stituted the amicable course which has issued thus happily: I cannot do less than refer to the proposal heretofore made on the part of the United States, embracing a like restoration of the suspended commerce, as a proof of the spirit of accommodation which has at no time been intermitted, and to the result which now calls for our congratulations as corroborating the principles by which the public councils have been guided during a period of the most trying embarrassments. The discontinuance of the British orders as they respect the United States, having been thus arranged, a communication of the event has been forwarded, in one of our public vessels, to our minister plenipotentiary at Paris, with instructions to avail himself of the important addition thereby made, to the considerations which press on the justice of the French government a revocation of its decrees, or such a modification of them, as they shall cease to violate the neutral commerce of the United States. The revision of the commercial laws, proper to adapt them to the arrangement which has taken place with Great Britain, will doubtless engage the early attention of congress. It will be worthy, at the same time, of their just and provident care, to make such further alterations in the laws, as will more especially protect and foster the several branches of manufacture which have been recently instituted or extended by the laudable exertions of our citizens. It will rest with the judgment of congress to decide how far the change in our external prospects may authorize any modifications of the laws relating to the army and navy establishments. The works of defence for our sea-port towns and harbours have proceeded with as much acti

The

vity as the season of the year and other circumstances would admit. It is necessary, however, to state, that the appropriations hitherto made being found to be deficient, a farther provision will claim the early consideration of congress. whole of the eight per cent. stock remaining due by the United States, amounting to 5,800,000 dollars, had been reimbursed on the last day of the year 1808. And on the first day of April last, the sum in the treasury exceeded nine and a half millions of dollars. This, together with the receipts of the current year, on account of former revenue bonds, will probably be nearly, if not altogether sufficient, to defray the expenses of the year. But the suspension of exports and the consequent decrease of importations, during the last twelve months, will necessarily cause a great diminution in the receipts of the year 1810. After that year, should our foreign relations be undisturbed, the revenue will again be more than commensurate to all the expenditures. Under the existing aspect of our affairs, I have thought it not inconsistent with a just precaution, to have the gun-boats, with the exception of those at New Orleans, placed in a situation incurring no expense beyond that requisite for their preservation, and conveniency for future service; and to have the crews of those at New Orleans reduced to the number required for their navigation and safety. I have thought also, that our citizens detached in quotas of militia, amounting to 100,000, under the act of March 1808, might not improperly be relieved from the state in which they were held for immediate service. A discharge of them has been accordingly directed. The progress made in raising and organizing the

additional

no vessels of the United States, which shall have cleared out from any port of America previous to the 20th of July next, for any other permitted port, and shall, during her voyage, have changed her destination, in consequence of information of the said provisional agree ment, and shall be proceeding to any of the ports of Holland aforesaid, shall be molested or interrupted by the commanders of any of his majesty's ships or privateers, unless such vessel shall have been informed of this order on her voyage, and shall have been warned not to proceed to any of the ports of Holland aforesaid, and shall, notwithstanding such warning, be found attempting to proceed to any such port.

And it is further ordered, that after the said 9th day of June next, no vessel of the said United States which shall have cleared out, or be destined to any of the ports of Holland from any other port or place not subject to the restrictions of the said order of the 26th of April last, after notice of such provisional agreement as aforesaid, shall be molested or interrupted in her voyage by the commanders of his majesty's ships or privateers, provided such vessel shall have so cleared out previous to actual notice of this order at such place of clearance, or in default of proof of actual notice previous to the like periods of time after the date of this order, as are fixed for constructive notice of his majesty's order of the 11th of Nov. 1807, by the orders of the 25th Nov. 1807, and of the 18th of May, 1808, at certain places and latitudes therein mentioned, unless such vessel shall have been informed of this order on her voyage, and warned by any of his majesty's ships or privateers not to proceed to any port of Holland, and shall, otwithstanding such warning, at

tempt to proceed to any such port.

And his majesty is pleased further to order, and it is hereby ordered, that the said several orders of the 7th of Jan. and 11th of Nov. 1807, as altered by the said order of the 26th of April last, shall also be suspended, so far as is necessary for the protection of vessels of the said United States which shall clear out, to any ports not declared to be under the restriction of blockade from any port of Holland between the 9th day of Jane and the 1st day of July next, provided always, that nothing that is contained in the present order shall extend, or be construed to extend, to protect any vessels or their cargoes, that may be liable to condemnation or detention for any other cause than the violation of the aforesaid orders of the 7th of Jan. and the 11th of Nov. 1807, as altered by the said order of the 26th of April last.

Provided also, that nothing in this order contained shall extend, or be construed to extend, to protect any vessel which shall attempt to enter any port actually blockaded by any of his majesty's ships of war.

