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position of Heracleitus, that every thing is motion, and nothing besides or beyond it, and that out of it every thing comes into existence; that nothing at any time exists, but that everything is perpetually becoming (Plat. Theaet. pp. 156, 152: Sextus Empiricus inaccurately attributes to him matter in a perpetual state of Alux, vλn þevoth, Pyrrhon. Hyp. i. 217, 218). He then distinguished two principal kinds of the infinitely manifold motions, an active and a passive; but premised that the motion which in one concurrence manifested itself actively, will in another appear as passive, so that the difference is as it were a fluctuating, not a permanent one (Theaet. pp. 156, 157). From the concurrence of two such motions arise sensation or perception, and that which is felt or perceived, according to the different velocity of the motion; and that in such a way that where there is homogeneity in what thus meets, as between seeing and colour. hearing and sound (ib. p. 156), the definiteness of the colour and the seeing, of the perception and that which is perceived, is produced by the concurrence of corresponding motions (p. 156, d., comp. 159, c.). Consequently, we can never speak of Being and Becoming in themselves, but only for something (Ti), or of something (Tvós), or to something (pós Ti, p. 160, b., 156, c., 152, d.; Arist. Metaph. ix. 3; Sext. Emp. Hyp. i. 216, 218). Consequently there is or exists for each only that of which he has a sensation, and only that which he perceives is true for him (Theaet. p. 152, a., comp. Cratyl. p. 386; Aristocles, in Euseb. Praep. Evang. xiv. 20; Cic. Acad. ii. 46; Sext. Emp. 1.c. and adv. Math. vii. 63, 369, 388, &c.); so that as sensation, like its objects, is engaged in a perpetual change of motion (Theaet. p. 152, b.; Sext. Emp. Hyp. i. p. 217, f.), opposite assertions might exist, according to the difference of the perception respecting each several object (Arist. Metaph. iv. 5; Diog. Laërt. ix. 5; Clem. Alex. Strom. v. p. 674, a. ; Senec. Epist. 88). The conclusions hitherto discussed, which he drew from the Heracleitean doctrine of eternal Becoming, Protagoras summed up in the well-known proposition: The man is the measure of all things; of the existent that they exist; of the non-existent, that they do not exist (Theaet. p. 152, a., 160, d., Cratyl. p. 385, e. ; Arist. Metaph. x. 1, xi. 6; Sext. Emp. adv. Math. vii. 60, Pyrrhon. Hyp. i. p. 216; Aristocles, in Euseb. Praep. Evang. xiv. 20; Diog. Laërt. ix. 51), and understood by the man, the perceiving or sensation-receiving subject. He was compelled, therefore, likewise to admit, that confutation was impossible, since every affirmation, if resting upon sensation or perception, is equally justifiable (Plat. Euthyd. p. 185, d. &c.; Isocr. Helenae Enc. p. 231, Bekk.; Diog. Laërt. ix. 53); but, notwithstanding the equal truth and justifiableness of opposite affirmations, he endeavoured to establish a distinction of better and worse, referring them to the better or worse condition of the percipient subject, and promised to give directions for improving this condition, i. e. for attaining to higher activity (Theaet. p. 167; comp. Sext. Emp. Hyp. i. p. 218). Already, before Plato and Aristotle (Metaph. iv. 4, | comp. the previously quoted passages), Democritus had applied himself to the confutation of this sensualism of Protagoras, which annihilated existence, knowledge, and all understanding (Plut. adv. Colot. p. 1109, a.; Sext. Emp. adv. Math. vii. 389).

