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but this war is not mentioned by Dionysius, and is referred by Livy (i. 55) to Tarquinius Superbus. Although the wars of Tarquinius were of great celebrity, the important works which he executed in peace have made his name still more famous. Many of these works are ascribed in some stories to the second Tarquinius, but almost all traditions agree in assigning to the elder Tarquinius the erection of the vast sewers by which the lower parts of the city were drained, and which still remain, with not a stone displaced, to bear witness to his power and wealth. (See Dict. of Antiq art. Cloaca.) The quay by which the Tiber is banked, and through which the sewer opens into it, must clearly have been executed at the same time, and may therefore be safely ascribed to the elder Tarquinius.

The same king is also said in some traditions to have laid out the Circus Maximus in the valley which had been redeemed from water by the sewers, and also to have instituted the Great or Roman Games, which were henceforth performed in the Circus. The Forum, with its porticoes and rows of shops, was also his work, and he likewise began to surround the city with a stone wall, a work which was finished by his successor Servius Tullius. The building of the Capitoline temple is moreover attributed to the elder Tarquinius, though most traditions ascribe this work to his son, and only the vow to the father.

Tarquinius also made some changes in the constitution of the state. He added a hundred new members to the senate, who were called patres minorum gentium, to distinguish them from the old senators, who were now called patres majorum gentium. He wished to add to the three centuries of equites established by Romulus three new centuries, and to call them after himself and two of his friends. His plan was opposed by the augur Attus Navius, who gave a convincing proof that the gods were opposed to his purpose. [NAVIUS.] Accordingly he gave up his design of establishing new centuries, but to each of the former centuries he associated another under the same name, so that henceforth there were the first and second Ramnes, Tities, and Luceres. He increased the number of Vestal Virgins from four to six.

VOL. III.

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Tarquinius had reigned thirty-eight years, when he was assassinated by the contrivance of the sons of Ancus Marcius. They had long wished to take vengeance upon him on account of their being deprived of the throne, and now fearing lest he should secure the succession to his son-in-law Servius Tullius, they hired two countrymen, who, feigning to have a quarrel, came before the king to have their dispute decided; and while he was listening to the complaint of one, the other gave him a deadly wound with his axe. But the sons of Marcius did not secure the reward of their crime, for Servius Tullius, with the assistance of Tanaquil, succeeded to the vacant throne. Tarquinius left two sons and two daughters. His two sons, L. Tarquinius and Aruns, were subsequently married to the two daughters of Servius Tullius. One of his daughters was married to Servius Tullius, and the other to M. Brutus, by whom she became the mother of the celebrated L. Brutus, the first consul at Rome. The principal authorities for the life of Tarquinius Priscus are Livy (i. 34-41), Dionysius (iii. 46—73, iv. 1), and Cicero (de Rep. iii. 20.).

The

The life of Servius Tullius is given under TULLIUS. There it is related how he was murdered, after a reign of forty-four years, by his son-in-law, L. Tarquinius, who had been urged on by his wicked wife to commit the dreadful deed. Roman writers represent the younger Tarquinius as a cruel and tyrannical monarch, and the fact contributed not a little to blacken his character. of his being the last king of Rome has doubtless The estimation in which he was held by the Romans is shown by his surname of Superbus.

L. TARQUINIUS SUPERBUS commenced his reign the kingdom as a recovered inheritance, and did without any of the forms of election. He seized not wait to be elected by the senate or the people, or to receive the imperium from the curiae. One of the first acts of his reign was to abolish all the privileges which had been conferred upon the plebeians by Servius, since the patricians had assisted him in obtaining the kingdom. He forbade the meetings of the tribes, and repealed the laws which had conferred civil equality upon the plebeians, and which had abolished the right of

