measure which would appear to be in some degree justified by Roman notions, if it followed the treaty with Mithridates. Plutarch (Sertor. 22) mentions this fact before he mentions the treaty; but his chronology cannot be trusted.

Jealousy among the party of Sertorius was the immediate cause of his ruin. Many Roman nobles who served under him, envied the man who was their superior, and Perperna, for his own ambitious purposes, increased the disaffection. Pompeius, who was in the north of Spain, was now besieging Palencia (Palantia) in Leon, but he retreated on the approach of Sertorius, and joined Metellus. The two generals advanced against Calahorra on the Ebro, but here they were attacked by Sertorius, and sustained great loss. Metellus spent the winter in Nearer Spain, and Pompeius was compelled, by want of supplies, to spend the winter in Gallia, in the province of M. Fonteius (Cic. pro Font. 3). Sertorius was actively employed in visiting the south-east coast of Spain and inspecting his fleet, which was employed in intercepting any supplies to the enemy.

The events of the campaigns B. C. 73 and 72 are merely hinted at by the ancient authorities. Sertorius lost many towns; but there was no decisive battle. He began to abate his activity, to Indulge in wine and women, and to become cruel and suspicious. (Appian, i. 113). There was, indeed, good reason for his suspicions; but as to the rest, Appian's testimony is doubtful. He had taken Spaniards for his guard, because he distrusted his own countrymen. The Spaniards of higher rank were dissatisfied with not having the same distinctions as the Romans; and many were made indifferent to the cause of Sertorius by the success of Pompeius and Metellus. Many of the Romans "secretly damaged all his measures, and they oppressed the barbarians by severe treatment and exactions, on the pretext that it was by the order of Sertorius. This caused revolts and disturbances in the cities; and those who were sent to settle and pacify these outbreaks, returned after causing more wars and increasing the existing insubordination; so that Sertorius, contrary to his former moderation and mildness, did a grievous wrong to the sons of the Iberians (Spaniards) who were educating at Osca, by putting some to death and selling others as slaves" (Plut. Sertor. 25). But the conspirators against the life of Sertorius were all Romans, and only ten in number. They sent to Sertorius a forged letter, which announced a victory gained by one of his generals. Sertorius offered a sacrifice for the happy tidings, and Perperna, after much entreaty, prevailed on him to accept an invitation to a banquet. The conspirators were afraid to do the deed that they had planned: they tried to provoke the anger of Sertorius by obscene language, which they knew that he hated, and by indecent behaviour under the assumed guise of drunkenness. Sertorius changed his posture on the couch by throwing himself on his back and pretending not to listen to them. But on Perperna taking a cup of wine, and, in the midst of the draught, throwing it away, which was the signal agreed on, Manius Antonius struck him with his sword. Sertorius attempted to rise, but Antonius threw himself upon him, and held his hands while the rest of the conspirators despatched him. Thus ended the war of Sertorius B. c. 72. The termination brought no glory to Metellus and Pompeius,

for the hands of assassins, and not their skill or
courage, concluded the contest. The loss of all
complete and authentic materials for the war of
Sertorius is ill supplied by the life in Plutarch.
Drumann (Pompeii) has collected and arranged the
scattered fragments of the history, and he has done
it with care and ability. A certain amount of con-
jecture or inference is, however, necessary to fill
up even the scantiest outline of the war. Plutarch's
Life of Sertorius, translated by G. Long, contains
a few notes. Corneille has made Sertorius the
subject of a tragedy; and a modern writer, of a
novel or romance, "The Fawn of Sertorius," Lon-
don, 1846.
[G. L.]

Q. SERVAEUS, was appointed to the government
of Commagene in the reign of Tiberius, A. D. 18,
having been previously praetor. He was a friend
of Germanicus, and after the death of the latter
was one of the accusers of Cn. Piso, in A. D. 20
[PISO, No. 23.] He was involved in the fall of
Sejanus, was accused and condemned, but saved
himself by turning informer, A. D. 32. (Tac. Ann.
ii. 56, iii. 13, vi. 7.)