When Protagoras, in his book on the Gods,

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maintained that we are not able to know whether and how they exist (Timon, in Sext. Emp. adv. Math. ix. 56, comp. 58; Cic. de Nat. Deor. i. 1, 12, 23, 42; Diog. Laërt. ix. 51, &c. To regard the expression, droîoi rivés elo, quales sint, as Frei does, l. c. p. 98, as a foreign addition, seems to me to involve difficulties), he probably could only have in mind the mutually opposed statements on the point, and must himself have been disposed to a denial as he could scarcely have been conscious of a corresponding sensation or perception. It is not every pleasure, but only pleasure in the beautiful, to which Protagoras, in the dialogue which bears his name (p. 351, b.), allows moral worth; and he refers virtue to a certain sense of shame (aidu's) implanted in man by nature, and a certain conscious feeling of justice (díkn), which are to serve the purpose of securing the bonds of connection in private and political life (ibid. p. 322, c. &c.); and, accordingly, explains how they are developed by means of education, instruction, and laws (p. 325, c. &c., comp. 340, c.). He is not able, however, to define more exactly the difference between the beautiful and the pleasant, and at last again contents himself with affirming that pleasure or enjoyment is the proper aim of the good (p. 354, &c.). In just as confused a manner does he express himself with respect to the virtues, of which he admits five (holiness, dσións,—and four others), and with regard to which he maintains that they are distinguished from each other in the same way as the parts of the countenance (ib. p. 349, b., 329, c., &c.). As in these ethical opinions of Protagoras we see a want of scientific perception, so do we perceive in his conception of the Heracleitean doctrine of the eternal flow of all things, and the way in which he carries it out, a sophistical endeavour to establish, freed from the fetters of science, his subjective notions, setting aside the Heracleitean assumption of a higher cognition, and a community of rational activity (§uvos λóyos), by means of rhetorical art. That he was master of this in a high degree, the testimonies of the ancients leave indubitable. His endeavours, moreover, were mainly directed to the communication of this art by means of instruction (Plat. Prot. p. 312, c.), to render men capable of acting and speaking with readiness in domestic and political affairs (ib. p. 318, e.). He would teach how to make the weaker cause the stronger (τὸν ἥττω λόγον κρείττω ποιεῖν, Arist. Rhet. ii. 24; A. Gellius, N. A. v. 3; Eudoxus, in Steph. Byz. s. v. *A6dnpa; comp. Aristoph. Nub. 113, &c. 245, &c. 873, 874, 879, &c.). By way of practice in the art he was accustomed to make his pupils discuss Theses (communes loci) on opposite sides (antinomically) (Diog. Laërt. ix. 52, &c.; comp. Suid. s. v.; Dionys. Halic. Isocr. Timon in Diog. Laërt. ix. 52; Sext. Emp. adv. Math. ix. 57; Cic. Brut. 12); an exercise which is also recommended by Cicero (ad Att. ix. 4), and Quintilian (x. 5. § 10). The method of doing so was probably unfolded in his Art of Dispute (Téxη èpioTIKOV, see above). But he also directed his attention to language, endeavoured to explain difficult passages in the poets, though not always with the best success (Plat. Prot. p. 388, c. &c.; comp. respecting his and the opposed Platonic exposition of the well-known lines of Simonides, Frei, p. 122, &c.); entered at some length into the threefold gender of names (ἄῤῥενα, θήλεα, and σκεύη, Arist. Rhct. iii. 5, El. Soph. c. 14; comp. Aristoph. Nub,

645, &c.), and the tenses and moods of verbs (Diog. Laërt. ix 52, 53; Quintil. iii. 4. § 10; Frei, l. c. p. 133, &c.). Although Protagoras left it to his pupils to fix the amount of his fees in proportion to the profit they considered themselves to have derived from his lessons (Plat. Prot. p. 328. b.; Arist. Eth. Nic. ix. 1), he-the first who demanded payment for instruction and lecturesnevertheless obtained an amount of wealth which became proverbial. (Plat. Hipp. Maj. p. 282, c., Meno, p. 91, d., Theaet. p. 161, a., 179, a.; Quintil. ii. 1. § 10; Diog. Laërt. ix. 52, 50, &c.) [Ch. A. B.] PROTAGOʻRIDES (пpwrayopídns), of Cyzicus, a writer only known to us from Athenaeus, who refers to three of his works:-1. Пepi Aapvikŵv avov, on the games celebrated at Daphne, a village in the neighbourhood of Antioch (iv. pp. 150, c., 176, a., 183, f.). 2. Kwμikal 'loтopíai, a history of Comedy (iii. p. 124, e.). 3. 'Akpoάσeis parikal, love tales (iv. p. 162, c.).

