her annals; and never did a minister act a weaker part. While he totally neglected the interests, and above all, the commercial relations of Britain, he allowed the allied sovereigns to annihilate some of the most ancient and liberal constitutions of Europe, to break their most solemn pledges, and to share amongst themselves the Lion's part in the new settlement of affairs. "So silly a treaty as that made by your ministers for their own country," said Napoleon in his conversations with O'Meara, "was never known before. You give up every thing, and gain nothing. All the other powers gained acquisitions of country and millions of souls, but you give up colonies. For example, you give up the isle of Bourbon to the French. A more impolitic act you could not have committed. You ought to endeavour to make the French forget the way to India, and all Indian policy, instead of placing them half-way there. Why did you give up Java? Why Surinam, or Martinique, or the other French colonies? To avoid doing so, you had nothing more to say than that you would retain them for the five years the allied powers were to remain in France. Why not demand Hamburgh for Hanover? Then you would have an entrepôt for your manufactures. In treaties, an ambassador ought to take advantage of every thing for the benefit of his own country. All your miseries I maintain to be owing to the imbecility and ignorance of Lord Castlereagh, and his inattention to the real prosperity of his own country. Had Lords Grenville or Wellesley been ambassadors, I am convinced that the interests of England would have been consulted. What would those Englishmen, who lived one hundred years ago, say, if they could rise from their graves, be informed of your glorious successes, cast their eyes upon England, witness her distress, and be informed, that, in the treaty of peace, not a single article for the benefit of England had been stipulated! that, on the contrary, you had given up conquests and commercial rights necessary to your existence? When Austria gained ten millions of inhabitants, Russia eight, Prussia ten, Holland, Bavaria, Sardinia, and every other power, obtained an increase of territory, why not England, who was the main organ of all the success? Instead of establishing a number of independent maritime states, such as Hamburgh, Stralsund, Dantzic, Genoa, to serve as entrepôts for your manufactures, with conditions, either secret or otherwise, favourable to your commerce, you have basely given up Genoa to the king of Sardinia, and united Belgium to Holland. You have rendered yourselves hated by the Italians and Belgians, and have done irreparable injury to your trade. For, although it is a great point for you that Belgium should be separated from France, it is a serious disadvantage to you that she should be united to Holland. Holland has no manufactories, and consequently would have become a depôt for yours, from whence a prodigious influx would be kept up in the Continent. Now, however, that Belgium has been made a part of Holland, this last will naturally prefer taking the manufactures of her subjects to those of a stranger, and all Belgium may be called a manufacturing town. Independent of this, in case of any future war with France, Holland must join the latter through fear of losing the provinces of Belgium. People always consider the danger that is most imminent." In the same book we find Napoleon affirming that Lord Castlereagh offered him an asylum in England, before he went to Elba, saying, he should be "very well

treated there, and much better off than in Elba." "The real fact," said Napoleon, "is, that he first proposed it. Before I went to Elba, Lord Castlereagh said to Caulaincourt, Why does Napoleon think of going to Elba? Let him come to England. He will be received in London with the greatest pleasure, and will experience the best possible treatment. He must not, however, ask permission to come, because that would take up too much time; but let him give himself up to us, without making any conditions, and he will be received with the greatest joy, and be much better than at Elba." "This," added he, "had much influence with me afterwards." Another passage throws some light on the minister's character: "At Chatillon with the ambassadors of the allied powers, after some successes of mine, and when I had in a manner invested the town, he (Lord C.) was greatly alarmed lest I might seize and make him a prisoner; as, not being accredited as an ambassador, nor invested with any diplomatic character to France, I might have taken him as an enemy. He went to Caulaincourt, to whom he mentioned that he laboured under considerable apprehen、 sions that I should cause violent hands to be laid upon him,' as he acknowledged I had a right to do. It was impossible for him to get away without falling in with my troops. Caulaincourt replied, that as far as his own opinion went, he would say that I would not meddle with him, but that he could not answer for what I might do. Immediately after, Caulaincourt wrote to me what Castlereagh had said, and his own answer. I signified to him in reply, that he was to tell Lord Castlereagh to make his mind easy and stay where he was; that I would consider him as an ambassador. At Chatillon," continued he, "when speaking about the liberty enjoyed in England, Castlereagh observed, in a contemptuous manner, that it was not the thing most to be esteemed in your country, that it was an usage which they were obliged to put up with; but had become an abuse, and would not answer for other countries." Lord Castlereagh's conduct however in congress received the thanks of a venial parliament, and was further rewarded by a ribbon of the Garter.