SERVIA/NUS, JULIUS, whose full name, as we learn from an inscription, was C. JULIUS SERVILIUS URSUS SERVIANUS, was the brotherin-law of Hadrian, having married his sister Domitia Paulina. This marriage took place before the accession of Trajan to the empire; and Servianus was so jealous of the favour of his brotherin-law with Trajan, that he attempted to stop him when he was hastening to Trajan in Germany to announce the death of Nerva in A. D. 96. Servianus afterwards became reconciled to Hadrian, and appears to have lived on good terms with him during the reign of Trajan. By this emperor he was twice raised to the consulship, as we see from inscriptions, once in A.D. 107, and again in 111. It was also during the reign of Trajan that he married his daughter to Fuscus Salinator, on which occasion Pliny wrote him a letter of congratulation. (Plin. Ep. vi. 26.) Hadrian, on his accession in A. D. 117, appeared to have quite forgotten and forgiven the former enmity of Servianus, for he treated him with distinguished honour, raised him to the consulship for the third time in a. D. 134, and gave him hopes of succeeding to the empire. But when he resolved to appoint L. Commodus Verus his successor, and made him Caesar in a. D. 136, he put Servianus and his grandson Fuscus to death, fearing that they might aspire to the throne. Servianus was then in his ninetieth year. (Spart. Hadr. 1, 2, 8, 15, 23, 25; Plin. Ep. iii. 17, vi. 26; Dion Cass. lix. 2, 17, comp. lxxvi. 7.)

SERVILIA. 1. The wife of Q. Lutatius Catulus, consul, B. c. 102. Their daughter Lutatia married the orator Q. Hortensius, whence Cicero calls Servilia the socrus of Hortensius (Cic. Verr. ii. 8.)

2. The mother of M. Junius Brutus, the mur derer of Caesar. She was the daughter of Livia, the sister of the celebrated M. Livius Drusus, tribune of the plebs, B. c. 91. Her mother Livia was married twice; first to M. Cato, by whom she had M. Cato Uticensis, and next to Q. Servilius Caepio, by whom she became the mother of this Servilia, and of her sister spoken of below. Servilia herself was married twice; first to M. Junius Brutus [BRUTUS, No. 20], by whom she became the mother of the murderer of Caesar, and secondly to D. Junius Silanus, consul B. c. 62. This

minally, at least, still extant; but from the widely different forms which it assumes in different MSS., it is clear that it must have been changed and interpolated to such an extent by the transcribers of the middle ages, that it is impossible to determine how much belongs to Servius and how much to the later hands by whom his performance has been overlaid. Even in its present condition, however, it contains so many quotations from lost works, and so much curious information on abstruse points connected with history, antiquities, and mythology, that it is deservedly regarded as the most important and valuable of all the Latin Scholia. It is attached to many of the earlier impressions of the poet, and by comparing a few of these the discrepancies alluded to above will be at once per

father was alive, who had sat in the curule chair, [ inasmuch as he was ignorant of the existence of his father (Liv. xxx. 19, comp. xxvii. 1). No other ancient writer mentions any law which forbade such an election: the conjectures of modern writers on the point are given at length in Duker's note on the passage of Livy (xxx. 19). In B. c. 202, Servilius was appointed dictator by the consul M. Servilius Geminus for the purpose of holding the comitia, being the last person who was named dictator till the usurpation of the office by Sulla. In B. C. 201, he was one of the decemviri for distributing lands to the veterans who had fought in Africa under P. Scipio, and in B. c. 183 he was elected pontifex maximus in the place of P. Licinius Crassus. He died in B. c. 180. (Liv. xxv. 15, xxvii. 6, 21, 33, 36, xxviii. 10, 46, xxix.ceived. Much was done to improve and purify the 38, xxx. 1, 19, 39, xxxi. 4, xxxix. 46, xl. 37, 42.)

3. Q. SERVILIUS, proconsul, was slain by the inhabitants of Asculum on the breaking out of the Social War, in B. c. 90. He is erroneously called Servius by some writers. (Appian, B. C. i. 38; Liv. Epit. 72; Vell. Pat. ii. 15; Oros. v. 18.) 4. P. SERVILIUS, a Roman eques, the magister of one of the companies that farmed the taxes in Sicily during the administration of Verres. (Cic. Verr. iii. 71.)

