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The next summer (B. c. 209)*, the arms of Philip were directed to the support of his allies, the Achaeans, who were unable to make head against the Lacedaemonians, Messenians, and Eleans. Marching through Thessaly, he defeated the Aetolian general Pyrrhias, though supported by some Roman troops furnished him by Galba, in two successive actions, forced the pass of Thermopylae, and made his way successfully to the Peloponnese, where he celebrated the Heraean games at Argos. The Rhodians and Chians, as well as the Athenians and Ptolemy, king of Egypt, now again interposed their good offices, to bring about a peace between the contending parties, and negotiations were opened at Aegium, but these proved abortive in consequence of the arrogant demands of the Aetolians, in whom the arrival of Attalus at this juncture had excited fresh hopes. Philip now invaded Elis in conjunction with the Achaean praetor Cycliadas, but was worsted in an engagement under the walls of the city, in which, however, the king greatly distinguished himself by his personal bravery; and the inroads of the Dardanians, and other Barbarian tribes, now compelled him to return to Macedonia. (Liv. xxvii. 29-33; Justin. xxix. 4.)

At the opening of the campaign of 208, Philip found himself assailed on all sides by the formidable confederacy now organized against him. Sulpicius with the Roman fleet, in conjunction with the king Attalus, commenced their attacks by sea, while the Illyrian princes, Scerdilaïdas and Pleuratus, and the Thracian tribe of the Maedi threatened his northern frontiers, and his allies, the Achaeans, Acarnanians, and Boeotians, were clamorous for support and assistance against the Aetolians and Lacedaemonians. The energy and activity displayed by the kirg under these trying circumstances, is justly praised by Polybius: while he sent such support as his means enabled him to his various allies, he himself took up his post at Demetrias in Thessaly, to watch the proceedings of Sulpicius and Attalus; and though he was unable to prevent the fall of Oreus, which was betrayed into their hands [PLATOR], he not only saved Chalcis from a similar fate, but narrowly missed surprising Attalus himself in the neighbourhood of Opus. The king of Pergamus was soon after recalled to the defence of his own dominions against Prusias, king of Bithynia, and Sulpicius, unable to keep the sea single-handed, withdrew to Aegina. Philip was thus left at liberty to act against the Aetolians, and to support his own allies in the Peloponnese, where Machanidas, the Lacedaemonian tyrant, retired on his approach. The king was content with this success; and after taking part in the general assembly of the Achaeans at Aegium, and ravaging the coasts of Aetolia, returned once more into his own dominions. (Polyb. x. 41, 42; Liv. xxviii. 5-8; Justin. xxix. 4.)

The events of the succeeding years of the war are very imperfectly known to us, but it is evident that matters took a turn decidedly favourable to Philip and his allies. Attalus continued in Asia,

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and the Romans, whose attention was directed wholly towards affairs in Spain and Africa, lent no support to their Grecian allies. Meanwhile, the Achaeans, under Philopoemen, were victorious in the Peloponnese over Machanidas, and the Aetolians, finding themselves abandoned by their allies, and unable to cope single-handed with the power of Philip, who had a second time carried his ravages into the heart of their country, and plundered their capital city of Thermus, at length consented to peace upon the conditions dictated by the conqueror. What these were we know not, but the treaty had hardly been concluded, when a Roman fleet and army, under P. Sempronius Tuditanus, arrived at Dyrrhachium. Philip hastened to oppose him, and offered him battle, but the Roman general shut himself up within the walls of Apollonia; and meanwhile the Epeirots, by their intervention, succeeded in bringing about a peace between the two parties. A preliminary treaty was concluded between Philip and Sempronius at Phoenice in Epeirus, B. c. 205, and was readily ratified by the Roman people, who were desirous to give their undivided attention to the war in Africa. (Liv. xxix. 12; Polyb. xi. 4, 7; Appian. Mac. Exc. 2.)

