favour of it, so long will means be found to carry it on. Wherever the slave trade exists, all the people feel interested to keep it up, because all the luxuries and useful articles which they receive from civilized countries, are the fruits of this trade, and come to them through this channel. But when they find that these same articles can more easily be obtained in exchange for commodities which are easily procured, they will become willing to relinquish it.

It cannot but be interesting to know, how the slave trade is carried on, in Africa. We will, therefore, beg the patient attention of our readers, to Dr. Hall's perspicuous account of the mode of proceeding. "At the slave marts I have visited," says he, "a kind of treaty is entered into between the slave dealer and the head man of the country. A grant is made of a piece of land on which to erect a baracoon or slave factory, and the requisite buildings are erected thereon, on payment of a specific sum. Goods are then distributed to the roving traders, who go to the bush for the purchase of slaves; or the slaves may be sent down by a dealer or warrior, from the interior. The king gets a certain per centage or premium on every slave sold. His men also do all the manual labour for the slaver, procure food for the slaves, keep guard over them, and secure such as may chance to escape. When the vessel arrives to receive the slaves, all hands are turned out at once to put them on board with all possible despatch; and if they escape clear, the king and his people receive additional remuneration. It will, therefore, be perceived, that nothing could be done by any slave dealer on the coast, were it not for the cordial and active co-operation of some native chief, of power and influence."

Hence it appears, how important it is to endeavour to operate on the minds of the chiefs, and if possible to form treaties with them, by which they shall engage to relinquish this shameful and inhuman traffic. And should they refuse to enter into any such treaty; or having engaged, should disregard their own agreement, then it would be just to enter in and seize the slaves, and break up the baracoons, wherever they might be found.

As we do not think it necessary to offer any arguments in vindication of the colonization cause, nor to notice the objections made to the enterprise by its enemies, we have endeavoured to place before our readers as many well authenticated facts, relating to the little colonies planted on the coast of Africa, as we could conveniently introduce into

our limited space, in a single article. Indeed, these facts are superior to all theoretical reasonings. They show what has, under the auspices of divine providence, been effected by the Colonization Societies of this country. And we believe, a parallel cannot be produced from the history of the world. As to the enemies of African Colonization, whether abolitionists, or the defenders of slavery as a state in itself desirable, we could not hope to obviate their prejudices. We leave them to the undisturbed enjoyment of their own opinions, and their own schemes of benevolence. That their opposition has been entirely unprovoked, and most unreasonable in itself, we cannot for a moment doubt. The American Colonization Society has no direct or immediate concern with slavery. It does not attempt to put into execution any plan for the emancipation of slaves. It is a scheme for people already free-its objects must be in a state of freedom before they can have, as a society, anything to do with them. If other people choose to form societies which contemplate the emancipation of slaves, this does not interfere with the plans of the friends of colonization. If their plans are wise and good, the colonization of people already free will not interfere with them nor impede their operations. If they can do any good to the slave and better his condition, let them do it; the colonization enterprise has nothing to do with that subject. But the great objection of anti-slavery men is, that it is not an abolition society. It would be just as reasonable to object that an agricultural society is not an abolition society. The American Colonization Society has as little to do directly with slavery, as any agricultural society. That indirectly the colonization of the free people of colour may have an influence on emancipation, not to hinder, but to promote it, is not only believed, but known to be a fact. Many of the happy and free citizens of Liberia are there by the indirect operation of the society. And this is one of the most amiable features of the plan. In the slave-holding states there are many slave-holders willing to sacrifice their own interest in their slaves, if they could only see a way by which they could be disposed of to their own benefit. The laws of those states require all emancipated slaves to be sent out of the state; but whither could they be sent ? Nobody that has contemplated the wretched condition of four-fifths of the free people of colour, in our northern cities and towns, could desire to see their number increased.

Until Liberia opened an asylum, to which

emancipated slaves could be sent, persons actuated by pure benevolence to their slaves, could not consent to their emancipation. But now such persons, if correctly informed respecting these colonies, may with freedom give liberty to their slaves; believing, that in Africa they may enjoy, if they conduct themselves well, all the immunities and blessings of free citizens, and be exempt from the influence of all those circumstances which in this country keep them in a state of degradation and wretchedness. Liberty is not

absolutely a blessing in all circumstances. To those capable of using it discreetly, it is a rich boon; but to emancipated slaves left in this country, it is no blessing, but rather a curse. The disposition in masters to send their slaves to Liberia, has gone on increasing with the progress of the colonies in Africa, so that there always have been more offered than could be sent. And had it not been for false reports respecting the state of these colonies, which have been industriously circulated through the length and breadth of the land, the number which would have been offered to the society, would have been greater than it has been. The pecuniary sacrifice made by some of those who have sent their slaves to Liberia to enjoy liberty in the land of their forefathers, is truly remarkable. No doubt Mr. Mc Donogh of Louisiana, could have sold the slaves which he recently sent to Africa, for $40,000. And these benevolent men not only give up, without compensation, their slaves, but carefully prepare them for their new condition, and supply them with those things necessary to render the voyage comfortable, and to commence their agricultural labours with advantages, in Liberia.