PROTARCHUS (Пpúraрxos), an engraver of precious stones, whose name occurs on a very beautiful gem in the Florentine Museum, which represents Eros charming a hon with the harp. Formerly the artist's name was misread Пraрxos. (Gal. di Firenz, Gemm. ii. 1; Müller, Archäol. d. Kunst, § 391, n. 4.)

[P.S.]

PROTEAS (Пpwréas). 1. An Athenian general in the time of the Peloponnesian war, the son of Epicles. He was one of the three commanders of the squadron sent out to assist the Corcyraeans in their contest with the Corinthians. Again, in the first year of the Peloponnesian war (B. C. 431), Proteas was one of the three commanders of the fleet of 100 ships, sent round Peloponnesus (Thuc. i. 45, ii. 23).

2. A Macedonian officer, the son of Andronicus. He was employed by Antipater in collecting a squadron with which to defend the islands and coasts of Greece against the Phoenicians and others in the service of Persia, and succeeded in capturing, at Siphnus, 8 out of a squadron of 10 ships, with which Datames was there stationed. (Arrian, Anab. ii. 2. § 7-11.)

between him and his wife Laodameia, the daughter of Acastus. When she heard of the death of her husband, she prayed to the infernal gods to be allowed to converse with him only for the space of three hours. The prayer being granted, Hermes conducted Protesilaus for a few hours to the upper world, and when Protesilaus died a second time, Laodameia expired with him (Hygin. Fab. 108; Eustath. p. 325). This story, from which the account of Lucian differs only slightly, has been variously modified by the poets, for, according to some, Laodameia, after the second death of her husband, made an image of him, which she worshipped, and when her father Acastus ordered her to burn it, she threw herself with the image into the flames (Hygin. Fab. 104). According to others, Protesilaus, on returning from the lower world, found his wife embracing his image, and when he died the second time, he begged of her not to follow too late, whereupon she killed herself with a sword. Others again relate that Laodameia, being compelled by her father to marry another man, spent her nights with the image of Protesilaus (Eustath. I. c.); but Conon (Narrat. 13), lastly, has quite a different tradition, for according to him, Protesilaus, after the Trojan war, took with him Aethylla, a sister of Priam, who was his prisoner. When, on his homeward voyage, he landed on the Macedonian peninsula of Pallene, between Mende and Scione, and had gone some distance from the coast, to fetch water, Aethylla prevailed upon the other women to set fire to the ships. Protesilaus, accordingly, was obliged to remain there, and built the town of Scione.

His tomb was shown near Eleus, in the Thracian Chersonesus (Strab. xiii. p. 595; Paus. i. 34. § 2; Tzetz. ad Lyc. 532). There was a belief that nymphs had planted elm-trees around his grave, and that those of their branches which grew on the Trojan side were sooner green than the others, but that at the same time the foliage faded and died earlier (Philostr. Her. ii. 1); or it was said that the trees, when they had grown so high as to see Troy, died away, and that fresh shoots then sprang from their roots (Plin. H. N. xvi. 99; Anthol.

3. Son of Lanice, the nurse of Alexander the Palat. vii. 141, 385). A magnificent temple was Great. [LANICE.]

4. Grandson of the former, and, like him, notorious for his propensity to drinking. (Athen. iv. p. 129. a.; Photius, Cod. 190. p. 148. a., ed. Bekker.) [C. P. M.] PROTESILA'US (Пρwтeσíλαos), a son of Iphiclus and Astyoche, and accordingly a brother of Podarces, belonged to Phylace in Thessaly, whence he is called Þuλáкios (Lucian, Dial. Mort. 23. 1; Hom. Il. ii. 705; Eustath. ad Hom. p. 323), though this name may also be traced to his being a grandson of the Aeolid Phylacus. He led the warriors of several Thessalian places against Troy, and was the first of all the Greeks that was killed by the Trojans, for he was the first who leaped from the ships upon the Trojan coast (Hom. I. ii. 695, &c. xiii. 681, xv. 705; Philostr. Her. ii. 15). According to the common tradition Protesilaus was slain by Hector (Lucian, l. c.; Tzetz. ad Lyc. 245, 528, 530; Hygin. Fab. 103; Ov. Met. xii. 67), but, according to others, he fell by the hands of Achates (Eustath. ad Hom. p. 326), of Aeneas (Dict. Cret. ii. 11), or of Euphorbos (Eustath. l. c. p. 325). Protesilaus is most celebrated in ancient story for the strong affection and fidelity existing

