of the Blemmyes. (Dial, de Vita Chrysost. c. 4, 19, | pp. 30, &c., 192, &c.) Tillemont supposes that after the death of Theophilus of Alexandria, the great enemy of Chrysostom (A. D. 412), Palladius obtained some relaxation of his punishment, though he was not allowed to return to Helenopolis, or to resume his episcopal functions. He places in the interval between 412 and 420, when the Lausiac History was written, a residence of four years at Antinoe or Antinoopolis, in the Thebaid (c. 81, Meurs., 96, Bibl. Patr.), and of three years in the Mount of Olives, near Jerusalem (c. 63, Meurs., 103, Bill. Patr.), as well as the visits which Palladius paid to many parts of the East. After a time he was restored to his bishopric of Helenopolis, from which he was translated to that of Aspona or Aspuna in Galatia (Socrat. vii. 36): but the dates both of his restoration and his translation cannot be fixed: they probably took place after the healing of the schism occasioned by Chrysostom's affair, in A. D. 417, and probably after the composition of the Lausiac History, in A. D. 419 or 420. Palladius was probably dead before A. D. 431, when, in the third General (first Ephesian) Council, the see of Aspona was held by another person. He appears to have held the bishopric of Aspona only a short time, as he is currently designated from Helenopolis. Patrum, printed three times without mark of year or place, or printer's name. It was reprinted in the Prototypus Veteris Ecclesiae of Theodoricus Loher a Stratis, fol. Cologn. 1547. The version ascribed by Rosweyd to Rufinus had also been printed many times before it appeared in the first edition of the Vitae Patrum of that editor, fol. Antwerp, A. D. 1615. The remaining ancient Latin version, with several other pieces, was printed under the editorial care of Faber Stapulensis, fol. Paris, 1504, under the following title: Paradysus Heraclidis (Panzer, Annal. Typ. vol. vii. p. 510), or more fully Heraclidis Eremitae Liber qui dicitur Paradisus, seu Palladä Galatae Historia Lausiaca. (Fabric. Bibl. Graec. vol. x. p. 194.) The first edition of the Greek text, but a very imperfect one, was that of Meursius, who added notes, small 4to. Leyden, 1616. Another edition of the Greek text, fuller than that of Meursius, was contained in the Auctarium of Fronto Ducaeus, vol. ii. fol. Paris, 1624, with the version of Hervetus, which had been first published 4to. Paris, 1555, and had been repeatedly reprinted in the successive editions of the Bibliotheca Patrum, the Vitae Patrum of Rosweyd, and elsewhere. The Greek text and version were reprinted from the Auctarium of Ducaeus, in the editions of the Bibliotheca Patrum, fol. Paris, 1644 and 1654. Our references are to the edition of 1654. Some additional chapters are given in the Ecclesiae Graecae Monumenta of Cotelerius, vol. iii. 4to. Paris, 1686. It is probable that the printed text is still very defective, and that large additions might be made from MSS. The works ascribed to Palladius are the following: Η πρὸς Λαύσωνα τὸν πραιπόσιτον ἱστορία Teplé xovoa Bious doíwv naтéрwv, Ad Lausum Praepositum Historia, quae Sanctorum Patrum vitas complectitur, usually cited as Historia Lausiaca, "the Lausiac History." This work contains biographical notices or characteristic anecdotes of a number of ascetics, with whom Palladius was personally acquainted, or concerning whom he received | information from those who had known them personally. Though its value is diminished by the records of miracles and other marvels to which the author's credulity (the characteristic, however, of his age and class rather than of the individual) led him to give admission, it is curious and interesting as exhibiting the prevailing religious tendencies of the time, and valuable as recording various facts relating to eminent men. Sozomen has borrowed many anecdotes from this work, but without avowedly citing it. Socrates, who mentions the work (H. E. iv. 23), describes the author as a monk, a disciple of Evagrius of Pontus, and states that he flourished soon after the death of Valens. The date, and the absence of any