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rica. He faid the affair of Long-ifland was by no means a matter worthy of triumph. That island, he said, was a mere out-poft to New York, as New York was an out-poft to America, and it would have been folly and rafhness in the extreme, had the provincials attempted to maintain it. He paid General Howe and his brother very great compliments on their manoeuvres in the capture of the island, and inferred that from the whole of General Howe's conduct in taking it, his caution in not forcing any of the provincials ftrong-holds, his opening trenches at fix hundred yards diftance from their redoubts, with his general orders to his officers to act with all poffible circumfpection, that most evidently the General thought highly of the provincials, and had therefore treated them with the fuitable refpect, due to fo powerful and formidable an enemy. He complained of the defenceless state of the kingdom, and urged the danger of a war with France and Spain. The minifter's fpeech he declared to be an entire compound of hypocrify. It made his Majefty talk of peace, at the very moment when not only all Europe, but this kingdom, gave the moft evident appearances of preparation for war. In fhort, it was like a deceptious mirror, reflecting a falfe image of truth. That part of it which talked of giving the Americans law and liberty, he conceived to be a mere turn of wit and humour, which would not bear a ferious interpretation. It was an infidious hypocritical fpeech, that held out law and liberty at the point of the fword. He fpoke ftrongly of the falfhood of France, and the little reliance that was to be put on her profeffions, inftancing a circumftance which happened while Cardinal Mazarine was minifter, when the Portuguese and Spaniards were at war together, and the latter had received repeated affurances of the pacific intentions of France, although that kingdom had actually lent Portugal troops, cloathed them, paid them, and officered them. He faid he did not entirely approve of the American declaration of independence, but affirmed that the Americans were driven to that measure by our rigorous perfecution of them. We had hired foreign troops to fight against them, and they had no other way of putting themfelves on a footing with us, than by throwing off the yoke, declaring themselves independent, and inviting foreign aid to defend them. They had, he faid, taken every poffible means to avoid fuch a measure; they had fent a moft humble petition to government, praying relief, and couched their prayer in the ftrongeft terms of duty and allegiance;

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Mr. Wombwell.

government had, with the most provoking harshness, rejected their petition, refusing to give any antwer to it, or offering in any manner to hear them. The mode of their declaring for independency was to be fure in fome measure indefenfible. The declaration of the New England government was exceedingly rude and ill-written; the language was more unmannerly and abufive than even worse treatment than what they had received would have juftified; but then it muft be confidered as written merely to captivate the common people, and therefore a polished ftile, and very fcrupulous decency, were probably but trifling objects with the writer. He however as much condemned it, as he applauded that of the Pennfylvanians. He cenfured the late issuing of prefs-warrants, and declared that he was not only convinced a better mode of manning the navy might be found out, but that he was well informed the late prefs was carried on with great irregularity and cruelty.

Mr. Wombwell faid, no prefs was better conducted than the prefent. He approved of the motion for an address as exceedingly proper, and difapproved of the amendment. He cenfured the Americans as a bragging, cowardly banditti, &c. Mr. Wilkes. Mr. Wilkes. The honourable gentleman who spoke last endeavours to mislead the House. It is certain that no preffing has at this time been carried on in the city of London, or its liberties. No prefs-gangs have dared to make their appearance in that jurifdiction. Those lawless bands of cruel banditti very prudently chofe other fcenes of horror and bloodshed of lefs danger to themselves. The city has hitherto remained in perfect fafety and tranquility, in a moft happy ftate of fecurity, by the vigilance, intrepidity, and noble love of liberty, which are confpicuous in its present worthy chief magiftrate.

The conduct of adminiftration, Sir, in the late ifsuing of prefs-warrants, before they had tried the operation of the high bounty, is totally unjuftifiable. The fpeech now in your hand, Sir, is fo yery pacific, that the large bounty of five pounds for every able, and fifty fhillings for every ordinary, feaman, promifed in laft Saturday's Gazette, might fafely, for a fhort time at leaft, have been trufted to, the emergency not being thought very critical. From the minifter's own ftate of public affairs there was no danger in the expepiment. Much cruelty and bloodfhed had been avoided, many valuable lives preferved.

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The affair of Long Ifland has been mifreprefented, and greatly magnified. The fuperiority of numbers was very confiderable. General Howe landed 22000 men. The provincials had only 6000 effective men on that island. They were ordered to retreat, and 4000 did accordingly, without being attacked, embark for the island of NewYork. There was a real miftake of orders as to the other 2000, but they acted as brave men always will act under a mistake of orders; they fought. They faw the enemy, left their entrenchments, and attacked with fpirit. From the fuperiority of numbers, and their flanks being neglected and unguarded, they were totally defeated. They did not however remain inactive, like cowards, on an important day of battle. No fuch imputation can be fixed on them. Nothing decifive can follow from the late fuccessful affair on Long Iland, no more than from the defeat at Sullivan's Island. New York will probably fall into your hands, but your fituation will in that cafe be scarcely mended fince the last year, for you then poffeffed the capital of North America, Bofton. Is that great and important town advantageously exchanged for New York? I forgot that we ftill poffefs the fishing hamlet of Halifax. But, Sir, we ought to take a much larger and more comprehenfive view of this interefting scene, which is now fully disclosed.