erected to Protesilaus at Eleus, and a sanctuary, at which funeral games were celebrated, existed in Phylace (Herod. vii. 33, 116, 120; Paus. iii. 4. § 5; Pind. Isthm. i. 83, with the Schol.). Protesilaus himself was represented in the Lesche at Delphi. (Paus. x. 30. § 1.) [L. S.]

PROTEUS (Пpwтeús), the prophetic old man of the sea (axios yépwv), occurs in the earliest legends as a subject of Poseidon, and is described as seeing through the whole depth of the sea, and tending the flocks (the seals) of Poseidon (Hom. Od. iv. 365, 385, 400; Virg. Georg. iv. 392; Theocr. ii. 58; Horat. Carm. i. 2. 7; Philostr. Icon. ii. 17). He resided in the island of Pharos, at the distance of one day's journey from the river Aegyptus (Nile), whence he is also called the Egyptian (Hom. Od. iv. 355, 385). Virgil, however, instead of Pharos, mentions the island of Carpathos, between Crete and Rhodes (Georg. iv. 387; comp. Hom. Il. ii. 676), whereas, according to the same poet, Proteus was born in Thessaly (Georg. iv. 390, comp. Aen. xi. 262). His life is described as follows. At midday he rises from the flood, and sleeps in the shadow of the rocks of the coast, and around him lie the monsters of the deep (Hom. Od.

iv. 400; Virg. Georg. iv. 395). Any one wishing to compel him to foretell the future, was obliged to catch hold of him at that time; he, indeed, had the power of assuming every possible shape, in order to escape the necessity of prophesying, but whenever he saw that his endeavours were of no avail, he resumed his usual appearance, and told the truth (Hom. Od. iv. 410, &c. 455, &c.; Ov. Art. Am. i. 761, Fast. i. 369; Philostr. Vit. Apoll. i. 4). When he had finished his prophecy he returned into the sea (Hom. Od. iv. 570). Homer (Od. iv. 365) ascribes to him one daughter, Eidothea, but Strabo (x. p. 472) mentions Cabeiro as a second, and Zenodotus (ap. Eustath. ad Hom. p. 1500) mentions Eurynome instead of Eidothea. He is sometimes represented as riding through the sea, in a chariot drawn by Hippocampae. (Virg. Georg. iv. 389.)

Another set of traditions describes Proteus as a son of Poseidon, and as a king of Egypt, who had two sons, Telegonus and Polygonus or Tmolus. (Apollod. ii. 5. § 9; Tzetz. ad Lyc. 124.) Diodorus however observes (i. 62), that only the Greeks called him Proteus, and that the Egyptians called him Cetes. His wife is called Psamathe (Eurip. Hel. 7) or Torone (Tzetz. ad Lyc. 115), and, besides the above mentioned sons, Theoclymenus and Theonoë are likewise called his children. (Eurip. Hel. 9, 13.) He is said to have hospitably received Dionysus during his wanderings (Apollod. iii. 5. § 1), and Hermes brought to him Helena after her abduction (Eurip. Hel. 46), or, according to others, Proteus himself took her from Paris, gave to the lover a phantom, and restored the true Helen to Menelaus after his return from Troy. (Tzetz. ad Lyc. 112, 820; Herod. ii. 112, 118.) The story further relates that Proteus was originally an Egyptian, but that he went to Thrace and there married Torone. But as his sons by her used great violence towards strangers, he prayed to his father Poseidon to carry him back to Egypt. Poseidon accordingly opened a chasm in the earth in Pallene, and through a passage passing through the earth under the sea he led him back into Egypt. (Tzetz. ad Lyc. 124; Eustath. ad Hom. p. 686.) A second personage of the name of Proteus is mentioned by Apollodorus (ii. 1. § 5) among the sons of Aegyptus.. [L. S.] PROTHOENOR (Пpwłońvwp), a son of Areilycus, was one of the leaders of the Boeotians against Troy, where he was slain by Polydamas. (Hom. Il. ii. 495, xiv. 450, &c.)