reference to his episcopal dignity, might induce a suspicion that the author and the bishop were two different persons; but the coincidences are too many to allow the casual and inaccurate notice of Socrates to outweigh them. The Lausus or Lauson (the name is written both ways, Aaûσos and Aavowv), to whom the work is addressed, was chamberlain (paπóCITOS TOU KOLTŴVOS, praepositus cubiculo), apparently to the Emperor Theodosius the Younger. The Historia Lausiaca was repeatedly translated into Latin at an early period. There are extant three ancient translations, one ascribed by Heribert Rosweyd, but improperly, to Rufinus, who died before the work was written; and two others, the authors of which are not known; beside a comparatively modern version by Gentianus Hervetus. The first printed edition of the work was in one of the ancient Latin versions, which appeared in the infancy of the typographic art in the Vitae VOL. III. 2. Διάλογος ἱστορικὸς Παλλαδίου Ἑλενου πόλεως γενόμενος πρὸς Θεόδωρον διάκονον Ῥώμης, περὶ βίου καὶ πολιτείας τοῦ μακαρίου Ιωάννου ἐπισκόπου Κωνσταντινοπόλεως τοῦ Χρυσοστόμου. Dialogus Historicus Palladi episcopi Helenopolis cum Theodoro ecclesiae Romanae diacono, de vita et conversatione Beati Joannis Chrysostomi, episcopi Constantinopolis. This inaccurate title of the work misled many into the belief that it was really by Palladius of Helenopolis, to whom indeed, not only on account of his name, but as having been an exile at Rome for his adherence to Chrysostom, it was naturally enough ascribed. Photius calls the writer a bishop (Bibl. cod. 96. sub init.), and Theodorus of Trimithus, a Greek writer of uncertain date, distinctly identifies him with the author of the Historia Lausiaca. A more attentive examination, however, has shown that the author of the Dialogus was a different person from the bishop, and several years older, though he was his companion and fellow-sufferer in the delegation from the Western emperor and church on behalf of Chrysostom, which occasioned the imprisonment and exile of the bishop. Bigotius thinks that the work was published anonymously; but that the author having intimated in the work that he was a bishop was mistakenly identified with Palladius, and the title of the work in the MS. given accordingly. The Dialogus de Vita S. Chrysostomi first appeared in a Latin version by Ambrosius Camaldulensis, or the Camaldolite, 8vo. Venice, 1532 (or 1533), and was reprinted at Paris and in the Vitae Sanctorum of Lipomannus, and in the Latin editions of Chrysostom's works. The Greek text was published by Emericus Bigotius, with a valuable preface and a new Latin version by the editor, with several other pieces, 4to. Paris, 1680, and was reprinted 4to. Paris, 1738. Tillemont, assuming that the H mentioned by Sidonius Apollinaris (Symmach. Epistol. passim ; Sidon. Epistol. lib. v. ep. 10). (Fabric. Bibl. Graec. vol. vi. p. 135, vol. x. pp. 113,716, &c.; Vossius, De Historicis Graec. lib. iv. c. 18.) 10. POETA. In various collections of the minor Latin poets is a short Lyric poem, Allegoria Orphei, in the same measure as Horace's ode" Solvitur acris hiems," &c. Wernsdorf, who has given it in his Poetae Latini Minores, vol. iii. p. 396, distinguishes (ibid. p. 342, &c.) the author of it from Palladius Rutilius Taurus Aemilianus, the writer on Agriculture; and is disposed to identify him with the rhetorician Palladius who lived in the reign of Theodosius the Great, and to whom many of the letters of Symmachus are addressed. He thinks that he may perhaps be the Palladius to whom his father, Julius Nicephorus, erected a monument, with the inscription, given by Gruter and others "Ut te, Palladi, raptum flevere Camoenae, author of the Dialogue was called Palladius, thinks | rhetorician Palladius, the friend of Symmachus, he may have been the person to whom Athanasius wrote in a. D. 371 or 372. 