5. C. SERVILIUS, a Roman citizen in Sicily, publicly scourged by Verres. (Cic. Verr. v. 54.) 6. M. SERVILIUS, accused of repetundae in B. C. 51. (Cael. ad Fam. viii. 8. § 3; Cic. ad Att. vi. 3. § 10.)

7. M. SERVILIUS, tribune of the plebs, B. c. 44, is praised by Cicero as vir fortissimus. (Cic. ad Fam. xii. 7, Philipp. iv. 6.)

SERVI'LIUS BA'REA SORA'NUS. [BA

SERVI'LIUS NONIA'NUS. [NONIANUS.] SERVI'LIUS PUDENS. [PUDENS.] SERVI'LIUS SILA NUS. [SILANUS.] SERVIUS, a common Roman praenomen, also occurs as the gentile name of a few persons, though even in the case of these persons the gentile name may have been dropped, and Servius be simply a praenomen.

SERVIUS. A tract, divided into eleven sections, entitled Servi Ars Grammatica, or more fully, Expositio Magistri Servii super Partes Minores, was published, for the first time, from a Berlin MS., by Lindemann, and annexed to his edition of "Pompeii Commentum Artis Donati," 8vo. Lips. 1820. The author is altogether un[W. R.]

known.

SERVIUS MAURUS HONORA'TUS, or SERVIUS MA'RIUS HONORA/TUS, as the name is variously written, the arrangement of its constituent parts being, moreover, varied in every possible way, was a celebrated Latin grammarian, contemporary with Macrobius, for we cannot reasonably doubt that he is the Servius introduced among the dramatis personae of the Saturnalia, and who is frequently mentioned with the greatest respect in that work, a warm tribute being paid not only to his learning and his talents, but also to his amiable disposition and unaffected modesty. His most celebrated production was an elaborate commentary upon Virgil, compiled from the labours of a multitude of earlier annotators. This is, no

text by R. Stephens (Paris, fol. 1532), and by Masvicius (Virgilii Opera, 4to. Leovard. 1717), but it will be found under its best form in the celebrated edition of Virgil by Burmann. The recension by Lion (2 vols. 8vo. Gotting. 1825) is not of any particular value.

We possess also the following treatises which bear the name of Servius Maurus Honoratus.

2. In secundam Donati Editionem Interpretatio, printed by Jo. Theodoricus Bellovacus, in his "Grammatici illustres XII." fol. Paris, 1516; by Adamus Petri, in his collection, 8vo. Basel, 1527, and included by Putschius in his "Grammaticae Latinae Auctores Antiqui," 4to. Hannov. 1605, pp. 1779-1799. Some additions will be found in Endlicher, Analecta Grammatica, p. 512.

3. De Ratione ultimarum Syllabarum ad Aqui linum Liber, first printed along with the Centimetrum (see below) by Robertus de Fano and Bernardinus de Bergomo, 4to. Call. 1476, and contained in Putschius, p. 1799-1815. See also Endlicher, p. 491, where we have the title de Finalibus.

4. Ars de centum Metris s. Centimetrum, addressed to Albinus, first printed in the "de Schemate et Tropo" of Beda, 4to. Mediol. 1473, contained in Putschius, pp. 1815-1826, and to be found under its best form in Gaisford's "Scriptores Latini Rei Metricae," 8vo. Oxon. 1837, p. 363. (Macrob. Sat. i. 2, 24, vi. 6, 7, vii. 11; Heyne, de Antiq. Virg. Interpr. Burmann, Praef.) [W. R.] SERVIUS POLA. [POLA.] SERVIUS RUFUS. [RUFUS.] SERVIUS TU'LLIUS. [TULLIUS.]

SESOSTRIS (Zéσwσrpis), or, as Diodorus calls him, SESOOSIS (Zerówois), was the name given by the Greeks to the great king of Egypt, who is called in Manetho and on the monuments Ramses or Ramesses. Not only do Manetho and the monuments prove that Sesostris is the same as Ramses, but it is evident from Tacitus (Ann. ii. 59) that the Egyptian priests themselves identified Ramses with Sesostris in the account which they gave to Germanicus of the victories of their great monarch. Ramses is a name common to several kings of the eighteenth, nineteenth, and twentieth dynasties; but Sesostris must be identified with Ramses, the third king of the nineteenth dynasty, the son of Seti, and the father of Menephthah, according to the restoration of the lists of Manetho by Bunsen. This king is frequently called Ramses II., or Ramses the Great, to distinguish him from Ramses, the first king of the nineteenth dynasty. It was under the kings of the eighteenth and nineteenth