It is probable that both parties looked upon the peace thus concluded as little more than a suspension of hostilities. Such was clearly the view with which the Romans had accepted it, and Philip was evidently well aware of their sentiments in this respect. Hence he not only proceeded to carry out his views for his own aggrandizement and the humiliation of his rivals in Greece, without any regard to the Roman alliances in that country, but he even went so far as to send a strong body of auxiliaries to the Carthaginians in Africa, who fought at Zama under the standard of Hannibal. (Liv. xxx. 26, 33, 42, xxxi. l.) Meanwhile, his proceedings in Greece were stained by acts of the darkest perfidy and the most wanton aggression. The death of Ptolemy Philopator, king of Egypt (B. c. 205), and the infancy of his successor, at this time opened a new field to the ambition of Philip, who concluded a league with Antiochus against the Egyptian monarch, according to which the Cyclades, as well as the cities and islands in Ionia subject to Ptolemy, were to fall to the share of the Macedonian king. (Polyb. iii. 2, xv. 20; Appian. Mac. Exc. 3; Justin. xxx. 2.)

| In order to carry out this scheme, it was necessary for Philip to establish his naval power firmly in the Aegaean, and to humble that of Attalus and the Rhodians, and the latter object he endeavoured to effect by the most nefarious means, for which he found ready instruments in Dicaearchus, an Aetolian pirate, and Heracleides, an exile from Tarentum, who seems at this period to have held the same place in the king's confidence previously enjoyed by Demetrius of Pharos. While Dicaearchus, with a squadron of twenty ships, cruised in the Aegaean, and made himself master of the principal islands of the Cyclades, Heracleides contrived to ingratiate himself with the Rhodians, and then took an opportunity to set fire to their arsenal, and burn great part of their fleet. (Polyb. xiii. 4, 5, xv. 20, xviii. 37; Diod. xxviii. Exc. Vales. pp. 572, 573; Polyaen. v. 17. § 2.) Meanwhile, Philip himself had reduced under his dominion the cities of Lysimachia and Chalcedon notwithstanding they were in a state of alliance

with the Aetolians, and he next proceeded to lay siege to Cius, in Bithynia. The Rhodians (who had not yet come to an open rupture with Philip, though his share in the perfidy of Heracleides could be no secret) in vain interposed their good offices in favour of Cius: their representations were treated with derision; and the king having made himself master of the place, gave it up to plunder, sold all the inhabitants as slaves, and then consigned the empty city to his ally, Prusias, king of Bithynia. On his return to Macedonia, he inflicted a similar fate on Thasos, though it had surrendered on capitulation. (Polyb. xv. 21-24; Liv. xxxii. 33.) But these repeated injuries at length roused the Rhodians to open hostilities: they concluded a league with Attalus (B. C. 201), and equipped a powerful fleet. Philip had taken Samos, and was besieging Chios, when the combined fleets of the allies presented themselves, and a general battle ensued, in which, after a severe and long-protracted struggle, the allies were victorious, although the Rhodian admiral, Theophiliscus, was killed, and Attalus himself narrowly escaped falling into the hands of the enemy. The advantage, however, was by no means decisive, and in a second action off Lade, Philip obtained the victory. This success appears to have left him almost free scope to carry on his operations on the coasts of Asia; he took Chios, ravaged without opposition the dominions of Attalus, up to the very walls of Pergamus, and afterwards reduced the whole of the district of Peraea held by the Rhodians on the main land, including the cities of Jasus and Bargylia. But meanwhile the Rhodians and Attalus had strengthened their fleet so much that they were greatly superior at sea, and Philip was, in consequence, compelled to take up his winter-quarters in Caria. It was not till the ensuing spring (B. c. 200), that he was able to elude, by a stratagem, the vigilance of his enemies, and effect his return to Europe, where the state of affairs imperiously demanded his presence. Attalus and the Rhodians having failed in their attempt to overtake him, repaired to Aegina, where they readily induced the Athenians, already on hostile terms with Philip, to join their alliance, and openly declare war against the Macedonian king. (Polyb. xvi. 11, 12, 24-26; Polyaen. iv. 17. § 2; Liv. xxxi. 14, 15.)