3. Пepì Tv Tys 'Ivdías Ovav Kal Tŵv Bpayμávov, De Gentibus Indiae et Bragmanibus. This work is, in several MSS., ascribed to Palladius of Helenopolis, and in one MS. is subjoined to the Historia Lausiaca. It was first published with a Latin version, but without the author's name, in the Liber Gnomologicus of Joachimus Camerarius, 8vo. Leipsic, without date, according to Fabricius, but placed by Niceron (Mémoires, vol. xix. p.112), in 1571. It was again printed, and this time under the name of Palladius, together with "S. Ambrosius De Moribus Brachmanorum," and" Anonymus, De Bragmanibus" by Sir Edward Bisse (Bissaeus), Clarenceux King of Arms, 4to., London, 1665. Some copies were printed on large paper in folio. The editor was evidently ignorant of the work having been published by Camerarius, and consequently gave a new Latin version, which is not considered equal to that of his predecessor. The authorship of Palladius is doubted by Cave, and denied by Oudin. Lambecius (De Biblioth. Caesaraea, vol. v. p. 181, ed. Kollar) ascribes the work to Palladius of Methone. [No. 9.] All that can be gathered from the work itself, is that the author was a Christian (passim), and lived while the Roman empire was yet in existence (p. 7, ed. Biss.), a mark of time, however, of little value, as the Byzantine empire retained to the last the name of Roman; and that he visited the nearest parts of India in company with Moses, bishop of Adula, a place on the borders of Egypt and Aethiopia. If this be the Moses mentioned by Socrates (H. E. iv. 36) and Sozomen (H. E. vi. 38), he lived rather too early for Palladius of Helenopolis to have been his companion, nor is there any reason to suppose that the latter ever visited India, so that the work De Gentibus Indiae is probably ascribed to him The supposed work of St. Ambrose, published by Bisse, is repudiated by the Benedictine editors of that father, and has been shown by Kollar to be a free translation of the work ascribed to Palladius. (Cave, Hist. Litt. ad ann. 401, vol. i. p. 376, fol. Oxford, 1740-43; Fabricius, Bibl. Graec. vol. i. p. 727, vol. viii. p. 456, vol. x. p. 98, &c.; Oudin, Comment. de Scriptor. Eccles. vol. i. col. 908, &c.; Tillemont, Mémoires, vol. xi. p. 500, &c.; Vossius, De Historicis Graecis, lib. ii. c. 19.) without reason. Fleverunt populi, quos continet Ostia dia." If these conjectures are well founded, it may be gathered that Palladius was the son of a rhetorician, or at least sprung from a family which had produced some rhetoricians of eminence; that he was originally himself a rhetorician, but had been called to engage in public life, and held the praefecture or some other office in the town and port of Ostia. He is perhaps also the Palladius mentioned by Sidonius Apollinaris (lib. v. Epist. 10). Wernsdorf also identifies him with the Palladius" Poeta Scholasticus," several of whose verses are given in the Anthologia of Burmann: viz. Epitaphium Ciceronis, lib. v. ii. 161, Argumentum in Aeneidos ii. 195, Epitaphia Virgilii, ii. 197, 198, De Ratione Fabulae, iii. 75, De Ortu Solis, v. 7, De Iride, v. 25, De Signis Coelestibus, v. 31, De Quatuor Tempestatibus, v. 58, De Amne Glacie Concreto, v. 97. (Burmann, Antholog. Latina, Ul. cc.; Wernsdorf, Poetae Latini Minores, ll. cc.; Fabricius, Bibl. Med. et Infim. Latinit. vol. v. p. 191, ed. Mansi.) 11. RHETOR. [No. 9, 10.] 12. RUTILIUS TAURUS AEMILIANUS, a writer on agriculture. [See below.] 13. SCOTORUM EPISCOPUS. In the Chronicon of Prosper Aquitanus, under the consulship of Bassus and Antiochus (A. D. 431), this passage occurs, "Ad Scotos in Christum credentes ordinatur 8. IATROSOPHISTA, of Alexandria. [See above.] a papa Coelestino Palladius, et primus episcopus 9. Of METHONE, a sophist or rhetorician, was mittitur." In another work of the same writer the son of Palladius, and lived in the reign of Con- (Contra Collatorem, c. 21, § 2), speaking of Coelesstantine the Great. He wrote, (1) Пeрl Tv Taрà tine's exertions to repress the doctrines of Pe'Poualois éoprav, De Romanorum Festis; (2.) Aia-lagius, he says, "Ordinato Scotis episcopo, dum Xéges, Disputationes; and (3.) Aóyou diάpopol, Ολυμπιακός, πανηγυρικός, δικανικός, Orationes Diversae, Olympiaca, Panegyrica, Judicialis (Suidas, 8. v. Παλλάδιος ; Eudocia Ἰωνιά, Violetum, s. υ. Παλ λádios & Prop, apud Villoison, Anecdot. Graec. p.352). It