And the right hon. the lords commissioners of his majesty's treasury, his majesty's principal secretaries of state, the lords commissioners of the admiralty, and the judge of the high court of admiralty, and the judges of the court of vice-admiralty, are to give the necessary directions herein as to them may respectively appertain.

STEPHEN COTTRELL.

"Reason also tells you, that in such a state of degradation, you can neither be esteemed, remain at peace, nor be Italians. Do you wish to be once more Italians? Unite, then, your hearts, and your power to the generous arms of the Emperor Francis. At this moment he causes a powerful body to descend into Italy. He sends them, not to gratify an idle thirst of conquest, but to defend himself, and secure the independence of all the nations of Europe, which are threatened by a succession of attacks that allow no doubt of the inevitable slavery prepared for them.

"If God protect the virtuous exertions of the Emperor Francis, and his mighty allies, Italy shall be again happy, and once more respected in Europe. The head of the church will possess again his freedom and his dominions; and a constitution founded on nature and true policy, shall bless the Italian soil, and render it impenetrable to any foreign power.

"It is Francis who promises you so happy and glorious an existence. Europe knows it; the word of this prince is sacred--is as immutable as pure; Heaven speaks through his lips. Awake then, Italians. Rouse yourselves. Of whatever party you have been or now are, fear nothing, for you are Italians. We come not to investigate-to punish; we come to aid1809.

to deliver you. Will you remain in the state of confusion in which you are sunken? Will you behave otherwise than the Spaniards, that people of heroes, whose words and actions are in harmony?

"Do you love less than they, your holy religion, your honour, and the name of your nation? Do you abhor less than they, base servitude, because you are seduced into its snares by fraudulent speeches? though the treatment you have experienced has been most opposite to those speeches. Italians! truth and reason say to you, that so favourable an occasion never offered itself, of throwing off the yoke cast upon Italy. They tell you, that if you do not listen to them, you incur the danger arising from a victorious army, which subdues without con sideration, a people without a name and without rights; that, on the contrary, if you cling to your deliverers, and conquer with them, Italy will re-assume its station among the great nations of the earth, and may become again what it once was, the first.

"Italians!-a better fate is in your hands; in hands which brought the torch of illumination into every quarter of the globe, and restored to Europe, when sunk in barbarity, the sciences, arts, and morals.

"Ye Milanese, Tuscans, Venetians, Piedmontese, be mindful of the period of your ancient being. The days of peace and prosperity may return to you fairer than ever, if your conduct render you worthy the blessed change.

"Italians!-Ilave but the will, and you will be Italians again as glorious as your ancestors, as happy and contented as you ever were in the fairest epoch of your history.

"JOHN, Archduke of Austria."

* SPEECH OF THE RIGHT HON. THE SPEAKER.

June 1st, 1809.

MR. WHARTON, Before you proceed to put the question of reading this bill a first time, I wish to offer myself to your

notice:

And although I am at all times unwilling to request the attention of the committee of this house, thinking that I should render them no service by mixing in their general debates, and feeling also the inconvenience of being precluded afterwards by my other duties in this house from explaining of defending my opinions in any subsequent stage of discussion; nevertheless there are some subjects of a paramount importance, upon which I do conceive that I have a personal duty imposed upon me (and perhaps the house may think in some degree an official duty) to deliver the sentiments which I entertain :-And such is the present.

The question now before us, is no less than this--Whether seats in this house shall be henceforth publicly saleable?-A proposition, at the sound of which our ancestors would have startled with indignation; but a practice, which in these days and within these walls, in utter oblivion of every former maxim and feeling of parliament, has been avowed and justified.

We are now, however, coine to a pass from which we have no retreat. Upon this question we must decide aye or no. To do nothing, is to do every thing. If we forbear to reprobate this traffic, we give it legality and sanction. And unless we now proceed to brand and stig

matize it by a prohibitory law, I am firmly persuaded that even before the short remnant of this session is concluded, we shall see that seats in this house are advertised for sale by public auction: and we shall have brought a greater scandal upon parliament and the nation than this country has ever known since parliaments have had an existence.

According to the course which these debates have taken, three distinct points have been put in issue: First, whether the traffic be a political evil; in the next place, whether it be any parliamentary offence; and lastly, whether there is any safe and practicable remedy by which this mischief can be put down for the time to come.

Sir, into the first point, whether this be a political evil, I do not mean to enter at any length; nor is it necessary to my purpose.

That the influence of property in maintaining civil order is of the highest importance, no man living can doubt: it is the firmest cement to all the relations of social life, it gives stability to the state, and prosperity to the empire. That the possession of property may, and must, and ought to have a predominating influence in the election of members to serve in this house, I think is equally clear. But, that, abandoning all their legitimate rights of influence, and laying aside all the virtuous and generous motives of friendship, affection, and the fair preference of talents and integrity to fill places of such high public trust, they should go to a shameless and open market; that they should sell the attachment of their friends, neighbours, and dependants, for

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