On the assembling of parliament, in 1816, Brougham moved for a copy of a treaty concluded at Paris, on the 26th of September, between Russia, Austria, and Prussia, and which had received the name of the Holy Alliance. By this singular document, which, said the learned member, was couched in the most devout and solemn language, and consisted of three articles, the three potentates, members of different Christian churches, declared their resolution, both in their domestic administration and foreign relations, to take for their guide the precepts of the holy religion taught by our Saviour. They bound themselves in a fraternity of mutual assistance, regarding themselves as delegated by Providence to govern three branches of one and the same Christian nation, of which the Divine Being was the sole real Sovereign; and they declared that all such powers as should solemnly avow the sacred principles which had actuated them would be received with ardour into this holy alliance.' He observed, that there was something so singular in the language of the treaty as to warrant no little jealousy. He could not think that it referred to objects merely spiritual; the partition of Poland had been prefaced by language very similar to that now used; and the proclamation of the Empress Catherine, which wound up that

fatal tragedy, was couched in almost the same words. Lord Castlereagh vindicated the motives of the emperor of Russia, and stated that the prince-regent-whose accession to this alliance had been solicited— had expressed his satisfaction in its tendency; but he opposed the production of the document itself, on the ground that it was contrary to the practice of parliament to call for copies of treaties to which this country was no party.

In 1820, the Holy Alliance published its famous Circular,―a manifesto containing the avowal of principles so obnoxious that all parties in the British parliament, and none more loudly than the adherents of the minister, joined in expressing their abhorrence of it. It was remarked, however, that Lord Castlereagh spoke of this precious document in very guarded and courtier-like terms, contenting himself with the admission that "the principle (of interference) asserted in the Circular was carried further than was consistent with prudence and sound policy."

During the laborious session of 1822, his lordship was observed to betray occasional symptoms of mental irritation which his most intimate friends had never before observed in him. He had an interview with the king on Friday the 9th of August, 1822, immediately previous to his majesty's departure for Scotland. On this occasion, it is said, "his majesty was surprised and alarmed, at the incoherent manner in which Lord Londonderry conversed; and after the noble lord's departure, it is stated, that the king wrote to Lord Liverpool, mentioning that the marquess of Londonderry had just been with him, and that he had talked in a very remarkable manner; that his majesty felt alarmed on his lordship's account; and that it would be advisable to take becoming precautions to have the opportunity of watching his lordship's conduct. His majesty further urged the necessity of at once having medical advice; but if possible, without letting his lordship know that his demeanor had been the subject of any remark. On the marquess of Londonderry's arrival at his house in St James's square, his lady and several persons in his establishment noticed in his lordship a singular incoherence of look, and great agitation of mind. Dr Bankhead, who had been for many years his lordship's physician, was immediately sent He found his illustrious patient labouring under a considerable depression of spirits, and complaining of an oppressive sensation in the head. Dr Bankhead recommended that he should be cupped, and waited until the cupper arrived, by whom seven ounces of blood were taken from the back of his lordship's neck. This evidently relieved him; and Dr Bankhead suggested the propriety of his taking repose on the sofa for half an hour, before he set out for North Cray, whither he was on the eve of departure. With this advice the noble lord complied, and became much more composed. He was attended by his lady with the most affectionate solicitude, and by her persuasion took some tea. Dr Bankhead then gave him some aperient medicine, desiring that he would take it in the morning, and keep himself cool and quiet. His lordship, before he took his leave, stated that he felt himself extremely unwell; and stipulated that Dr Bankhead should go to North Cray the next day, and remain with him until he was better. To this Dr Bankhead agreed, and they parted, the marquess and his lady setting out for his seat. On Saturday evening Dr Bankhead, in pursuance of

for.