is probable that what Suidas and Eudocia describe as Orationes Diversae are the MeλéTaι diápopol, Exercitationes Diversae, which Photius (Bibl. codd. 132-135) had read, and which he describes as far superior in every respect to those of the rhetoricians Aphthonius [APHTHONIUS], Eusebius, and Maximus, of Alexandria. Lambecius ascribed, but without reason, to this Palladius the work De Gentibus Indiae, &c., published under the name of Palladius of Helenopolis [No. 7]. This Palladius of Methone must not be confounded with the Latin Romanam insulam studet servare Catholicam, fecit etiam barbaram Christianam.” (Opera, col. 363, ed. Paris, 1711.) To these meagre notices, the only ones found in contemporary writers (unless, with some, we refer to the conversion of the Scoti the lines of Prosper De Ingratis, vss. 330— 332), the chroniclers and historians of the middle ages have added a variety of contradictory particulars, so that it is difficult, indeed impossible, to extract the true facts of Palladius' history. It has been a matter of fierce dispute between the Irish and the Scots, to which of them Palladius was sent; but the usage of the word "Scoti," in Prosper's time, and the distinction drawn by him between "insulam Romanam" and "insulam barbaram," seem to determine the question in favour of the Irish. This solution leads, however, to another difficulty. According to Prosper, Palladius converted the Irish, " fecit barbaram (sc. insulam) Christianam ;” while the united testimony of ecclesiastical antiquity ascribes the conversion of Ireland to Patricius (St. Patrick), who was a little later than Palladius. But possibly the success of Palladius, though far from bearing out the statement of Prosper, may have been greater than subsequent writers, zealous for the honour of St. Patrick, and seeking to exaggerate his success by extenuating that of his predecessors, were willing to allow. There is another difficulty, arising from an apparent contradiction between the two passages in Prosper, one of which ascribes to Palladius the conversion of the island, while the other describes him as being sent "ad Scotos in Christo credentes ;" but this seeming contradiction may be reconciled by the supposition that Palladius had visited the island and made some converts, before being consecrated and again sent out as their bishop. This supposition accounts for a circumstance recorded by Prosper, that "Florentio et Dionysio Coss." i.e. in A. D. 429, Palladius, while yet only a deacon, prevailed on Pope Coelestine to send out Germanus of Auxerre [GERMANUS, No. 6.] to stop the progress of Pelagianism in Britain: which indicates on the part of Palladius a knowledge of the state of the British islands, and an interest in them, such as a previous visit would be likely to impart. The various statements of the mediaeval writers have been collected by Usher in his Britannicar. Ecclesiar. Antiq. c. xvi. p. 799, &c. See also J. B. Sollerius, De S. Palladio in the Acta Sanctor. Jul. vol. ii. p. 286, &c. Palladius is commemorated as a saint by the Irish Romanists on the 27th Jan.: by those of Scotland on July 6th. His shrine, or reputed shrine, at Fordun, in the Mearns, in Scotland, was regarded before the Reformation with the greatest reverence; and various localities in the neighbourhood are still pointed out as connected with his history. Jocelin, of Furness, a monkish writer of the twelfth century states, in his life of St. Patrick (Acta Sanctor. Martii, vol. ii. p. 545; Julü, vol. ii. p. 289), that Palladius, disheartened by his little success in Ireland, crossed over into Great Britain, and died in the territory of the Picts; a statement which, supported as it is by the local traditions of Fordun, may be received as containing a portion of truth. The mediaeval writers have, in some instances, strangely confounded Palladius, the apostle of the Scoti, with Palladius of Helenopolis; and Trithemius (De Scriptor. Eecles. c. 133), and even Baronius (Annal. Eccles. ad ann. 429. § 8), who is followed by Pos-in a memoir published among the Transactions of sevino, make the former to