seizing the person of a debtor. He also compelled the poor to work at miserable wages upon his magnificent buildings, and the hardships which they suffered were so great that many put an end to their lives. But he did not confine his oppressions to the poor. All the senators and patricians whom he mistrusted, or whose wealth he coveted, were put to death or driven into exile. The vacant places in the senate were not filled up, and this body was scarcely ever consulted by him. He surrounded himself by a body-guard, by means of which he was enabled to do what he liked. But, although a tyrant at home, he raised the state to great influence and power among the surrounding nations, partly by his alliances and partly by his conquests. He gave his daughter in marriage to Octavius Mamilius of Tusculum, the most powerful of the Latin chiefs, and by his means he acquired great influence in Latium. Under his sway Rome became eventually the acknowledged head of the Latin confederacy. According to Cicero (de Rep. ii. 24) he subdued the whole of Latium by force of arms; but Livy and Dionysius represent his supremacy as due to his alliances and intrigues. Any Latin chiefs, like Turnus Herdonius, who at tempted to resist him, were treated as traitors and punished with death. At the solemn meeting of the Latins at the Alban Mount, Tarquinius sacrificed the bull on behalf of all the allies, and distributed the flesh to the people of the league. So complete was the union of the Romans and the Latins that the soldiers of the two nations were not kept separate, but each maniple in the army was composed of both Romans and Latins. The Hernici also became members of the league, but their troops were kept apart from the Roman legions.

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him with the command of their troops, and when he had obtained the unlimited confidence of the citizens, he sent a messenger to his father to inquire how he should deliver the city into his hands. The king, who was walking in his garden when the messenger arrived, made no reply, but kept striking off the heads of the tallest poppies with his stick. Sextus took the hint. He put to death or banished, on false charges, all the leading men of the place, and then had no difficulty in compelling it to submit to his father.

In the midst of his prosperity, Tarquinius was troubled by a strange portent. A serpent crawled out from the altar in the royal palace, and seized on the entrails of the victim. The king, in fear, sent his two sons, Titus and Aruns, to consult the oracle at Delphi. They were accompanied by their cousin, L. Junius Brutus. One of the sisters of Tarquinius had been married to M. Brutus, a man of great wealth, who died, leaving two sons under age. Of these the elder was killed by Tarquinius, who coveted their possessions; the younger escaped his brother's fate only by feigning idiotcy. On arriving at Delphi, Brutus propitiated the priestess with the gift of a golden stick enclosed in a hollow staff. After executing the king's commission, Titus and Aruns asked the priestess who was to reign at Rome after their father. The priestess replied, whichsoever should first kiss his mother. The princes agreed to keep the matter secret from Sextus, who was at Rome, and to cast lots between themselves. Brutus, who better understood the meaning of the oracle, fell, as if by chance, when they quitted the temple, and kissed the earth, mother of them all. The fall of the king was also foreshadowed by other prodigies, and it came to pass in the following way:

Tarquinius was besieging Ardea, a city of the Rutulians. The place could not be taken by force, and the Roman army lay encamped beneath the walls. Here as the king's sons, and their cousin, Tarquinius Collatinus, the son of Egerius, were feasting together, a dispute arose about the virtue of their wives. As nothing was doing in the field, they mounted their horses to visit their homes by surprize. They first went to Rome, where they surprized the king's daughters at a splendid banquet. They then hastened to Collatia, and there, though it was late in the night, they found Lucretia, the wife of Collatinus, spinning amid her handmaids. The beauty and virtue of Lucretia had fired the evil passions of Sextus. A few days he returned to Collatia, where he was hospitably received by Lucretia as her husband's kinsman. In the dead of night he entered the chamber with a drawn sword; by threatening to lay a slave with his throat cut beside her, whom he would pretend to have killed in order to avenge her husband's honour, he forced her to yield to his wishes. As soon as Sextus had departed, Lucretia sent for her

Strengthened by this Latin alliance, and at the head of a formidable army, Tarquinius turned his arms against the Volscians. He took the wealthy town of Suessa Pometia, with the spoils of which he commenced the erection of the Capitol which his father had vowed; but great as these were, they were scarcely sufficient even for the foundations of this magnificent edifice, and the people were heavily taxed to complete the building. In digging for the foundations, a human head was discovered beneath the earth, undecayed and trickling with blood; and Etruscan soothsayers expounded the prodigy as a sign that Rome was destined to become the head of the world. In the vaults of this temple he deposited the Sibylline books, which the king purchased from a sibyl or prophetess. She had offered to sell him nine books for three hundred pieces of gold. The king refused the offer with scorn. Thereupon she went away, and burned three, and then demanded the same price for the six. The king still refused. She again went away and burnt three more, and still demanded the same price for the remaining three. The king now purchased the three books, and the sibyl disap-husband and father. Collatinus came, accompanied peared.

