Spanish government were no secret to France and Russia. His majesty demanded to know if Spain would be admitted as a party. What was the answer? Why, none of those that might have been offered, and which might have produced a temporary delusion with respect to the sincerity of those powers. No: the mask was thrown off at once; and the loyal population of Spain, fighting for their legitimate monarchy, the independence of their country, and every thing dear to man, are stigmat.zed by the odions epithet "the Spanish insurgents," and all pretensions, either for them or from them, to become a party in the negotiation, scoffed at and ridiculed. Under these circumstances, he could not conceive there could be any difference of opinion respecting the line of policy which his majesty's ministers ought to have pursued. They rejected the proffered negotiation rather than abandon Spain. His lordship concluded with expressing his deep regret that the emperor of Russia could have returned such an answer as he had to the communication from our government, and that he should have so far lent himself to the passions and designs of the person at the head of France, as to compare the efforts of a people who rose upon their ancient and established government, to the struggles of the Spanish nation against the most foul and atrocious usurpation of which history could furnish an example. His lordship then read the address; towards the conclusion of which the warmest approbation was expressed of the conduct of government, in having refused to treat unless Spain should be ad mitted as a party to the negotia tion. Lord Grenville lamented that the address was couched in such language as to render it impossible for him to concur in it. He had before stated, and he would now state again, that peace was not to be expected under the circum. stances in which that overture was made. The possession of Spain was of vital importance to Bonaparte. It was, perhaps, the great.. est interest for which he had ever contended. When he made his proposal, he had provided all the means of insuring the complete success of his project. He secretly laughed at the extravagant expectations which the people of this country were taught to entertain of the triumph of the Spanish cause. He knew that two months would put into his power that country which ministers wished to make a subject of negotiation. And was it then to be expected that he would give away, by a stroke of the pen, that which remained to be decided by the force of arms? He did not find fault with ministers for not abandoning the cause of Spain, but for having put themselves in a situation not to be able to negotiate without bringing in Spain as a party. They called upon Bonaparte to surrender that as a preliminary which was the fair object of a negotiation. If they expected that he would make a sacrifice of his pretensions to Spain, had he not a right to expect similiar concession on their part, and an offer to sacrifice some great object of British interest to have induced him to relinquish Spain? But what did ministers do? They began at the wrong end. There was no instance in history in which a power was required as a preliminary to abandon. a most essential interest. His lordship complained that the nature of the the engagements by which we were bound to Spain was kept a secret. This was not the way in which the legislature was accustomed to be treated. Lord Eldon denied that ministers called upon Bonaparte to abandon his pretensions to Spain as a preliminary to negotiation. They made no such demand. They only advised his majesty to ask this question: Will you, as preliminary to negotiation, admit the Spanish government to state their own claims? It was obvious, from the answer of both France and Russia, that whatever peace might be made between them and England, Spain was to be surrendered to the former. However the negotiation might terminate, it was to be wrung from us that a Bonaparte was to be king of Spain. He was persuaded that no sacrifice this country could have offered to make, would have induced him to relinquish his pretensions to Spain; and he therefore thought the wisest, the most just, and magnanimous policy on the part of England, was to put an end to the negotiation as soon as possible. Viscount Sidmouth agreed with his noble friend, that the overtures from Erfurth could not have by any possibility led to peace. He was happy to find that there was a disposition in the country to make the most vigorous efforts to prosecute the war, through which the only road to a safe and honourable peace lay. He rejoiced to find that there was no sacrifice which the country would not rather make than consent to abandon Spain to the most foul usurpation that ever polluted the pages of history. He lamented that we had not given as strong proofs of our sincerity to make common cause with Spain, by the magnitude and wisdom of our military cooperation, as we had in refusing to negotiate unless she was admitted as a party. With such means as ministers had in their hands, it was right to inquire why they had not made a better use of them. It was incumbent on them to lay before parliament, and without delay, detailed information of the conduct of the war in Spain; to show how we had stood and did stand with respect to that country. Lord Mulgrave was not surprised that the noble baron (lord