dynasties that Egypt obtained her greatest splendour, and of these monarchs Ramses-Sesostris obtained the most celebrity. Herodotus relates that sailing with his fleet from the Arabian gulph, or Red Sea, Sesostris subdued the people dwelling on the coasts of the Erythraean Sea, until he came to a sea which was no longer navigable on account of the shallows. On his return to Egypt he levied a mighty army, with which he made an expedition by land, subduing all the nations that came in his way, till at length he crossed from Asia into Europe, where he conquered the Thracians and Scythians. In all the countries which he subdued he erected stelae, on which he inscribed his own name and those of his country, and how he had conquered the people by his might. The history of Sesostris is related more at length by Diodorus. According to his account the father of Sesostris ordered all the male children who were born on the same day as his son to be educated along with him and trained in martial exercises, that they might prove brave warriors and faithful companions to him in his future conquest of the world. As soon as they were grown up the monarch sent them, along with his son, with an army into Arabia, which they conquered, and next into the western parts of Africa, which they also subdued. As soon as Sesostris had ascended the throne, he divided all Egypt into thirty-six nomes or provinces, and appointed a governor over each, and then began to make preparations for the conquest of the world. He is said to have raised an army of 600,000 foot, 24,000 horse, and 27,000 war-chariots, and likewise to have caused a fleet of 400 ships to be built and equipped on the Red Sea. After first subduing Ethiopia, he conquered all Asia, even beyond the Ganges, and extended his conquests further than those of Alexander the Great: he then crossed over into Europe, where he subdued the Thracians; and eventually returned to Egypt, after an absence of nine years. On arriving at Pelusium he was nearly destroyed by the treachery of his brother Armais, whom he had left regent in his absence, and who attempted to burn him with his wife and children. The countless captives whom he brought back with him he employed in public works, many of which are specified both by Diodorus and Herodotus. Thus he is said to have surrounded many of his cities with high mounds, to protect them from the inundations of the Nile, traces of which are still visible; and also to have dug numerous canals to irrigate the country. He further erected splendid monuments in different parts of Egypt, in token of gratitude to the gods for the victories he had gained. Many of the great works of Egypt, the authors of which were unknown, are ascribed to this king. Thus he was said by the Egyptian priests to have built a wall on the east side of Egypt, from Pelusium to Heliopolis, according to Diodorus (i. 57), but which appears to have been continued as far as Syene, and many traces of which may still be seen. Se sostris is said by Manetho to have reigned sixtysix years, and we find on monuments the sixtysecond year of his reign. He is reported to have put an end to his own life in consequence of becoming blind. (Herod. ii. 102-111; Diod. i. 53-59; Strab. xv. p. 686, xvi. pp. 769, 790; Joseph. c. Apion. i. 15; Tac. Ann. ii. 59; Plin. II. N. vi. 29. s. 33, 34, xxxiii. 15, xxxvi. 9. s. 14.) | Although the Egyptian priests evidently exagge

rated the exploits of Ramses-Sesostris, and probably attributed to him the achievements of many successive monarchs, yet it is evident, from the numerous monuments bearing his name still extant in Egypt, that he was a great warrior, and had extended his conquests far beyond the boundaries of Egypt. His conquest of Ethiopia is attested by his numerous monuments found in that country, and memorials of him still exist throughout the whole of Egypt, from the mouth of the Nile to the south of Nubia. In the remains of his palacetemple at Thebes we see his victories and conquests represented on the walls, and we can still trace there some of the nations of Africa and Asia whom he subdued. We have, moreover, another striking corroboration of the Asiatic conquests of this monarch, as well as of the trustworthiness of that prince of travellers, Herodotus. The latter writer relates that most of the stelae which Sesostris set up in the countries he conquered, were no longer extant in his time, but that he had himself seen those in Palestine of Syria, with the inscriptions upon them. He also adds that he had seen in Ionia two figures (Túo) of the same king, cut in the rock; one on the road from Ephesus to Phocaea, and another on the road from Sardis to Smyrna. Now it so happens that one of the stelae which Herodotus saw in Syria has been discovered in modern times on the side of the road leading to Beirut (the ancient Berytus), near the mouth of the river Lycus; and though the hieroglyphics are much effaced, we can still decipher the name of Ramses. The monument, too, which Herodotus saw on the road from Sardis to Smyrna, has likewise been discovered near Nymphi, the ancient Nymphaeum; and although some modern critics maintain that the latter is a Scythian monument, we can hardly believe that Herodotus could have been mistaken in the point. (Wilkinson, Manners and Customs of the Ancient Egyptians, vol. i. p. 98; Lepsius, in Anal. dell. Instit. di Corrisp. Archeol. vol. x. p. 12; Classical Museum, vol. i. pp. 82, 231, where a drawing is given of the monument near Nymphi.)