[L. S.]

PROTHOUS (Пpółoos), a son of Tenthredon, commander of the Magnetes who dwelt about mount Pelion and the river Peneius, was one of the Greek heroes at Troy. (Hom. Il. ii. 758.) There are three other mythical personages of this. name, one a son of Agrius (Apollod. i. 8. § 6), the second a son of Lycaon (iii. 8. § 1), and a third a son of Thestius and brother of Althaea. (Paus. viii. 45. § 5, who calls him Пpó@ovs.) [L. S.] PROTOGENEIA (Пpwтоyévelα). 1. A daughter of Deucalion and Pyrrha. (Apollod. i. 7. §2.) She was married to Locrus, but had no children; Zeus, however, who carried her off, became by her, on mount Maenalus in Arcadia, the father of Opus. (Schol. ad Pind. Ol. ix. 85; Schol. ad Apollon. Rhod. iv. 1780.) According to others she was not the mother, but a daughter of Opus. (Schol. ad Pind. l. c.) Endymion also is called a son of Protogeneia. (Conon, Narrat, 14.)

2. A daughter of Calydon and Aeolia. (Apollod. i. 7. § 7.) [L. S.] PROTO GENES (Пpwтоyérns), the chief instrument of the cruelties of the emperor Caligula, used to carry about him two books, one called the sword, and the other the dagger, in which were entered the names of the persons destined for death. These books were found, after the emperor's death, in his secret depositaries. They were burnt by order of Claudius, who likewise put Protogenes to death. (Dion Cass. lix. 26, lx. 4; Suet. Cal. 27 ; Oros. vii. 5.) 1.

PROTO GENES (Прwтоyévns), artists. One of the most celebrated Greek painters, lived at the period of the greatest perfection of the art, and was contemporary with Apelles, about Ol. 112, B. c. 332. Almost all we know of him is contained in a passage of Pliny, the text of which is very much corrupted, yet not so as to affect any essential point in the history of the artist or his works. (Plin. H. N. xxxv. 10. s. 36. § 20.)

Protogenes was a native of Caunus, in Caria, a city subject to the Rhodians.* (Comp. Paus. i. 3. 4; Plut. Demetr. 22: Suidas makes him a native of Xanthus, in Lycia, s. v.) He resided at Rhodes almost entirely; the only other city of Greece which he is said to have visited is Athens, where he executed one of his great works in the Propylaea. He appears to have been one of those men, who, combining the highest genius with modesty and contentment, only obtain by the exertions of generous friends the reputation which they have earned by their own merits. Up to his fiftieth year he is said to have lived in poverty and in comparative obscurity, supporting himself by painting ships, which at that period used to be decorated with elaborate pictorial devices. His fame had, however, reached the ears of Apelles, who, upon visiting Rhodes, made it his first business to seek out Protogenes. The interesting trial of skill, by which the two artists introduced themselves to each other, has been related under APELLES. As the surest way of making the merits of Protogenes known to his fellow-citizens, Apelles offered him, for his finished works, on which Protogenes himself had set a very insignificant price, the enormous sum of fifty talents apiece (quinqua genis talentis), at the same time spreading the report, that he intended to sell the pictures as his own. The Rhodians were thus roused to an understanding of what an artist they had among them; and Apelles at once confirmed the impression, and made those who were anxious to retain such valuable works in their country pay for their previous indifference, by refusing to part with them except for an advanced price. (Plin. c. § 13.)