In order to secure his Volscian conquests, Tarquinius founded the colonies of Signia and Circeii. He was next engaged in a war with Gabii, one of the Latin cities, which refused to enter into the league. Unable to take the city by force of arms, Tarquinius had recourse to stratagem. His son, Sextus, pretending to be ill-treated by his father, and covered with the bloody marks of stripes, fled to Gabii. The infatuated inhabitants intrusted

by L. Brutus; Lucretius, with P. Valerius, who afterwards gained the surname of Publicola. They found her in an agony of sorrow. She told them what had happened, enjoined them to avenge her dishonour, and then stabbed herself to death. They all swore to avenge her. Brutus threw off his assumed stupidity, and placed himself at their head. They carried the corpse into the marketplace of Collatia. There the people took up arms, and resolved to renounce the Tarquins. A number

contest was decided by the battle of the lake Regillus, which was long celebrated in song, and the description of which in Livy resembles one of the battles in the Iliad. The Romans were com

of young men attended the funeral procession to Rome. Brutus, who was Tribunus Celerum, summoned the people, and related the deed of shame. All classes were inflamed with the same indignation. A decree was passed deposing the king, and banish-manded by the dictator, A. Postumius, and by his ing him and his family from the city. Brutus now set out for the army at Ardea. Tarquinius meantime had hastened to Rome, but found the gates closed against him. Brutus was received with joy at Ardea; and the army likewise renounced their allegiance to the tyrant. Tarquinius, with his two sons, Titus and Aruns, took refuge at Caere in Etruria. Sextus repaired to Gabii, his own principality, where, according to Livy, he was shortly after murdered by the friends of those whom he had put to death. Tarquinius reigned twenty-five years. His banishment was placed in the year of the city 244, or B. c. 510. (Liv. i. 49-60; Dionys. iv. 41-75; Cic. de Rep. ii. 24, 25.)

The remainder of the story may be told with greater brevity. The history of the establishment of the republic and of the attempts of Tarquinius to recover the sovereignty, has already been related in detail in other articles. L. Brutus and Tarquinius Collatinus were the first consuls; but the people so hated the very name and race of the dethroned king, that Collatinus was obliged to resign his office, and retire from Rome. P. Valerius was elected consul in his place. [COLLATINUS.] Meantime ambassadors came to Rome from Tarquinii, to which city Tarquinius had removed from Caere, demanding the restitution of his private property. The demand seemed just to the senate and the people; but while the ambassadors were making preparation for carrying away the property, they found means to organize a conspiracy among the young Roman nobles for the restoration of the royal family. The plot was discovered by means of a slave, and the consul Brutus ordered the execution of his two sons, who were parties to the plot. The agreement to give up the property was made void by this attempt at treason. The royal goods were abandoned to the people to plunder, and their landed estates were divided among the poor, with the exception of the plain between the city and the river, which was reserved for public uses. This plain was consecrated to Mars, and called the Campus Martius.

Tarquinius now endeavoured to recover the throne by force of arms. The people of Tarquinii and Veii espoused his cause, and marched against Rome. The two consuls advanced to meet them. A bloody battle was fought, in which Brutus and Aruns, the son of Tarquinius, slew each other. Both parties claimed the victory, till a voice was heard in the dead of night, proclaiming that the Romans had conquered, as the Etruscans had lost one man more. Alarmed at this, the Etruscans fled, and Valerius, the surviving consul, entered Rome in triumph.