But a more formidable enemy was now at hand. The Romans were no sooner free from their longprotracted contest with Carthage than they began to lend a favourable ear to the complaints that poured in on all sides from the Athenians, the Rhodians, Attalus, and Ptolemy, against the Macedonian monarch; and notwithstanding some reluctance on the part of the people, war was declared against Philip, and the conduct of it assigned to the consul P. Sulpicius Galba, B. c. 200. But it was late in the season before he was able to set out for his province; and after sending a small force, under C. Claudius Centho, to the assistance of the Athenians, he took up his quarters for the winter at Apollonia. Meanwhile Attalus and the Rhodians neglected to prosecute the war, perhaps waiting for the arrival of the Roman forces. Philip, on his part, was not slow in availing himself of the respite thus granted him. While he sent Nicanor to invade Attica, he himself turned his arms towards Thrace, where he reduced in succession the important towns of Aenus and

| Maroneia, and then advancing to the Chersonese, laid siege to Abydus. The desperate resistance of the inhabitants prolonged the defence of this place for so long a time that it would have been easy for their allies to have relieved them, but Attalus and the Rhodians neglected to send them assistance, the remonstrances of the Roman ambassador, M. Aemilius Lepidus, were treated with derision by Philip, and the city ultimately fell into his hands, though not till almost the whole of the inhabitants had perished either by the sword of the enemy or by their own hands. (Liv. xxxi. 2-5, 6, 14, 16—18; Polyb. xvi. 27-34.)

Immediately after the fall of Abydos, Philip learnt the arrival of Sulpicius in Epeirus, but finding that the consul had already taken up his winterquarters, he took no farther measures to oppose him. Claudius, who had been sent to the support of the Athenians, was more enterprizing, and not content with guarding the coasts of Attica, he, by a bold stroke, surprised and plundered Chalcis. Philip, on this news, hastened to oppose him, but finding that Claudius had already quitted Chalcis, which he was not strong enough to hold, the king pushed on with great rapidity, in the hopes of surprising Athens itself, an object which, in fact, he narrowly missed. Foiled in this scheme, he avenged himself by laying waste the environs of the city, sparing in his fury neither the sepulchres of men, nor the sacred groves and temples of the gods. After this he repaired to Corinth, and took part in an assembly of the Achaeans, but failed in inducing that people to take part more openly in the war with the Romans; and having a second time ravaged the territory of Attica, returned once more into Macedonia. (Liv. xxxi. 18, 22—26.)

The consul, Sulpicius, was now, at length, ready to take the field, B. c. 199. He had already gained some slight successes through his lieutenant, L. Apustius, and had been joined by the Illyrian prince Pleuratus, Amynander, king of Athamania, and the Dardanian, Bato. The Aetolians, on the contrary, though strongly solicited both by Philip and the Romans, as yet declined to take part in the war. Sulpicius advanced through Dassaretia, where Philip met him with his main army, and several unimportant actions ensued, in one of which, near Octolophus, the Romans gained the victory; and this advantage, though of little consequence in itself, had the effect of deciding the Aetolians to espouse the Roman cause, and they joined with Amynander in an inroad into Thessaly. At the same time the Dardanians invaded Macedonia from the north, and Philip found it necessary to make head against these new enemies. He accordingly quitted his strong position near the camp of Sulpicius, and having eluded the vigilance of the Roman general, effected his retreat unmolested into Macedonia, from whence he sent Athenagoras against the Dardanians, while he himself hastened to attack the Aetolians, who were still in Thessaly, intent only upon plunder. Philip fell upon them by surprise, put many of them to the sword, and totally defeated their army, which would have been utterly destroyed, had it not been for their ally, Amynander. The Roman general meanwhile, after pushing on into Eordaea and Orestis, where he took the city of Celetrus, had fallen back again into Epeirus, without effecting anything of importance: the Dardanians had been repulsed and defeated by Athena

goras, and thus, on the whole, the result of the campaign had been certainly not unfavourable to Philip. (Liv. xxxi. 27-43.)

It was apparently late in the season before the new consul, P. Villius Tappulus, arrived in Epeirus to succeed Sulpicius, and a mutiny that broke out in his own army prevented him from undertaking any hostile operations. Philip meanwhile had followed up his victory over the Aetolians by laying siege to Thaumaci, in Thessaly, but the courageous defence of the garrison protracted this siege until so late a period of the year, that Philip was compelled to abandon the enterprise, and return to Macedonia for the winter. (Id. xxxii. 3, 4.) After spending this period of repose in the most active preparations for renewing the contest, he took the field again with the first approach of spring, B. C. 198, and established his camp in a strong position near the pass of Antigoneia, where it completely commanded the direct route into Macedonia. Villius advanced to a position near that of the king, but was wholly unable to force the pass; and while he was still deliberating what to do, his successor Flamininus arrived, and took the command of the army. (id. ib. 5, 6, 9.) The events of the war from this period till its termination have been already fully given under FLAMININUS.