We possess the record of another interesting scene in the artist's tranquil life. When Demetrius Poliorcetes was using every effort to subdue Rhodes, he refrained from attacking the city at its most vul nerable point, lest he should injure the masterpiece of Protogenes, his Ialysus, which had been placed

The words of Pliny, gentis Rhodiis subjectae, which have given the critics much trouble, are now established as the true reading by the authority of the Bamber MS., confirmed by historical testimonies as to the matter of fact. (See Janus's collation of the Bamberg MS. appended to Sillig's edition of Pliny.)

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in that quarter; and he also paid the most flatter- remarked that the work and the artist were alike ing attentions to the artist himself. Protogenes, great, and that Protogenes was in every respect who was residing in his suburban cottage (comp. equal to himself or even superior, with the excep1. c. s. 37: casula Protogenes contentus est in hor- tion of two points, the one, that he did not know tulo suo) amidst the very camp of Demetrius, when to take his hand off his picture, the other, when the hostilities commenced, proceeded in his that he was deficient in that peculiar grace which works with his usual steady perseverance, and, on Apelles always claimed as the one great quality by the king's sending for him and asking how he which he himself excelled all other artists (Plin. could be so bold as to live and work without the l. c. § 10; Plut. Demetr. 22; Aelian, L. c.; comp. walls, he replied, that he knew that the king was Cic. Orat. 22). Several passages might be quoted at war with the Rhodians, but not with the arts. to prove the high esteem in which Protogenes was His confidence had its reward. Demetrius stationed held by the ancients. That truth to nature, which guards about his house, to preserve him from in various degrees characterised the works of all the injury; and, instead of calling him away from his great artists of the age, was so conspicuous in his, work to play the courtier, he himself withdrew that Petronius speaks of them as vying in truth from the military cares on which he was so intent, with nature herself (Sat. 84). Cicero mentions to visit the artist in his studio, and stood watching him as one of the painters whose works were perhis work surrounded by the din of arms and the fect in every respect. (Brut. 18; see also Varro, thunder of the battering engines. In the honour-L. L. ix 12, ed. Müller; Colum. R. R. i. praef. § able tranquillity thus secured to him during this year of tumult, Protogenes completed one of his most celebrated works. (Plin. l. c.; comp. vii. 38. s. 39.)

This form of the story is not only the most interesting, but at least as credible as any other, since Pliny doubtless copied it from some old Greek writer upon art. According to Plutarch (Demetr. 22, Reg. et Imp. Apophth. p. 183, b.) the picture on which Protogenes was engaged in his suburban residence, was the lalysus itself; and the Rhodians, alarmed for the safety of the unfinished work, sent heralds to Demetrius, to entreat him to spare it, to whom Demetrius replied, that he would rather destroy the images of his father than that picture. Aulus Gellius (xv. 3) gives still another, and the least probable version of the story. (See also Suid. s. v.)

From this story it appears that Protogenes lived at least down to B. c. 303; and, connecting this with the statement that he was fifty years old before he attained to wealth and high reputation, the conjecture of Meyer (Gesch. d. bild. Künst, vol. i. p. 189), that he was born about Ol. 104, is not improbable. Müller gives Ol. 112-120, B. C. 332-300, as the time during which he flourished.

31.)