The name of Sesostris is not found on monuments, and it was probably a popular surname given to the great hero of the nineteenth dynasty, and borrowed from Sesostris, one of the renowned kings of the twelfth dynasty, or perhaps from Sesorthus, a king of the third dynasty. It appears from Manetho, that Ramses-Sesostris was also called Sethosis, which Bunsen maintains ought to be read Se-sothis, and that its meaning is the son of Sethos or Seti. (Bunsen, Aegyptens Stelle in der Weltgeschichte, vol. iii. pp. 97-114.)

SE'STIA GENS, originally patrician, afterwards plebeian also. This name is frequently confounded with that of Sextius, and the two names may originally have been the same; but the ancient writers evidently regard them as two distinct names, and they are accordingly so given in this work [SEXTIA GENS]. The only member of the gens who obtained the consulship under the republic, was P. Sestius Capitolinus Vaticanus in B. C. 452, who was also decemvir in the next year; and no other person of this name appears on the consular Fasti except L. Sestius, who was consul suffectus in B. c. 23. Coins of the Sestia gens are extant, of which some specimens are given below.

SE'STIUS. 1. P. SESTIUS CAPITOLINUS VA

TICANUS, consul B. c. 452, is spoken of under CAPITOLINUS [Vol. I. p. 606, a.], where he is erroneously called Sextius.

2. P. SESTIUS, called by Livy a man of a patrician gens, but a different person from the preceding, was accused by C. Julius Julus, one of the decemvirs, in B. c. 451 (Liv. iii. 33; for further particulars, see JULUS, No. 2.)

3. P. SESTIUS, quaestor B. C. 414. 50.)

(Liv. iv.

4. L. SESTIUS, the father of No. 5, did not obtain any higher dignity than that of tribune of the plebs. (Cic. pro Sest. 3.)

his behalf contrary to the expectation of many;
but although Cicero thought he had grounds of
offence against Sestius, he did not like to incur
the reproach of ingratitude which would have
been brought against him, if he had refused to
assist the tribune who had proposed his recal
from banishment; and as Pompey was still at
enmity with Clodius, he required Cicero to under-
take the defence of the accused. Cicero could not
deny the fact that Sestius had broken the public
peace; but he maintained that his client deserved
praise and not punishment, because he had taken
up arms in defence of himself, the saviour of the
Roman state, and consequently in defence of the
state itself. Sestius was unanimously acquitted on
the 14th of March, chiefly, no doubt, in con-
sequence of the powerful influence of Pompey.
(Cic. pro P. Sestio, passim; Cic. in Cat. i. 8, ad
Fam. v. 6, ad Att. iii. 19, 20, 23, ad Q. Fr. i. 4,
ad Att. iv. 3, pro Mil. 14, post Red. in Sen. 8, post
Red. ad Quir. 6, ad Q. Fr. ii. 3, 4; Drumann,
Geschichte Roms, vol. v. p. 664, &c.)