The important difpute of Great Britain with her colonies has for a confiderable time fixed the attention, not only of this nation, but of almost all Europe. The most esfential interefts of this country, and indeed of the greater part of the powers on the continent, are deeply interested in the event. The facrifice of fo much blood and treasure is to every ftate an object of the highest importance, to us, whofe empire feems mouldering away, of the nearest concern, and I much fear we are now brought by inextricable difficulties to the very verge of destruction.

Since our laft meeting, Sir, the fcene, with refpect to America, has totally changed. Inftead of negociations with colonies, or provincial affemblies, we have a war to carry on against the free and independent ftates of America; a wicked war, which has been occafioned folely by a spirit of violence, injustice, and obftinacy in our minifters, unparalelled in hiftory. In the beginning of September, in the laft year, a very humble and dutiful petition was fent from the congrefs to his Majefty, in which his Majefty was fupplicated

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his faithful colonifts to the throne, in purfuance of their common councils, may be improved into a happy and permanent reconciliation." There was not a word in the petition but what breathed fubmiffion and loyalty, and yet the official anfwer of Lord Dartmouth, the fecretary for the American department, after long deliberation, was to the laft degree irritating. It was, "that no answer would be given," that is, we will not treat, we fcorn to negociate with you, we exact unconditional fubmiffion. This anfwer, Sir, in my opinion, might juftly be called indignity and infult. It drove the Americens to defpair, and with the violation of the perfidious promifes in Lord Hillsborough's famous official circular letter, laid the real foundation of their declaration of independency. Much has been said, Sis, of the prophecy of the minifters, that the Americans would in the end declare themselves independent. I give the minifters no credit for fuch a prophecy. They went on the fureft grounds. They might very fafely promulgate fuch a prediction, when they knew that the unjuft and fanguinary measures, which they intended to pursue, muft bring about the event. They drove the Americans into their prefent ftate of indepency. The Jefuits in France rifqued nothing when they prophefied in 1610 the death of the best prince that ever reigned in Europe, within that year. Their's was the fure word of prophecy. They employed Ravillac to affaffinate their fovereign.

An honourable gentleman near me attacks the American declaration of independency, in a very peculiar manner, as a wretched compofition, very ill written, drawn up with the view to captivate the people. That, Sir, is the very reafon why I approve it moit as a compofition, as well as a wife, political measure, for the people are to decide this great controverfy. If they are captivated by it, the end is attained. The polifhed periods, the harmonious, happy expreffions, with all the grace, eafe, and elegance of a beautiful diction, which we chiefly admire, captivate the people of America very little; but manly, nervous fenfe they relish, even in the moft awkward and uncouth drefs of language, Whatever compofition produces the effect you intend in the moft forcible manner, is, in my opinion, the best, and that inode fhould always be purfued. It has the moft merit, as well as fuccefs, on the great theatre of the world, no less than on the ftage, whether you mean to inspire pity, terror, or any other paffion.

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The honourable gentleman, Sir, who feconded the addrefs, fays, the Americans declaration of independency was no furprize to him---nor I believe, Sir, to any man of common reflection, after the frantic and extravagant career, which administration purfued, with a full chorus of approbation from the majority of this Houfe.

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The fpeech in your hand, Sir, which an honourable gentleman near me has well called a fpeech of hypocrify, mentions the "affurances of amity, which his Majefty continues to receive from the feveral courts of Europe." At the beginning of the laft feffion, the minifter gave us in the King's fpeech more explicit affurances. It was faid, "I am happy to add, as well from the affurances I have received, as from the general appearance of affairs in Europe, I fee no probability that the measures, which you may adopt, will be interrupted by difputes with any foreign power.' have no fuch affurances held out to us this year, that our measures will not be interrupted by difputes with any other foreign power; but we have ftill affurances of amity, which are daily contradicted by the immenfe preparations of the neighbouring foreign powers of France and Spain, and indeed of the whole houfe of Bourbon. The accounts from Naples contain little but the vaft preparations making by the king of the two Sicilies. Are we indeed fimple and credulous enough to truft to general vague expreffions of politenefs against the clear evidence of facets? Our miniftry know very well, that an American privateer being lately ftopped at Bilboa in Bifcay, an exprefs was immediately dif patched to Madrid, which returned with the fulleft directions for the release of the privateer, and permiffion to furnish him with provifions, ftores, ammunition, in short, whatever he wanted. This fact will not be denied. Is Spain then one of the foreign powers, which again foothes us with these honied affurances of amity Has fate ordained, that we are neither to poffefs capacity enough to profit by the example of others, nor even by our own experience? In

-the very firft year of the present reign, in September 1761, the Gazette told us, that "the Catholic king had, at no time, been more intent upon cultivating a good correfpondence with England, than in the prefent conjuncture ;" a declaration received ferioufly here, held out as part of the court creed, and laughed at by all the rest of Europe. In the beginning of the following January, without any new facts having occurred of any moment, war was declared by

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