be the author of the Dialogas de Vita Chrysostomi. Baronius, also, ascribes to him (ibid.) Liber contra Pelagianos, Homiliarum Liber unus, and Ad Coelestinum Epistolarum Liber unus, and other works written in Greek. For these statements he cites the authority of Trithemius, who however mentions only the Dialogus. It is probable that the statement rests on the very untrustworthy authority of Bale (Bale, Script. Illustr. Maj. Britann. cent. xiv. 6; Usher, 1. c.; Sollerius .c.; Tillemont, Mém. vol. xiv. p. 154, &c. p. 737; Fabricius, Bibl. Med. et Infim. Latinit. vol. v. p. 191.) [EPIPHANIUS], is a Letter of Palladius to that father. It is headed 'ETIσTOλ Yypapeîσa wapa Παλλαδίου τῆς αὐτῆς πόλεως Σουέδρων πολιτευομένου καὶ ἀποσταλεῖσα πρὸς τὸν αὐτὸν ἅγιον Ἐπιφάνιον αἰτήσαντος καὶ αὐτοῦ περὶ τῶν αὐτῶν, Palladii ejusdem Suedrorum urbis civis ad Sanctum Epiphanium Epistola, qua idem ab eo postulat, i. e. in which he seconds the request made by certain Presbyters of Suedra (whose letter precedes that of Palladius) that Epiphanius would answer certain questions respecting the Trinity of which the Ancoratus contains the solution. (Epiphanius, Opera, vol. ii. p. 3. ed. Petav. fol. Paris, 1622; Fabric. Bibl. Graec. vol. x. p. 114.) [J.C.M.] PALLADIUS, RUTILIUS TAURUS AEMILIA/NUS, the author of a treatise De Re Rustica, in the form of a Farmer's Calendar, the various operations connected with agriculture and a rural life being arranged in regular order, according to the seasons in which they ought to be performed. It is comprised in fourteen books: the first is introductory, the twelve following contain the duties of the twelve months in succession, commencing with January; the last is a poem, in eighty-five elegiac couplets, upon the art of grafting (De Insitione); each of these books, with the exception of the fourteenth, is divided into short sections distinguished by the term Tituli instead of the more usual designation Capita, a circumstance which is by some critics regarded as a proof that the author belongs to a late period. What that period may have been scholars have toiled hard to discover. The first writer by whom Palladius is mentioned is Isidorus of Seville, who refers to him twice, simply as Aemilianus (Orig. xvii. 1. § 1, 10. § 8), the name under which he is spoken of by Cassiodorus also (Divin. Lect. c. 28). Barthius supposes him to be the eloquent Gaulish youth Palladius, to whose merits Rutilius pays so warm a compliment in his Itinerary (i. 207), while Wernsdorf, advancing one step farther into the realms of fancy (Poët. Lat. Min. vol. v. pars į. p. 551), imagines that he may have been adopted by Rutilius, an idea which, however, he afterwards abandoned (vol. vi. p. 20), and rested satisfied with assigning him to the age of Valentinian or Theodosius. The internal evidence is by no means so copious as to compensate for the want of information from without. The style, without being barbarous, is such as would justify us in bringing the writer down as low as the epoch fixed by Wernsdorf, although he might with equal propriety be placed two centuries earlier; but the controversy seems to have recently received a new light from the researches of Count Bartolommeo Borghesi, who 14. Of SUEDRA, in Pamphylia. Prefixed to the Ancoratus of Epiphanius of Salamis or Constantia We the Turin Academy (vol. xxxviii. 1835), has especially to the management of fruit trees he was deeply indebted to Gargilius Martialis; various recipes are extracted from the Greeks consulted by the compilers of the " Geoponica," and the chapters connected with architectural details are mere compendiums of Vitruvius. Palladius seems to have been very popular in the middle ages, a fact established by the great variety of readings afforded by different MSS., since these discrepancies prove that the text must have been very frequently transcribed, and by the circumstance that nearly the whole of the treatise is to be found included in the well-known "Speculum" of Vincentius of Beauvais. The name, as given at the head of this article, appears at full length both at the beginning and at the end of the Vatican Codices. Palladius was first printed by Jenson in the "Rei Rusticae Scriptores," fol. Venet. 