Tarquinius next repaired to Lars Porsena, the powerful king of Clusium, who likewise espoused his cause, and marched against Rome at the head of a vast army. The history of this memorable expedition, which was long preserved in the Roman lays, is related under PORSENA.

After Porsena quitted Rome, Tarquinius took refuge with his son-in-law, Mamilius Octavius of Tusculum. Under the guidance of the latter, the Latin states espoused the cause of the exiled king, and eventually declared war against Rome. The

lieutenant, T. Aebutius, the master of the knights;
the Latins were headed by Tarquinius and Oc-
tavius Mamilius. The struggle was fierce and 1
bloody, but the Latins at length turned to flight.
Almost all the chiefs on either side fell in the
conflict, or were grievously wounded. Tarquinius
himself was wounded, but escaped with his life;
his son Sextus is said to have fallen in this
battle, though, according to another tradition, as we
have already seen, he is said to have been slain
by the inhabitants of Gabii. It was related in
the old tradition, that the Romans gained this
battle by the assistance of the Dioscuri (Castor
and Pollux), who were seen charging the Latins
at the head of the Roman cavalry, and who after-
wards carried to Rome the intelligence of the de-
feat of the Latins. A temple was built in the
forum on the spot where they appeared, and their
festival was celebrated yearly on the Ides of Quin-
tilis (the 15th of July), the day of the battle of
Regillus, on which all the knights passed in solemn
procession to their temple. According to Livy the
battle of the lake Regillus was fought in B. c. 498,
but he says that some of the annals placed it in
B. C. 496, in which year it is given by Dionysius
(vi. 3) and in the Fasti Capitolini.

The Latins were completely humbled by this victory. Tarquinius Superbus had no other state to whom he could apply for assistance. He had already survived all his family; and he now fled to Aristobulus at Cumae, where he died a wretched and childless old man. (Liv. ii. 1-21; Dionys. v. 1-vi. 21.)

In the preceding account we have attempted to give the story of the Tarquins as nearly as possible in the words of the ancient writers. But it is hardly necessary to remark in the present day that this story cannot be received as a real history, or to point out the numerous inconsistencies and impossibilities in the narrative. It may suffice as a sample to remind the reader that the younger Tarquinius who was expelled from Rome in mature throne 107 years previously in the vigour of life; age, was the son of the king who ascended the and that Servius Tullius, who married the daughter of Tarquinius Priscus, shortly before he ascended the throne, immediately after his accession is the father of two daughters whom he marries to the brothers of his own wife. It would be a fruitless the later Roman monarchy; for although the legend task to endeavour to ascertain the real history of has doubtless preserved some facts, yet we have no criteria to determine the true from the false. The story of the Tarquins has evidently been drawn from the works of several popular poets, and there must have become acquainted with Greek literature can be little doubt that one at least of the writers from the Greek colonies in southern Italy. The stratagem by which Tarquinius obtained possession of Gabii is obviously taken from a tale in Herodotus plied. Hence we may account for the Greek origin (iii. 154), and similar cases might easily be multiof the Tarquins. There is, however, one fact in the although it has been questioned by Niebuhr, we common tale which it is impossible to disbelieve, mean the Etruscan origin of the Tarquins. Niebuhr