In B. c. 53, Sestius was praetor, and it appears from a passage of Cicero, in which he speaks (ad Fam. v. 20. § 5) of Seştius having taken some money which L. Mescinius Rufus, Cicero's quaestor in Cilicia, had deposited in a temple, that Sestius afterwards obtained the province of Cilicia as propraetor. On the breaking out of the civil war in B. c. 49, Sestius was with Pompey in Italy, and wrote Pompey's reply to the propositions of Caesar, at which Cicero expresses great vexation on account of the miserable style in which Sestius was accustomed to write, and declares that he never read any thing onorɩwdéσtepov than the document which went forth in Pompey's name (Cic. ad Att. vii. 17, comp. ad Fam. vii. 32, "omnia omnium dicta, in his etiam Sestiana, in me conferri ais"). He subsequently deserted the Pompeian party and joined Caesar, who sent him, in B. c. 48, into Cappadocia, where it appears that he remained some time. He was alive in B. c. 43, as appears from Cicero's correspondence. (Hirt. B. Alex. 34 ; Cic. ad Att. xiii. 2, 7, xv. 17, 27 xvi. 4, ad Fam. xiii. 8.)

5. P. SESTIUS, also written P. SEXTIUS in many MSS. and editions of Cicero, the son of No. 4, was defended by Cicero in B. c. 56, in an oration which is extant. Although the ancestors of Sestius had not gained any distinction in the state, he formed matrimonial alliances with two of the noblest families at Rome. His first wife was Postumia, the daughter of C. Postumius Albinus, by whom he had two children, a daughter and a son. On the death of Postumia he married a second time Cornelia, the daughter of L. Scipio Asiaticus, who was consul in B. c. 83, when his troops deserted to Sulla. He lived in exile at Massilia, where his daughter and Sestius paid him a visit. Sestius began public life in B. c. 63 as quaestor to C. Antonius, Cicero's colleague in the consulship. He warmly co-operated with Cicero in the suppression of the Catilinarian conspiracy. He defeated at Capua the attempts of the conspirators, and from thence hastened to Rome at Cicero's summons, who feared fresh commotions when the new tribunes entered upon their office on the 10th of December. But when this danger passed away, Sestius followed C. Antonius into Etruria, and it was chiefly owing to him and M. Petreius that Catiline's army was defeated. On the conclusion of the war, he accompanied Antonius to Macedonia as proquaestor, and there distinguished himself, according to Cicero, by his upright administration. In B. c. 57, he was tribune, and took an active part in obtaining Cicero's recal from banishment. Like Milo, he kept a band of armed retainers to oppose P. Clodius and his partizans; and 6. L. SESTIUS, the son of No. 5, by his first he was wounded in one of the many affrays wife, Postumia (Cic. ad Fam. xiii. 8). He is prowhich were then of daily occurrence in the streets bably the same as the L. Sestius who served under of Rome. Cicero, on his return to Rome in the M. Brutus in Macedonia, and distinguished himautumn of this year, returned him thanks in self by his devotion to the leader of the republican the senate and also before the people for his party. After the death of the latter, he preserved exertions on his behalf. Still Cicero felt himself his images and cultivated his memory with pious aggrieved by the way in which Sestius had pro- care; but far from giving offence to Augustus by posed his recal, and still more because the latter this conduct, the emperor admired his fidelity to had not taken sufficient care to indemnify him for his friend, and gave him a public token of his apthe loss of his property, which Clodius had con-proval by making him consul suffectus in his own fiscated. A coolness thus arose between Cicero and Sestius. Still this did not affect the relation in which Sestius and Clodius stood to one another. Sestius was anxious to bring Clodius to trial before he was elected to the aedileship; but he did not succeed in this: Clodius became aedile in B. c. 56, and caused two accusations to be brought against his enemy. Cn. Nerius accused him of bribery at the elections, and M. Tullius Albinovanus of Vis during his tribunate. The former accusation appears to have been dropt; but he was brought to trial for vis before the court presided over by the praetor M. Aemilius Scaurus. He was defended by M. Crassus and Hortensius, as well as by Cicero, the latter of whom came forward on

place in B. c. 23 (Dion Cass. liii. 32). Appian (B. C. iv. 51) erroneously calls him Publius. One of Horace's odes is addressed to this L. Sestius (Carm. i. 4). The only difficulty in supposing this L. Sestius to be the son of No. 5, arises from the circumstance of his being described in the Capitoline Fasti, as L. SESTIUS P. F. VIBI. N., whereas we know from Cicero that P. Sestius [No. 5] was the son of L. Sestius. It is, however, not impossible that the consul wished, like many other of the Roman nobles in the age of Augustus, to connect himself with the old Roman families, and therefore called himself the grandson of Vibins, because that was a praenomen in the old Sestia gens, as we see from the Capitoline Fasti, in