1472, and from that time forward was included in nearly all the collections of writers upon agricultural topics. The best editions are those contained in the "Scriptores Rei Rusticae veteres Latini" of Gesner, 2 vols. 4to. Lips. 1735, reprinted with additions and corrections by Ernesti in 1773, and in the "Scriptores Rei Rusticae" of Schneider, 4 vols. 8vo. Lips. 1794, in which the text underwent a complete revision, and appears under a greatly amended form. There are translations into English by Thomas Owen, 8vo. London 1803, into German along with Columella by Maius, fol. Magdeb. 1612, into French by Jean Darces, 8vo. Paris, 1553, into Italian by Marino, 4to. Sien. 1526, by Nicolo di Aristotile detto Zoppino, 4to. Vineg. 1528, by Sansovino, 4to. Vineg. 1560, and by Zanotti, 4to. Veron. 1810. [W. R.] PALLA'NTIA, a daughter of Evander, was beloved by Heracles, and said to be buried on the Palatine hill at Rome, which derived its name from her. (Serv. ad Aen. viii. 51.) Evander himself, being a grandson of Pallas, is also called Pallantius. (Ov. Fast. v. 647.) [L. S.] PALLA'NTIAS, a patronymic by which Aurora, the daughter of the giant Pallas, is sometimes designated. (Ov. Met. iv. 373, vi. 567, ix. 420.) Pallantias also occurs as a variation for Pallas, the surname of Athena. (Anthol. Palat. vi. 247.) [L. S.] PALLAS (Пáλλas). 1. A son of Crius and Eurybia, was one of the Titans, and brother of Astraeus and Perses. He was married to Styx, by whom he became the father of Zelus, Cratos, Bia, and Nice. (Hes. Theog. 376, 383; Paus. vii. 26. § 5, viii. 18, § 1; Apollod. i. 2. §§ 2, 4.) 2. A son of Megamedes, and father of Selene. (Hom. Hymn. in Merc. 100.) 3. A giant, who, in the fight with the gods, was slain by Athena, and flayed by her. (Apollod. i. 6. § 2.) 4. A son of Lycaon, and grandfather of Evander, is said to have founded the town of Pallantium in Arcadia, where statues were erected both to Pallas and Evander. (Paus. viii. 3. § 1, 44. § 5.) Servius (ad Aen. viii. 54) calls him a son of Aegeus, and states that being expelled by his brother Theseus, he emigrated into Arcadia; and Dionysius of Halicarnassus (i. 33) confounds him with Pallas, the son of Crius. 5. According to some traditions, the father of Athena, who slew him as he was on the point of violating her. (Cic. De Nat. Deor. iii. 23; Tzetz. ad Lyc. 355.) 6. A son of Heracles by Dyna, the daughter of Evander; from her some derived the name of the Palatine hill at Rome. (Dionys. i. 32.) 7. A son of Evander, and an ally of Aeneas, was slain by the Rutulian Turnus. (Virg. Aen. viii. 104, 514, xi. 140, &c.) 8. A son of the Athenian king Pandion, and accordingly a brother of Aegeus, Nisus, and Lycus, was slain by Theseus. The celebrated family of the Pallantidae at Athens traced their origin up to this Pallas. (Apollod. iii. 15. §5; Paus. i. 22. § 2, 28. § 10; Plut. Thes. 3; Eurip. Hippol. 35.) [L. S.] PALLAS (Пaλás), a surname of Athena. In Homer this name always appears united with the name Athena, as Παλλὰς ̓Αθήνη or Παλλὰς ̓Αθη vain ; but in later writers we also find Pallas alone instead of Athena. (Pind. Ol. v. 21.) Plato (Cratyl. p. 406) derives the surname from wάλλe, to brandish, in reference to the goddess brandishing the spear or aegis, whereas Apollodorus (i. 6. § 2) derives it from the giant Pallas, who was slain by Athena. But it is more probable that Pallas is the same word as máλλağ, i. e. a virgin or maiden. (Comp. Tzetz. ad Lyc. 355.) Another female Pallas, described as a daughter of Triton, is mentioned under PALLADIUM. [L. S]. PALLAS, a freedman of the emperor Claudius, and one of his greatest favourites. He was originally the slave of Antonia, the mother of Claudius, and is first mentioned in A. D. 31, when Antonia entrusted to him the responsible commission of carrying a letter to the emperor Tiberius, in which she disclosed the ambitious projects of Sejanus, and in consequence of which the all-powerful minister was put to death. (Joseph. Ant. xviii. 