If the vast sums which have bren uselessly expended by the anti-slavery societies, had been appropriated to the redemption of slaves, and to their transportation to Africa; it would have appeared to far better advantage, on the page of impartial history, than all that they have accomplished. The sums which within a few years they have expended, would have been sufficient to purchase all the territory which is needed to complete the possession of the rising republic of Liberia. But let them apply their money according to their own views; the friends of colonization do not wish to interfere with them; and they have a right to demand that other societies do not interfere with them; and especially, that they forbear to calumniate a cause, which we believe to be pleasing to God, and calculated to

America, not only as an eloquent preacher, but as an able be a greater blessing to the African race, than all other schemes which have ever been devised.

And as to those who are opposed to the enterprize, because they are of opinion that the institution of slavery is a blessing to any country, the American Colonization Society, does not attempt to interfere with their opinions or possessions. Surely they have no right to object to a plan, the object of which is to meliorate the condition of the free coloured population of this country. They cannot believe that these people are in a condition to benefit our country, or to enjoy the blessings of free citizens, in this land. And those persons, among slave-holders, who entertain an entirely different opinion of slavery, in the abstract, and believe it to be a moral and political evil of vast magnitude, from which every state should endeavour, as soon as possible, to free itself, should not be prevented from emancipating their slaves and sending them to a happy colony, planted in the land of their forefathers.

Though we have not had much agency in the colonization scheme, yet we have carefully examined its principles, and observed its progress, from the beginning, and are free to declare, that we believe it to be the most important enterprise, commenced in any part of the world, since we began life; and that the success which has attended it, considering the feebleness of the means and scantiness of the resources of the society, is one of the most extraordinary events in the history of the world. And believing, that it has had and still enjoys the smiles of heaven, we feel a strong confidence of its ultimate success. And, however extravagant the opinion may appear to many, we do firmly hope, that the whole of the African race, on this continent and the West India Islands, will, sooner or later, be transported to Africa; and that the little state of Liberia, will be the germ of a great and glorious republic, which will be the means of regenerating that dark and miserable continent. And that by means of these colonies, now in their infancy, the light of the glorious gospel of Jesus Christ will be made to shine into the inmost recesses of her unknown regions, and into every dark corner of that immense country, now full of the habitations of cruelty. We entertain these views, because we have been acquainted with the sentiments of the founders of this society, and have the fullest conviction, that the scheme owed

We have

its origin to the purest Christian benevolence. never detected any lurking principle of iniquity or selfishness, in the whole operations of the American Colonization Society. A more purely philanthropic scheme, in its origin and progress, we have never known. And though at first, we apprehended that the enterprize would be found impracticable, and on that account our own zeal was faint; yet now we are persuaded, that the plan of colonizing the free people of colour in Africa, is founded in wisdom, as well as philanthropy; and therefore we believe, that, maugre all opposition, it will prevail. Reader, help on this noble cause. Now it needs your help. Contribute to its success, and you will be richly repaid.

ART. V.-Proceedings of the General Assembly of the Free Church of Scotland, May, 1843: with a Sketch of the Proceedings of the Residuary Assembly. Edinburgh: 8vo. pp. 254.

*

Ir is now nine years since we laid before our readers a description of the Scottish Church Establishment, with some account of the Original Secession, and a statement of the evils under which the system was still labouring, particularly that of unrestricted patronage, and that arising from the want of due proportion between the parochial arrangements of the country and the spiritual wants of the population. We dwelt especially upon the fact, that even where chapels of ease had been erected, with a happy effect upon the religious state of the people, their ministers, however useful and respectable, had no place in the judicatories nor any part whatever in the government of the church. Against this anomalous arrangement, and the still greater evils of inadequate provision for the wants of the people, and of patronage unchecked by any popular control, a vigorous and steady opposition had been making, for some years before we wrote, by a zealous, influential, and increasing party, led by Dr. Chalmers. This distinguished man, already well known to the public, both in Europe and

* Bib. Rep., 1835. pp. 1-41, and 189-233.