By the peace finally granted to Philip (B. C. 196), the king was compelled to abandon all his conquests, both in Europe and Asia, withdraw his garrisons from all Greek cities, surrender his whole fleet to the Romans, and limit his standing army to 5000 men, besides paying a sum of 1000 talents. Among the hostages given for the fulfilment of these hard conditions, was his son Demetrius. (Polyb. xviii. 27; Liv. xxxiii. 30.) Whatever resentment and enmity he might still entertain against his conquerors, Philip was now effectually humbled, and it is certain that his conduct towards Rome at this time is characterised by every ap pearance of good faith and of a sincere desire to cultivate the friendship of the all-powerful republic. At the suggestion of the Roman deputy, Cn. Cornelius, he sent an embassy to Rome, to request that the treaty of peace might be converted into one of alliance (Polyb. xviii. 31); and in the following year (195), he sent a strong body of auxiliaries to the assistance of Flamininus against Nabis. (Liv. xxxiv. 26.) At a subsequent period he resisted all the efforts of the Aetolian envoy, Nicander, to induce him once more to take up arms in concert with Antiochus, as well as the tempting offers of that monarch himself, who spared no promises in order to gain him over to his alliance. (Id. xxxv. 12, xxxix. 28.) At the commencement of B. c. 191, he sent ambassadors to Rome, with offers of support and assistance against Antiochus, who was then already in Greece. The Syrian king had the imprudence at this time to give personal offence to Philip, who immediately engaged in measures of more active hostility, lent all the assistance in his power to the Roman praetor, Baebius, and co-operated with the Romans in the siege of Limnaea, while he took the opportunity to expel Amynander from Athamania, and make himself master of that province. (Id. xxxvi. 4, 8, 13, 14.) Though he took no part in the decisive battle at Thermopylae, he joined the consul Acilius Glabrio shortly after, and it was arranged between them that Philip should besiege Lamia at the same time

that Glabrio carried on the siege of Heracleia, but the latter city having fallen first, the king was ordered to desist from the siege of Lamia, which thereupon surrendered to the Romans. Philip was indignant at being thus balked of his prize, but he nevertheless obtained permission from the consul, while the latter was occupied in the siege of Naupactus, to turn his arms against some of the cities which had taken part with the Aetolians; and not only made himself master of Demetrias, and other places in Thessaly, but overran the whole of Perrhaebia, Aperantia, and Dolopia. (Id.xxxvi. 25, 33, 34, xxxix. 23.) The Romans, at this period, evinced their satisfaction with the conduct of Philip by restoring to him his son Demetrius and the other hostages, and remitting all the arrears of tribute, which remained yet unpaid (Pol. xx. 13, xxi. 9; Liv. xxxvi. 35): the king, in return, rendered them still more important services, by providing every thing necessary for the march of their army through Macedonia and Thrace, when advancing to the attack of Antiochus in Asia; and securing its passage, without obstruction, as far as the Hellespont. (Liv. xxxvii. 7; Appian. Mac. Exc. 7. § 3.) But the seeds of fresh disputes were already sown, and Polybius has justly remarked that the real causes of the second war of the Romans with Macedonia arose before the death of Philip, though it did not break out till a later period. So long as the Romans were engaged in the contest with Antiochus, and stood in need of the support of the Macedonian king, he had been allowed to retain possession of the conquests he had made during that war; and though Athamania had been again wrested from him by Amynander and the Aetolians, he still held many towns in Perrhaebia and Thessaly, which he had captured from the Aetolians, with the express permission of Acilius Glabrio. But after the fall of Antiochus, deputies from those states appeared at Rome (B. C. 185), to demand the restitution of the cities in question, and at the same time Eumenes warned the senate of the increasing power of Philip, who was diligently employed in strengthening his internal resources, while he was secretly enlarging his frontiers on the side of Thrace, and had made himself master of the important cities of Aenus and Maroneia. This was enough to arouse the jealousy of the senate. After the usual form of sending deputies to inquire into the matters on the spot, it was decreed that Philip should surrender all his conquests in Perrhaebia and Thessaly, withdraw his garrisons from the cities of Thrace, and confine himself within the ancient limits of Macedonia. (Liv. xxxix. 23-29, 33; Polyb. xxiii. 4, 6, 11, 13, 14.)