The number of the works of Protogenes was comparatively small, as Pliny remarks, on account of the labour he bestowed upon each of them. His master-piece was the picture of Ialysus, the tutelary hero of Rhodes, to which reference has already been made. If we may believe the anecdote preserved by Pliny, the artist lived, during all the years he was engaged on this picture, upon moistened lupines, in order that he might just satisfy the cravings of hunger and thirst, without subjecting himself to any sensation of corporeal pleasure which might interfere with the devotion of his whole faculties to the work. The same writer informs us that Protogenes painted this picture over four several times, as a precaution against damage and decay, so that, if one surface should be removed, another might appear from beneath it. Nearly all modern artists treat this reason as absurd, and explain the fact mentioned by Pliny, supposing it to be correct, simply as an example of the artist's elaborate finish. Very possibly the statement may be a conjecture of Pliny's own, founded upon the appearance presented by some parts of the picture, where the colour had peeled off. Another of Pliny's stories about the picture relates to the accidental production of one of the most effective parts of it, Protogenes belongs to the number of self-taught the foam at the mouth of a tired hound. The artists; at least in so far as this, that he owed artist, he tells us, dissatisfied with his repeated atcomparatively nothing of his merits or reputation tempts to produce the desired effect, at last, in to whatever instruction he may have received. his vexation, dashed the sponge, with which he The name of his teacher was unknown; and the had repeatedly effaced his work, against the faulty obscurity in which he so long lived is a proof that place; and the sponge, charged as it was by rehe had none of the prestige which attaches to the peated use with the necessary colours, left a mark pupils of a celebrated school. His disadvantages in which the painter recognised the very foam in this respect he laboured to counteract by the which his art had failed to produce. Amidst all most un wearied diligence. In characterizing the this truly Plinian gossip about the picture, we several painters of the period of the perfection of are left in profound ignorance of its composition: the art, Quintilian mentions Protogenes as excelling all that is clear is, that the hero was represented the rest in the care with which he wrought up his either as hunting, or as returning or just returned pictures (xii. 10. § 6). On his most celebrated from the chase. It was, no doubt, dedicated in the picture he is said to have spent seven years, or temple of Ialysus at Rhodes, where it escaped deeven, according to another statement, eleven; and struction in the siege by Demetrius, as above reto have painted it four times over (Plin. l. c. ; | lated, and where it was seen by Cicero (Orat. 2), Aelian, xii. 41; Fronto, 11). In the opinion of who again refers to it in a manner which perhaps Apelles, he carried this elaboration of his works to implies that it had suffered from neglect (ad Att. a fault, as we learn from an interesting story which ii. 21: we say perhaps, because the sentence is is told, with some variations, by Pliny, Aelian, merely hypothetical). He also mentions it in his and Plutarch, respecting the criticisms of Apelles enumeration of the chief works of art existing in on the work just referred to, the Ialysus of Pro-his time (in Verr. iv. 60). In the time of Strabo togenes. On first beholding the picture, Apelles it was still at Rhodes (xiv. p. 652); but, when stood in silent admiration; and presently he Pliny wrote, it had been carried to Rome, where

it formed part of the rich collection in the temple of Peace. Suidas (s. v.) mentions the picture as a strange and wonderful work, but appears to have mistaken the hero Ialysus for Dionysus (the reading however is doubtful).

ing to this view the group which Pausanias took for Nausicaa and her companions may be explained as a group of maidens celebrating the festival of the god to whom the sacred vessels are bringing their offerings. This painting is also mentioned by His next most famous picture was that which Cicero, like the Ialysus, as one of the greatest works Pliny tells us he painted during the siege of in existence, but he does not mention the artist's Rhodes, and to which, from that circumstance, a name (in Verr. l. c.). Pliny tells us that Protopeculiar interest was attached (Sequiturque tabulam genes, in memory of his former circumstances, ejus temporis haec fama, quod eam Protogenes sub added to this picture some little ships of war, as gladio pinxerit). Its subject was a satyr resting additional ornaments or bordering (parerga). (quem Anapauomenon vocant), and still holding the Another picture, which Protogenes painted at pipes; a subject strikingly similar to the celebrated Athens, was that of the Thesmothetae, in the Satyr of Praxiteles, though, of course, treated dif-senate-house of the Five Hundred (Paus. i. 3. § 4). ferently in the two different departments of art. This picture was still at Rhodes in the time of Strabo, who mentions it and the Ialysus, and the Colossus, as the most remarkable objects at that place (1.c.). The Satyr (Strabo tells us) was leaning against a column, upon which the artist had originally painted a partridge sitting; but the people, who flocked to see the picture, were so struck with the perfectly natural appearance of the bird that they entirely overlooked the principal figure; and, to make matters worse, the bird-keepers brought tame partridges, which were no sooner placed opposite the picture than they began to chirp at the painted bird, thinking it alive, to the unbounded delight of the multitude. On this, Protogenes, feeling that his labour was lost (ópuv To pyov пάреруov Yéyovos), obtained permission from the keepers of the temple, and obliterated the partridge from the picture.