Grenville) who spoke in the debate, did not approve the conduct of ministers. It was not conformable to his cold and cautious policy; but though it did not please the noble lord, he had the satisfac tion of knowing that it accorded with the generous and exalted sentiments of the country. He wished that the noble baron, and those who agreed with him, would divide the house on this question, that the country might know who among them were disposed to assist the Spaniards, and who were for leaving them to the most horrid tyranny under which a nation ever groaned. He denied that any secret engagements had been formed with Spain at the time the overture was made. It was an engagement taken in the face of the country. It was an engagement of common interest, of feeling, of every sentiment that could morally or politically interest a people. Lord Auckland could not help regretting the probable difference of situation, in which the country would have been placed, if his noble friend (lord Grenville) had been minister. We should then, in all probability, have had full access to the Baltic, a peace with America, and her assistance as an ally ally against France. As to the war in Spain, if the noble lord could "lay" any "flattering unction to his soul" on this reflection, he had not ill-nature enough to attempt to deprive him of it; he should only say again, that if his noble friend had been made minister, the country would not now have had to regret the loss of the finest army England had ever sent abroad. The noble lord did not impute the least blame to ministers for their conduct upon Bonaparte's late pacific overtures; nor did he impute to them the most distant suspicion of a desire not to make peace. He did not think Bonaparte's overtures sincere; for in the very beginning of his speech on the opening his legislature, he says, "Providence has thrown the army of England into my power, and I am going to annihilate it;" and this without waiting for an answer to those overtures. The noble lord was sorry, however, for one thing. The speaker mentioned another which had occured in this negotia tion; and this was the recognition of king Ferdinand VII. The noble lord stood close to Charles of Spain when he received his crown, and did not believe he would ever voluntarily resign it. had accepted the office of consul general in the dominions of her most faithful majesty in Europe. Mr. Rose expressed some doubt whether that honourable member had, by such acceptance, vacated his seat, within the meaning of the place act. He knew of no precedent on record, wherein a member of that house could be construed to have vacated his seat by ac cepting the office of minister at any foreign court. It was not so deemed in case of an envoy sent to Vienna in the reign of queen Anne, which was the only case within his recollection that bore any analogy to the present. He hoped, however, the noble lord would have no objection to wave his motion for the present, in order that the question might be referred to a committee, to inquire whether or not Mr. Jeffry had vacated his seat by the acceptance of his present office. The earl of Suffolk said, the army in Spain should have followed the military example of Marlborough, and should have secured Barcelona for a post of retreat; without this security, no army should again be ventured into Spain. The question was then put on the address, which was carried precedent of an envoy sent to the Netherlands in the year 1762; and what analogy that case bore to the present would be for the house to judge. He suggested, however, the propriety of adjourning the debate on the subject for the present, until the opinion of a committee should be reported. Lord Folkestone acceded to the proposition of a committee, which was accordingly appointed, and the debate was adjourned to Monday se'nnight, when, the subject being discussed, his lordship's motion was agreed to. Sir A.Wellesley having appeared in his place, The speaker rose and addressed him nearly in the terms following: "Sir Arthur Wellesley, it was one of the first objects of this house, in directing its attention to the brilliant brilliant serviees of the British army in Portugal, and amidst the contending opinions upon other subjects connected therewith, to express its public approbation of those splendid services you have rendered to your country on that important occasion. You have been called upon to command the armies of your country in that expedition; and it was your peculiar good fortune, by your eminent skill and gallant example, to inspire your troops with that confidence and intrepidity which led them to such signal triumphs in those battles, which have so justly obtained for you the thanks and admiration of your country, and rendered your name illustrious to the 'extremities of the British empire: Your great military talents, thus eminently successful in your country's cause, have justly entitled you to royal favour and to the, gratitude of parliament; and it is with the utmost satisfaction that I now repeat to you the thanks of this house. I do therefore, in the name of the parliament of the unit ed kingdom of Great-Britain and Ireland, return you their public thanks for the splendid victories obtained by you over the French army in Portugal, on the 17th and 21st days of August, 1806, so honourable and glorious to the British arms." Sir