attempts to establish the Latin origin of Tarquinius by several considerations. He remarks that we read of a Tarquinia gens; that the surname Priscus of the elder Tarquinius was a regular Latin surname, which occurs in the family of the Servilii and many others; and lastly, that the wife of the elder Tarquinius was called in one tradition, not Tanaquil, but Caia Caecilia, a name which may be traced to Caeculus, the mythic founder of Praeneste. These arguments, however, have not much weight, and certainly are insufficient to refute the universally received belief of antiquity in the Etruscan origin of the Tarquins, which is, moreover, confirmed by the great architectural works undertaken in the time of the last Roman kings, works to which no Sabine or Latin town could lay claim, and which at that time could have been accomplished by the Etruscans alone. Moreover the tradition which connects Tarquinius with the Luceres, the third ancient Roman tribe, again points to Etruria; for although Niebuhr looks upon the Luceres as Latins, most subsequent scholars have with far more probability supposed the third tribe to have been of Etruscan origin. (Comp. Becker, Handbuch der Römischen Alterthümer, vol. ii. part i. p. 30.) The statement of Dionysius that Tarquinius Priscus conquered the whole of Etruria, and was acknowledged by the twelve Etruscan cities as their ruler, to whom they paid homage, must certainly be rejected, when we recollect the small extent of the Roman dominions under the preceding king, and the great power and extensive territory of the Etruscans at that time. It is far more probable that Rome was conquered by the Etruscans, and that the epoch of the Tarquins represents an Etruscan rule at Rome. This is the opinion of K. O. Müller. He supposes that the town of Tarquinii was at this time at the head of Etruria, and that the twelve Etruscan cities did homage to the ruler of Tarquinii. He further supposes that Rome as well as a part of Latium acknowledged the supremacy of Tarquinii; and that as Rome was the most important of the possessions of Tarquinii towards the south, it was fortified and enlarged, and thus became a great and flourishing city. Many Tarquinian nobles would naturally take up their abode at Rome, and one of them might have been entrusted by Tarquinii with the government of the city. Müller however thinks that L. Tarquinius is not the real name of the Etruscan ruler, but that Lucius is the Latinized form of Lucumo, and that Tarquinius merely indicates his origin from Tarquinii. According to Müller the banishment of the Tarquins was not an isolated event confined to Rome, but was connected with the fall of the city of Tarquinii, which lost at that time its supremacy over the other Etruscan cities. (Müller, Etrusker, vol. i. p. 118, &c.)

TARQUINIUS. 1. P. TARQUINIUS, tribune of the plebs with Livius Drusus, B. C. 91, supported the latter in the laws which he proposed. (J. Obseq. c. 114.)

2. L. TARQUINIUS, one of Catiline's conspirators, turned informer, and accused M. Crassus of being privy to the conspiracy. (Sall. Cat. 48.)

TARQUITIA GENS, was of patrician rank, and of great antiquity, but only one member of it is mentioned, namely L. Tarquitius Flaccus, who was magister equitum to the dictator Cincinnatus in B. C. 458 [FLACCUS]. The other Tarquitii whose names occur towards the end of the

republic, can scarcely be regarded as members of the patrician gens.

TARQUITIUS. 1. A Roman writer, who translated from the Etruscan a work entitled Ostentarium Tuscum. (Plin. H. N. in Catal. Auctor. lib. ii.; Macrob. Sat. iii. 7; Serv. ad Virg. Ecl. iv. 43; Festus, p. 274, ed. Müller; Müller, Etrusker, vol. ii. p. 36.)

2. L. TARQUITIUS, mentioned by Cicero in B. C. 50. (Cic. ad Att. vi. 8. § 4.)

3. Q. TARQUITIUS, occurs only on coins, of which a specimen is annexed. The obverse represents a woman's head with C. ANNIVS, and the reverse Victory in a biga, with Q. TARQUITI. A similar coin is figured in Vol. I. p. 180, with the name of L. Fabius on the obverse; and Eckhel supposes that Q. Tarquitius and L. Fabius were the quaestors of C. Annius, who fought in Spain against Sertorius in B. c. 82. (Eckhel, vol. v. pp. 134, 322.)

COIN OF Q. TARQUITIUS.

TARQUITIUS PRISCUS. [PRISCUS.] TARRUNTE NUS PATERNUS. [PATER

NUS.]

TARTARUS (Táprapos), a son of Aether and Ge, and by his mother Ge the father of the Gigantes, Typhoeus and Echidna. (Hygin. Praef. p. 3, &c., Fab. 152; Hes. Theog. 821; Apollod. ii. 1. § 2.) In the Iliad Tartarus is a place far below the earth, as far below Hades as Heaven is above the earth, and closed by iron gates. (Hom. Il. viii. 13, &c., 481; comp. Hes. Theog. 807.) Later poets describe Tartarus as the place in the lower world in which the spirits of wicked men are punished for their crimes, and sometimes they use the name as synonymous with Hades or the lower world in general; and pater Tartarus is used for Pluto. (Val. Flacc. iv. 258.) [L. S.]