The other works of Protogenes, in the list of Pliny, are Cydippe, Tlepolemus, the tragic poet Philiscus meditating [PHILISCUS], an athlete, king Antigonus, and the mother of Aristotle. Pliny adds that the great philosopher advised the artist to paint Alexander "propter acternitatem rerum ;” but that his own taste and the impulse of his genius carried him to other subjects, so that there was only one of his pictures, and that the last, in which the Macedonian conqueror appeared: this composition is called by Pliny Alexander and Pan.

In the enumeration of his works, that celebrated panel must not be forgotten, which, in its three simple lines, presented the memorial of the celebrated contest between Apelles and Protogenes, and excited more admiration than the great works of art near which it was preserved at Rome. To what has been said on this subject under APELLES, it need only be added that the words of Pliny, who had seen the picture (and that, no doubt, re

. Another celebrated work of Protogenes was that in the Propylaea of the Acropolis of Athens, which Pliny thus describes: nobilem Paralum et Am-peatedly), evidently describe mere lines drawn moniada, quam quidam Nausicaam vocant. The right across the panel (per tabulam); and even Paralus, as is well known, was one of the two writers who object to such a display, as not even sacred ships of the Athenians, to which, at a later within the province of painting, and who seek for period, three more were added, of which one was other ingenious and elaborate interpretations (such the Ammonias, that is, the vessel in which offerings as that the three lines were three outlines of figures were sent to Jupiter Ammon. Thus much is or limbs), are found to admit, not only that the clear; but how these vessels were represented, notion of their being three simple lines is the only whether each formed a separate picture, or the two one countenanced by the text of Pliny (who, we were combined in one composition, and what we repeat, saw the picture), but also that this feat, are to understand by the phrase, quam quidam though merely manual, was all the greater and Nausicaam vocant, that is, what the ship Ammo- more wonderful, on account of their being mere nias (or the picture of both ships) had to do with lines of excessive thinness, the one within the other, Nausicaa and the island of the Phaeacians,-are from the extraordinary command of the instrument, questions extremely difficult to solve. Pausanias, and precision of eye and hand which such a feat indeed, tells us (i. 22. § 6) that one of the paintings supposes. Let it be remembered also, how great in the Propylaea represented Nausicaa and her was the importance which the ancients rightly maidens bathing, with Ulysses near them, as de-attached to accurate drawing; and, we would add, scribed by Homer (Od. vi. init.); but he ascribes let those who sneer at the performance attempt to the picture to Polygnotus, and says not a word of reproduce it. the sacred ships. The only escape yet suggested from this labyrinth of confusion, is by following the clue furnished by the conjecture of Ottfried Müller (Arch. d. Künst, Nachträge, p. 707, 2d ed.), that, instead of carrying on the nominative ПoλúvwTos in the passage of Pausanias, we should insert Πρωτογένης after ἔγραψε δὲ καὶ, so as to make him, and not Polygnotus, the painter of the picture which Pausanias describes as that of Nausicaa; and further, that the very subject of the painting was disputed among the ancients themselves, some," as Pliny says, "taking it for Nausicaa," among whom was Pausanias; and others, PROTYS, an artist of the Graeco-Roman period, of whom Pliny himself was one, regarding it as the whose name is known by an inscription on the base representation of some harbour, into which the of a piece of sculpture, representing four figures ships Paralus and Ammonias were sailing. Accord-placed back to back, which was found in Upper

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Protogenes excelled also as a statuary (Plin. l. c.), though none of his works are individually specified: Pliny only mentions him among the artists who made, in bronze, athletas et armatos et venatores sacrificantesque (H. N. xxxiv. 8, 19. § 34).

According to Suidas, Protogenes wrote two works on art, namely, Περὶ γραφικῆς καὶ σχημάτ των βιβλία β'.

2. A freedman in the family of Augustus, was an artist in gold and silver. (Bianchini, Sepolcro de' Servi, n. 191; R. Rochette, Lettre à M. Schorn, p. 394.) [P.S.]

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