7. § 6). The name of Pallas does not occur during the reign of Caligula, but on the accession of Claudius, whose property he had become by the death of Antonia, and who had meantime manumitted him, he played an important part in public affairs. Along with Narcissus and Callistus, two other freedmen, he administered the affairs of the empire, but Narcissus had more energy and resolution than the other two, and consequently took the leading part in the government during the early part of Claudius' reign. When they saw that the death of Messalina, the wife of the emperor, was necessary to their own security, Narcissus alone had the courage to carry it into execution [NARCISSUS]; Pallas was afraid to take any decisive step. The consequence was, that after the execution of the empress, the influence of Narcissus became superior to that of Callistus and Pallas, but the latter soon recovered his former power. The question now was, whom the weak-minded emperor should marry, and each of the three freedmen had a different person to propose. Pallas was fortunate enough to advocate the claims of Agrippina, who actually admitted the freedman to her embraces in order to purchase his support; and upon the marriage of Agrippina to the emperor in A. D. 50, Pallas shared in the good fortune of his candidate. He was now leagued with the empress in order to oppose Narcissus; and Pallas and Agrippina became the real rulers of the Roman world. It was Pallas who persuaded Claudius to adopt the young Domitius (afterwards the emperor Nero), the son of Agrippina, and he thus paved the way for his accession to the throne. This important service did not go unrewarded. In A. D. 52, Claudius proposed a law in the senate respecting the punishment of women who had intercourse with slaves, and mentioned the name of Pallas as the author of the law, in order that the senate might confer some mark of favour upon him. This was done at the instigation of Agrippina, and the servile body forthwith conferred upon Pallas the insignia of a praetor, and voted him a sum of fifteen millions of sesterces. They even went so far, on the proposition of Cornelius Scipio, as to return thanks to Pallas, because he was willing to be numbered among the servants of the emperor, although descended from the kings of Arcadia! But as Claudius said that Pallas, contented with the honours, would continue in his former state of poverty, they passed a decree, praising for his frugality a freedman who possessed a fortune of 300 millions of sesterces. This decree of the senate was engraved on a brazen tablet, and placed near the statue of Julius Caesar, in one of the most frequented parts of the city, where it was seen in the time of the younger Pliny, who speaks of it in terms of the greatest indignation. (Tac. Ann. xii. 53; Plin. Ep. vii. 29, viii. 6; comp. Plin. H. N. xxxv. 18. s. 58.) As long as Claudius lived, Agrippina could not be certain of the succession of her son, and accordingly poisoned her husband, doubtless with the connivance and assistance of Pallas, in A. D. 54. Narcissus, who had remained true to the interests of Claudius and his son Britannicus, was also despatched immediately after the death of the emperor, and thus no one any longer stood in the way of Pallas. Agrippina had hoped to govern the Roman world in the name of her son, and Pallas expected to share in her power. But both were soon doomed to a cruel disappointment. Nero speedily became tired of his mother's control, and as one step towards emancipating himself from her authority, deprived her favourite Pallas of all his public offices, and dismissed him from the palace as early as the year 56. In the same year Pallas was accused, together with Burrus, by one Paetus, of a conspiracy to raise Cornelius Sulla to the throne, but being defended by Seneca, according to Dion Cassius (lxi. 10), he was acquitted. From this time he was suffered to live unmolested for some years, till at length his immense wealth excited the rapacity of Nero, who had him removed by poison, in A. D. 63. His enormous wealth, which was acquired during the reign of Claudius, had become proverbial, as we see from the line in Juvenal (i. 107), ego possideo plus Pallante et Licinio; and when the poverty of the imperial treasury was complained of on one occasion in the reign of Claudius, it was said that the emperor would possess an abundance, if he were taken into partnership by his two freedmen, Narcissus and Pallas. (Suet. Claud. 