The indignation of the king was vehemently excited by these commands, but he was not yet prepared to resist the power of Rome, and accordingly complied, but, before he withdrew his troops from Maroneia, made a barbarous massacre of many of the unhappy citizens. At the same time he sent his younger son, Demetrius, to Rome, to answer the complaints which were now pouring in from all sides against him: and the young prince was received with so much favour by the senate, that they agreed to pardon all the past grounds of offence against Philip, out of consideration for his son, B. c. 183. (Polyb. xxiii. 13, 14, xxiv. 1-3; Liv. xxxix. 34, 35, 46, 47.) Unhappily the partiality thus displayed by the Romans towards De

metrius had the effect of arousing the jealousy both of Philip himself and of his eldest son, Perseus; and from henceforth the disputes between the two brothers embittered the declining years of the king [DEMETRIUS, p. 966]. Many other causes combined to the same effect; and the intrigues which the Romans were perpetually carrying on among his subjects and followers naturally aggravated the suspicious and jealous turn which his temper had by this time assumed. He was conscious of having alienated the affections of his own subjects by many acts of injustice and cruelty, and he now sought to diminish the number of the disaffected by the barbarous expedient of putting to death the children of all those whom he had previously sacrificed to his vengeance or suspicions (Liv. xxxix. 53, xl. 3-5). But while he was thus rendering himself the object of universal hatred at home, he was unremitting in his preparations for the renewal of the war with Rome. By way of disguising the real object of his levies and armaments, which was, however, no secret for the Romans, he undertook an expedition against the barbarian tribes of Paeonia and Maedica, and advanced as far as the highest ridge of Mount Haemus. It was during this expedition that Perseus succeeded in effecting the object for which he had been so long intriguing, and having by means of forged letters convinced the king of the guilt of Demetrius, induced him to consent to the execution of the unhappy prince. But Philip was unable to stifle the feelings of grief and remorse occasioned by this deed, and these passions broke forth with renewed violence when he afterwards discovered the deceit that had been practised upon him, and learnt that his son had been unjustly sacrificed to the jealousy of his elder brother. He believed himself to be haunted by the avenging spirit of Demetrius, and was meditating the punishment of Perseus for his perfidy, by excluding him from the throne in favour of his cousin Antigonus, the son of Echecrates, when he himself fell sick at Amphipolis, more from the effects of grief and remorse than any bodily ailment, and died shortly after, imprecating curses in his last moments upon the head of Perseus. His death took place before the end of B. c. 179, in the 59th year of his age, after a reign of nearly 42 years (Liv. xl. 6, 16, 21-24, 54-56; Polyb. xxiv. 7, 8; Euseb Arm. p. 158; Dexippus ap. Syncell. p. 508; Clinton, F. H. vol. ii. p. 243).

The character of Philip may be summed up in the remark of the impartial Polybius (x. 26) that there are few monarchs of whom more good or more evil could justly be said. His naturally good qualities were gradually eclipsed and overgrown by evil tendencies, and he is a striking, though by no means a solitary, example of a youth full of hopeful promise degenerating by degrees into a gloomy and suspicious tyrant. Of his military and political abilities the history of his reign affords sufficient proof, notwithstanding occasional intervals of apparent apathy and inaction for which it is difficult to account. He was also a fluent and ready speak er, and possessed a power of repartee which he loved to indulge in a manner not always consistent with kingly dignity (Polyb. xvii. 4; Liv. xxxii. 34, xxxvi. 14). In addition to the darker stains of perfidy and cruelty, his private character was disgraced by the most unbridled licentiousness, as well as by habitual excesses in drinking. (Polyb. x. 26, xxvi. 5; Liv. xxvii. 30.)