TARU TIUS FIRMIA'NUS. [FIRMIANUS.] TASGETIUS, was of a noble family among the Carnutes, and was made king of his people by Caesar, but was assassinated in the third of year his reign. (Caes. B. G. v. 25).

TASIACES. [SABACES.]

TATIANUS (Tariavós), a Christian writer of the second century, was born, according to his own statement (Orat. ad Graecos, sub fin.) in Assyria, and was educated in the religion and philosophy of the Greeks. (ibid.) Clement of Alexandria (Strom. lib. iii. c. xii. § 81, ed Klotz. Lips. 1831), Epiphanius, in the body of his work (Haeres. xlvi.), and Theodoret (Haeret. Fabul. Compendium, lib. i. c. 20), call him "the Syrian," or "a Syrian by race;" but Epiphanius, in another place (adr. Haeres. Indicul. ad lib. i. vol. iii.), followed by Joannes Damascenus (De Haeresib. apud Coteler. Eccles. Graec. Monum. vol. i. p. 292), says he was a Mesopotamian; a statement which is adopted by Cave and some other moderns. Tatian's own authority would of course be decisive, were it not for the vagueness with which the names Assyria and

in that province; but when he further states that they were embraced by some persons at Antioch, the capital of Syria, and spread from thence into Cilicia and Pisidia, we cannot determine whether this was through the personal exertions and teaching of Tatian, or whether through some of his disciples. We have no further account of him; and neither the time nor place of his death is known. In fact, the chronology of his whole life is uncertain; we only know that he was contemporary with Justin, and was at Rome before and at the time of that martyr's death, the date of which, as we have shown elsewhere [JUSTINUS, No. 1], is by no means determined, but may be probably fixed in or near A. D. 166 or 167.

Syria are used by the ancients; however, we think | Hypomnesticon, that they were broached in Mesoit most probable that by "the land of the As-potamia, leads to the conclusion that Tatian settled syrians” (ἐν τῇ τῶν ̓Ασσυρίων γῇ) Tatian means the country east of the Tigris; but his mode of expression affords some ground to think that though born in the land of Assyria, he was not of Assyrian race; and his name has some appearance of being Roman. He appears to have followed the profession of a sophist, or teacher of rhetoric; and he was perhaps a teacher of philosophy also (comp. Tatian. Orat. ad Graec. c. ii. and Ivi.; Euseb. H. E. iv. 16; Hieron. De Viris Illustr. c. 29; Theodoret. l. c.), though Valesius (Not, in Euseb. I. c.) contends earnestly against the supposition. He certainly acquired a considerable knowledge of Greek literature. He travelled over many countries, and appears to have been engaged in a variety of pursuits (τέχναις καὶ ἐπινοίαις ¿ykuphσas Torλaîs, Orat. ad Graec. c. lvi.) until, at last, he came to Rome. He had probably imbibed the doctrines of the Platonic philosophy (comp. Orat. ad Graec. c. xix. and Worth's note in loc.), but he was dissatisfied with the hollowness of the professions of the philosophers of his day, and disgusted with the cruelty and impurity of the worship both of the Greeks and Romans (Orat. ad Graec. cc. xliii-xlvi.); and his mind was anxiously longing for something more ennobling, when he met with the Scriptures of the Old Testament. By the perusal of these, his conversion to Christianity was effected. Whether his connection with Justin Martyr, of whom, according to the testimony of Irenaeus (Adv. Haeres. lib. i. c. 31), Epiphanius (Haeres. xlvi.), Jerome (l. c.), Philastrius (De Haeres. c. 48), and Theodoret (l. c.), he was the hearer or disciple, was previous to his conversion or subsequent to it, is not clear.