his promise, proceeded to North Cray he arrived about seven o'clock, and was immediately shown into the marquess's room. He found him in bed; but from the manner in which he addressed him on his approach, he at once saw that he was labouring under a serious nervous attack. He endeavoured to compose his mind, and remained with him the better part of the night, again giving him some cooling medicine, and confining his diet to food of the simplest character. The whole of the next day his lordship continued in bed; but again evinced such a waywardness of imagination, and seemed to be labouring under such extraordinary delusions, that it was deemed expedient to remove from his reach every thing by which he might do himself bodily mischief. His lordship frequently expressed apprehensions that he was the object of some dreadful conspiracy; and even when he saw Dr Bankhead and his amiable marchioness talking together, he exclaimed that he was sure they were plotting some mischief against him. His manner too, which had been usually kind and indulgent, became harsh and severe. He grew petulant and impatient; still the physician saw no ground for serious apprehension, and did not deem it necessary to call in additional advice. He attributed his lordship's disease to the great anxiety and fatigue incident to his very irksome office, and hoped that a little quiet would restore him to his accustomed vigour of mind and constitution. He remained with his lordship until late hour on Sunday night, and observed with pleasure that his conversation became more rational; at length he left him with the marchioness, and retired to an adjoining room. In the morning the marquess, after having had some sleep, awoke suddenly and rang the bell; the marchioness's maid answered it; when he asked her what she wanted in the room, apparently forgetting that he had summoned her. The marchioness then said that his lordship wanted breakfast, and breakfast was accordingly brought. He found fault with it, and said it was not fit for him, although precisely the same as usual. At half-past seven he rang again, and desired that Dr Bankhead might be sent to him. The marchioness then quitted the room, and entered her own dressing-room. At this moment the servant retired, and went to apprize Dr B. of his lordship's desire. Dr B. said he was ready to attend immediately. The servant then went back to see that her mistress had retired; and at that moment, while she stood in the passage, the marquess opened the door, and rushed by her into his dressing-room. He was attired only in his dressinggown. She was alarmed, and called for Dr B., who rushed to the spot. She said her lord had gone into his dressing-room, and Dr B. hastened forward; when, at the moment he reached the door, he saw the marquess with his front towards the window, and his face towards the ceiling; and his right arm also seemed to be raised. Without turning round, he exclaimed, as if conscious who was approaching, having in fact been apprized of it by the previous announcement of the servant, 'Bankhead, let me fall upon your arm: it is all over!' This was all he said. The doctor ran forward, and caught him on his arm; but, unable to sustain his weight, let him fall to the ground. Life, however, was almost instantaneously extinct, and a torrent of blood rushed from a wound in his neck. On further investigation, Dr B. found a small clasp-knife, with a white handle, and a curved blade of about two inches in length, clenched in his right hand, with which it appeared that he

had just inflicted the fatal wound. The carotid artery, or jugular vein, was completely divided, and with anatomical precision; for the extent of the external orifice did not exceed an inch in width, while the depth was two inches. The most expert surgeon, if endeavouring to extinguish human life with the utmost promptitude, could not have effected the object more scientifically."

Lord Castlereagh, in private life, is said to have been uniformly bland, and unostentatious in his manners, and simple in his habits. His talents were inadequate to the duties of his public station, but he formed upon the whole a skilful debater. His administration was the most generally unpopular, perhaps, of any premier's of the Georgian era; it was opposed in its spirit to every thing free and liberal and enlightened, and marked by measures which no minister of the crown would now attempt to put in force.

David Ricardo.

BORN A. D. 1772.-DIED A. D. 1823.

THIS eminent political economist was the son of a Jew and stockbroker. His father had trained him to his own business; but, in consequence of his renouncing Judaism and marrying a Christian lady, while yet a young man, and dependent on his father's bounty, he was driven from his parent's house, and compelled to seek a livelihood for himself, which his industry and ability soon enabled him to do, and even to realize a very handsome fortune.

It was not until somewhat advanced in life that he seems to have directed his attention to political economy. His first speculations on this subject were occasioned by his intimate connexion with the bank, and the great depreciation of the currency about the year 1810, in which year he published a series of letters on the currency in the Morning Chronicle,' in which he gave a luminous exposition of the principles which regulate the distribution of the precious metals. His opinions were espoused by the Bullion committee, and ably vindicated by himself in his reply to Bosanquet's strictures on the report. His subsequent pamphlets On the Profits of Stock,' and On the Best Means of securing a safe and economical Currency,' were in every respect worthy of his previous reputation. In 1817 he published a work entitled Principles of Political Economy and Taxation,' in which he contends, in opposition to Dr Smith, "that the accumulation of capital, and the payment of rent, have no effect whatever in increasing the real price of commodities; and that, in every case, the exchangeable value of such as can be increased in quantity by the exertions of human industry, and on the production of which competition operates without restraint, can only be augmented by an augmentation of the quantity of labour necessarily required to bring them into market." His theory of Rent, or rather his exposition and correction of Mr Malthus's theory, is an extremely lucid and acute argument.

In 1819 Mr Ricardo was returned to parliament for the borough of