Besides his two sons already mentioned, he left a third son, named Philip (but whether legitimate or not we are not informed), who could have been born but a few years before the death of his father. [PHILIPPUS, No. 25.] (In addition to the ancient authorities cited in the course of the above narrative, the reign and character of Philip will be found fully discussed and examined by Schorn, Gesch. Griechenlands, Bonn, 1833; Flathe, Gesch. Macedoniens, vol. ii.; Thirlwall's Greece, vol. viii. chap. 63-66; and Brandstätter, Gesch. des Aetolischen Bundes, Berlin, 1844.) [E. H. B.]

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COIN OF PHILIPPUS V. KING OF MACEDONIA.

PHILIPPUS, MA'RCIUS. 1. Q. MARCIUS Q. F. Q. N. PHILIPPUS, consul B. c. 281, with L. Aemilius Barbula, had to carry on war with the Etruscans, and had a triumph on the 1st of April on account of his victory over them. In B. C. 263 he was magister equitum to the dictator Cn. Fulvius Maximus Centumalus (Fasti Capit.).

2. L. MARCIUS Q. F. PHILIPPUS, the father of No. 3, formed a hospitable connection with Philip V., king of Macedonia (Liv. xlii. 38), though on what occasion is not mentioned. This fact is alluded to in the annexed coin of the Marcia gens, which bears on the obverse the head of the Macedonian monarch, and on the reverse L. PHILIPPVS, with a horseman galloping, probably in reference to the name.

One is disposed to think that this L. Marcius was the first person of the gens who obtained the surname of Philippus in consequence of his connection with the king of Macedonia, and that the Fasti erroneously give this cognomen to the consul of B. C. 281.

3. Q. MARCIUS L. F. Q. N. PHILIPPUS, son of No. 2, was praetor B. c. 188, and obtained Sicily as his province. Two years afterwards, B. c. 186, he was consul with Sp. Postumius Albinus. These consuls were commanded by the senate to conduct the celebrated inquiry into the worship of Bacchus, which had been secretly introduced into Italy and been the occasion of much immorality and profanity. We accordingly find the name of Philippus in the senatus consultum de Bacchanalibus, which has come down to us. After Philippus had finished his share in these investigations, he set out for Liguria, where he and his colleague had to carry on war. Here, however, he was unsuccessful. In the country of the Apuani, he was surprised by the enemy in a narrow pass, and lost

4000 of his men. The recollection of his defeat was preserved by the name of the saltus Marcius, which was given to the spot from this time. In B. c. 183, Philippus was sent as ambassador into Macedonia, with orders to watch likewise the Roman interests in Southern Greece; and although he compelled Philippus to withdraw his garrisons from various places, yet the report which he presented to the senate was unfavourable to the Macedonian monarch. In B. C. 180, Philippus was chosen a decemvir sacrorum. Some years afterwards, B. C. 171, Philippus was again sent with several others as ambassador into Greece to counteract the designs and influence of Perseus. He and Atilius were ordered first to visit Epeirus, Aetolia, and Thessaly, next to proceed to Boeotia and Euboea, and from thence to cross over to Peloponnesus, where they were to join their other colleagues. In Thessaly Philippus received an embassy from Perseus, praying for a conference, and grounding his plea on the hospitable connection which had been established between his father and the father of the Roman ambassador. With this request Philippus complied, and the conference took place on the banks of the river Peneus. The Roman ambassador persuaded the king to send ambassadors to Rome, and for this purpose a suspension of hostilities was agreed upon; and thus Philippus completely accomplished the object he had in view, as the Romans were not yet prepared to carry on the war. Philippus next went to Boeotia, where he was also successful in carrying | out the Roman views, and he then returned to Rome. In the report of the embassy which he gave to the senate, he dwelt with pride upon the way in which he had deceived Perseus; and although the senators of the old school denounced such conduct as unworthy of their ancestors, the majority of the body viewed it with so much approbation as to send Philippus again into Greece, with unlimited power to do whatever he might think most for the interest of the state.