Arthur Wellesley returned his thanks to the house for the high honour now conferred on him, and in a peculiar manner to the right honourable gentleman who filled the chair, for the very polite and obliging manner in which he was pleased to repeat to him the sense which the house of commons did him the honour to entertain of his humble exertions for the public service. No man felt more grate fully or valued more highly than he did, the approbation of parliament and his country; the officers and soldiers of the British army looked up to that approbation, as the highest honour that could be held out to an excitement to their valour. Conscious as he was of his want of power to express the sense he now felt of the distinguished honour this day conferred upon him, he hoped the house would be pleased to accept his most grateful acknowledgements for their favour. The next business in the house was Mr. Wardle's motion relating to the commander-in-chief; but as we mean to devote our next chapter exclusively to this subject, we pass it by for the present. Jan. 31. Sir Samuel Romilly, in the house of commons, moved for and obtained leave to bring in a bill for extending to debtors confined upon the orders of courts of equity, the bencats of the act of the 32d George II. which entitled the debtor to four-pence per day and afterwards to six-pence, to be paid by the creditor. Mr. Whitbread wished, before the order of the day was read, to ask the noble lord on the opposite bench, whether there was any probability the public would be gratified with the publication of any part of sir John Moore's dispatches. From what fell from the noble lord on a preceding evening, he was taught to expect there would be no objection to publish certain parts of these dispatches. He had looked with great anxiety to Saturday's gazette, and was disappointed to find they did not appear in it. Lord Castlereagh regretted that it was not possible for him to gratify the honourable member's curiosity. Those dispatches he considered as private and confidential. They were were marked so on the back of the letter; they were so declared to be in the body of the dispatch. It was distinctly left to the discretion of ministers to publish parts of them as they pleased,or to withhold them altogether. It certainly was the wish both of himself and colleagues to gratify the public and the friends of that gallant officer with extracts from the dispatches; but they found it so difficult to select such parts as it would be prudent and proper to publish, that they were under the necessity of wholly relinquishing the design. After the letter relating to the last event in Spain, there was nothing in sir John Moore's dispatch necessary to be made public in the gazette. Upon mature consideration, he was convinced that it could not, with any propriety, be brought forward. In what he should say, he would as an insulated production. He confine himself to the conduct of wished, however, to gratify the the negotiation, rather than to the friends of that gallant officer as far discussion of principles, of which as possible. The object, he presum- there appeared but one impression ed, would be obtained if the dis- 'on the house. patch should become public in any way. He had no objection that it bould be produced as part of the correspondence necessary for the discussion of the conduct of the war in Spain, though he must still adhere to his objection of publishing it in the gazette. which it was found impossible to conclude upon any terms of honour and safety, he did not anticipate much difference of opinion. The question of the day he apprehended would rather be on the conduct of government, than the principles on which that conduct was founded. There was no man, he believed, who would be found to contend that the overture from the enemy contained the means of negotiating with a fair chance of peace. If it should be shown that in the management of the negotiation any fair opportunity was omitted to bring to a point the intentions of the enemy, or that occasion was eagerly sought and wantonly seized to put an end to it, such conduct, he would admit, would be a fair ground for criticism, if not of blame. The order of the day for taking into consideration the papers relatng to the late overture from France and Russia having been read, Mr. secretary Canning observed, that in proposing to the house to address to his majesty the expression of their thanks for his gracious communication of the papers on the table, their acknowledgement of the principles upon which ministers acted in the negotiation, and their resolution to support his majesty in the continuance of a war The demand made by the British government with respect to Spain, was one of the most moderate which could possibly under such circumstances have been required: the most moderate, but at the same time the most efficaciousmerely that she should be a party, that she should have leave, by her own personal representatives, to plead her own cause. What less could have been demanded? and yet he had heard it to be the opinion of many that this was an improper concession. Many, on the other hand, declared any entertainment of the proposal at all, which must have been insidious, was a mere waste of words, and that it should have been immediately rejected; but it was plain the Erfurth interview must have had some |