During Justin's life, Tatian remained in connection with the Catholic church; but after Justin's death he embraced views of a Gnostic character, with which probably the notions imbibed during his early residence in the East disposed him to sympathize. Whether he had been previously restrained by the influence of Justin from embracing those views, is not clear, though Irenaeus, Jerome, and Epiphanius seem to intimate that he had. He appears to have remained for a time after Justin's death in communion with the church. Tillemont thinks that after Justin's death many of his disciples, among them Rhodon [RHODON] placed themselves under Tatian's instruction; but though Rhodon himself (apud Euseb. H. E. v. 13) states that he was a disciple of Tatian, it does not follow that this was after Justin's death. Like Justin, Tatian engaged in controversies with the philosophers of his day, attacking them on the corruptions of heathenism, and pointing out the superiority of the Jewish and Christian religions. He was involved in a dispute with the Cynic Crescens [CRESCENS], whom he charges with having plotted his death, as well as that of Justin. [JUSTINUS, No. 1.]

His embracing, at least his avowal of his heretical opinions, was apparently not very long after Justin's death, otherwise we cannot account for the general impression that he had been kept from heresy by Justin's influence. He does not appear to have broached his obnoxious sentiments at Rome. According to Epiphanius, he returned into the East, and there imbibed and promulgated them. The statement of Epiphanius (2. c.), followed by Josephus [JOSEPHUS, No. 12] in his

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The followers of Tatian constituted a sect, designated from him Tatiani. (Epiphan. Haeres. xlvi. ; Augustin. Haeres. xxv.) They appear to have been nearly identical with the Encratitae (the name is variously written 'Eyкpатeis, Irenaeus, Adv. Haeres. lib. i. c. 30, 'Eykpaтîτal, Epiphan. Haeres. xlvii.; oг 'Еyêраτпταí, Сlem. Alex. Strom. lib. i. c. 15, Paedagog. lib. ii. c. 2) and with the Severiani, who derived their name from Severus, a contemporary of Tatian. [SEVERUS, Greek, literary and ecclesiastical, No. 3.] These sects were also known by the name of 'Toponaраσтάтαι, “Hуdroparastatae," or "Offerers of water," from their use of water in the Eucharist. From this last peculiarity they were called by some of the Latin fathers (Augustin. Haeres. lxiv.; Philastrius, Haeres. lxxvii.) " Aquarii." Tillemont has collected a number of other names which he supposes to have been given them. The tenets of the Tatiani and Encratitae and Severiani, whether these names denote one sect, or different, but kindred sects, partook of the usual character of the Gnostic body to which they belonged. Tatian held the doctrine of Aeons, which he is said to have derived from Valentinus or Marcion (Philastrius, Haeres. xlviii.), and to have given further development to it. distinguished the Demiurgus, the Creator of the world and giver of the Mosaic law, from the Supreme and Benignant God, from whom the Gospel came. Epiphanius (a not very trustworthy authority), ascribes to the Severiani the belief that beside the Supreme Being there was "a great ruler of the powers" named 'laλdasawe "Ialdabaoth," or Za6awe," Sabaoth" (an obvious corruption of the "Jehovah-Sabaoth" of the Jewish Scriptures), of whom ὁ Διάβολος, "the devil," was the son; and that the devil, being by the Supreme God cast down to the earth in the form of a serpent, produced the vine, the tendrils of which indicated their origin by their serpent-like form: they ascribed also to the devil the formation of woman, and of the lower part of the man. the powers," Ialdabaoth, is apparently the Demiurgus of Tatian; but how far the other opinions described were held by him is not clear; it is, however, remarkable that he and his followers abstained from wine and animal food, and condemned marriage. But what especially shocked the piety and charity of the Catholics was Tatian's affirming the damnation of Adam, a which is said to have originated with him, and blasphemy drew upon him especial odium.

The ruler of

66

The sects of the Tatiani and Severiani are said by Epiphanius to have been nearly extinct in his

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