28; comp. Plin. H. N. xxxiii. 19. 8. 47.) The arrogance and pride of Pallas are specially mentioned both by Tacitus and Dion Cassius, and it is related of him that he never gave any orders, even to his freedmen, by word of mouth; and that if a nod or a sign with his hand did not suffice, he signified in writing what he wished to be done. In this he seems to have adopted the imperial practice, which was first introduced by Augustus. (Comp. Suet. Aug. 84; Lipsius, ad Tuc. Ann. iv. 39.) The brother of Pallas was Antonius or Claudius Felix, who was appointed by Claudius to the government of Judaea, where he committed such atrocities that he was accused by the Jews, and was saved only from condign punishment by the influence of Pallas. [FELIX, ANTONIUS.] (Tac. Ann. xi. 29–38, xii. 2, 25, 53, 65, xiii. 14, 23, xiv. 2, 65; Dion Cass. lxi. 3, lxii. 14; Suet. Claud. 28, Vitell. 2; Joseph. Ant. xx. 8. § 9.) PALLAS (Пáλλas), the author of a work on the mysteries of the god Mithras (Porphyr. de Abstin. ii. 56, iv. 16). PALLE'NE (Пaλλń). 1. A daughter of Sithon, from whom the town of Pallene in the peninsula of the same name was said to have derived its name. (Steph. Byz. s. v.) 2. A daughter of the giant Alcyoneus, and one of the Alcyonides. (Eustath. ad Hom. p. 776; Suidas, s. v. 'Aλkvovídes.). [L. S.] PALLE'NIS (Пaλλŋvís), a surname of Athena, under which she had a temple between Athens and Marathon. (Herod. i. 62.) [L. S.] PALLOR, i. e. paleness or pale fear, or a personification of it, was together with Pavor, i. e. Fear, a companion of Mars among the Romans. Their worship is said to have been vowed and instituted by the warlike king Tullus Hostilius, either on account of a plague, or at the moment when in battle he saw the Alban Mettus desert to the enemies. The Salii, Pallorii, and Pavorii were instituted at the same time. (Liv. i. 27; August. De Civ. Dei, iv. 23.) [L. S.] PALMA, A. CORNELIUS, was consul in a. D. 99, and a second time in 109. Between his first and second consulships, he was governor of Syria, and conquered the part of Arabia in the neighbourhood of Petra, about A.D. 105 (Dion Cass. lxviii. 14). Palma had always been one of Hadrian's enemies, and was therefore put to death by that emperor upon his accession to the throne in 117. (Dion Cass. Ixix. 2; Spart. Hadr. 4.) PA'MMENES (Пaμμévns). 1. An Athenian, the son of Pammenes. He exercised the trade of a goldsmith, and was employed by Demosthenes to make for him a crown of gold, and a garment interwoven with gold, to wear at the Dionysia. When they were ready, Meidias entered by night into the workshop of Pammenes, and endeavoured to destroy the crown and garments, in which he was partially successful, but was interrupted by the appearance of Pammenes. (Dem. c. Meid. p. 521.) 2. A Theban general of considerable celebrity. He was connected with Epaminondas by political and friendly ties. When Philip, the future king of Macedonia, was sent as hostage to Thebes, he was placed under the care of Pammenes. (Plut. Pelop. c. 26.) In B. c. 371, when Megalopolis was founded, as it was apprehended that the Spartans would attack those engaged in that work, Epaminondas sent Pammenes at the head of 1000 picked troops to defend them. (Paus. viii. 27. 2.) In B. c. 352, a party amongst the Megalopolitans were for dissolving the community, and returning to their own cantons, and called upon the Mantineans and other Peloponnesians, for aid. The Megalopolitans who opposed this dissolution of the state called in the aid of the Thebans, who sent Pammenes with 3000 foot soldiers and 300 cavalry to their assistance. With this force Pammenes overcame all resistance, and compelled those who had left Megalopolis to return. (Diod. xv. 94, where by a mistake the Athenians, and not |