, d, ix. p. 406, c. &c.) The fragments quoted by |