These services did not go unrewarded, and in B. c. 169 Philippus was a second time chosen consul, and had as his colleague Cn. Servilius Caepio. The conduct of the Macedonian war fell to Philippus. This war had already lasted two campaigns, during which Perseus had maintained his ground against two consular armies. Philippus lost no time in crossing over into Greece, where he arrived early in the spring of B. c. 169, and received in Thessaly the army of the consul of the preceding year, A. Hostilius Mancinus. Here he did not remain long, but resolved to cross over the mountain ridge of Olympus and thus descend into Macedonia near Heracleium. Perseus was stationed with the main body of his forces near Dium, and had taken possession of the mountain passes which led into the plain. If Perseus had remained firm, he might have cut off the Roman army, or compelled it to retrace its steps across the mountains with great loss; but, at the approach of the consul, he lost courage, forfeited the advantages of his position, and retreated to Pydna. Philippus followed him, but was unable to accomplish any thing worthy of mention, and in the following year handed over the army to his successor L. Aemilius Paulus, who brought the war to a close. We learn from Livy that Philippus was at this time more than sixty years of age. In B. c. 164, Philippus was censor with L. Aemilius Paulus, and in

his censorship he set up in the city a new sun diai. (Liv. xxxviii. 35, xxxix. 6, 14, 20, 48, xl. 2, 3, 42, xlii. 37-47, xliii. 13, xliv. 1-16; Polyb. xxiv. 4, 6, 10, xxvii. 1, xxviii. 10, &c.; Plin. H. N. vii. 60; Cic. Brut. 20.)

4. Q. MARCIUS PHILIPPUS, the son of No. 3, served under his father in Macedonia, B. C. 169. (Liv. xliv. 3.) This is the only time he is mentioned, unless, perchance, he is the same as the Q. Philippus, of whom Cicero says (pro Balb. 1]) that he had been condemned, and lived as an exile at Nuceria, of which state he was made a citizen.

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5. L. MARCIUS Q. f. Q. N. PHILIPPUS, failed in obtaining the military tribuneship, but nevertheless acquired afterwards all the high offices of state (Cic. pro Planc. 21). He was tribune of the plebs, B. C. 104, in which year he brought forward an agrarian law, of the details of which we are not informed, but which is chiefly memorable for the statement he made in recommending the measure, that there were not two thousand men in the state who possessed property (Cic. de Off. ii. 21). He seems to have brought forward this measure chiefly with the view of acquiring popularity, and he quietly dropped it when he found there was no hope of carrying it. In B. c. 100, he was of the distinguished men in the state who took up arms against Saturninus and his crew (Cic. pro C. Rabir. 7). He was a candidate for the consulship B. c. 93, but was defeated in the comitia by Herennius; but two years afterwards he carried his election, and was consul in B. c. 91, with Sex. Julius Caesar. This was a very important year in the internal history of Rome, though the events of it are very difficult clearly to understand. It was the year in which M. Livius Drusus, who was then tribune of the plebs, brought forward the various important laws, the object and tendency of which have been discussed elsewhere [DRUSUS, No. 6]. It is sufficient to state here that Drusus at first enjoyed the full confidence of the senate, and endeavoured by his measures to reconcile the people to the senatorial party. Philippus was a personal enemy of Drusus, and as he belonged to the popular party, he offered a vigorous opposition to the tribune, and thus came into open conflict with the senate. The exasperation of parties rose to the greatest height, and even the senate itself was disgraced by scenes of turbulence and indecorum. On one occasion Philippus declared in the senate that he could no longer carry on the government with such a body, and that there was need of a new senate. This roused the great orator L. Licinius Crassus, who asserted in the course of his speech, in which he is said to have surpassed his usual eloquence, that that man could not be his consul who refused to recognise him as senator (Cic. de Orat. iii. 1; Quintil. viii. 3. § 89; Val Max. vi. 2. § 2). In the forum scenes of still greater violence occurred. There Philippus strained every nerve to prevent Drusus from carrying his laws. On one occasion he interrupted the tribune while he was haranguing the people; whereupon Drusus ordered one of his clients to drag Philippus to prison and the order was executed with such violence that the blood started from the nostrils of the consul, as he was dragged away by the throat (Val. Max. ix. 5. § 2; Florus, iii. 17; Aur. Vict. de Vir. Ill. 66). The opposition of the consul was, however, in vain; and the laws of the tribune were carried. But a reaction followed almost im

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