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and in rural districts. This vernacular tongue would be regarded by the Roman purists as a corrupted form of the Latin. Corrupt, doubtless, it was, for it contained many words of merely local prevalence, of low origin, and of no authority. Nevertheless, in it were preserved both terms and forms which, being of a very early origin, like our English dialects, belonged to the very substance of the language.

Already in the bloom of the Roman power, the Latin language had received a very large infusion of foreign elements from the several nations which lay around it as a centre, and over which it had established its sway-the countries which we now term France, Italy, Spain, and Portugal. Though the original population of these wide districts had, in common with the Romans, a Celtic basis for their language, yet, from locality and diverse culture, they had each for themselves formed a different tongue; and these diversities, when the Roman authority became supreme, and the Roman language was introduced under the wing of that authority, readily blended themselves with the more refined diction of the metropolis and of the great Roman writers. Causes of diversity did not fail to appear on the establishment, in a land, of the Roman despotism. Those causes went on in their operation. At last a new cause, a cause of tremendous power, came into play-the invasion of the northern Barbarians. The blow broke the Roman empire in pieces. Out of the consequent ruins arose new forms of government the forms of our present European kingdoms. With the formation of new centres of political power and social influences, new languages were formed the French, the Italian, the Spanish, the Portuguese; at least, these are the main branches that shot forth from the old trunk and grew, until in separate literatures they each produced fruit. Our English was not without an influence from the general shock; but chiefly from the Romance languages, when they had received each its individual form and character, did the Saxon basis of the English tongue receive additions and incorporate elements. Latin came to us in the conquering train of William of Normandy. His Norman-French, a Romance tongue, like his bold barons, and generally his superior culture, made war on the old Saxon element of our land, defeated it, took it prisoner, and went far to make it do its own bidding. So overpowering was the influence of the court, and so imperious was the sway of fashion, that the first accents of our English literature were compelled to take a Gallic shape and tone, retaining their mother Saxon as best they might, and uttering the native sounds "with 'bated breath."

The Italian branch of the Romance language inoculated our English through the medium of the Roman Catholic Church, whose Latin, of universal prevalence, was a sort of medium, and as a medium, so a stepping-stone, between the classic purity of the old Latin language and the new languages of medieval Europe; and whose forms, ceremonies, officers, laws, and courts combined to infuse into English a copious and pervading Latin element.

As the Spaniards and Portuguese made their conquests in foreign climes, and, becoming masters of the ocean, held commerce in their hands, so they, in conducting their maritime and commercial transactions, gave to all modern languages words belonging to their tongue, and the names by which, with more or less accuracy, they denominated the articles of foreign produce which formed the staple of their trade.

At later periods, too, the Romance languages have exerted an influence over the English, and left bequests which remained after the source of that influence had ceased to exist. I may instance the reign of the profligate Charles II., when, with a Portuguese princess for his queen, that monarch, dependent on French bounty, allowed French writers and French tailors to set the fashion in England, and the language of high life, and partly of books, became a mongrel of bad French and worse English.

Abbreviation is one of the forms through which languages pass in their natural development. By abbreviation has the Latin passed into the Romance languages. The abbreviation has not been in the structure of sentences; for in the structure of sentences expansion has taken place, and fulness ensued, so that it is difficult to render by the same number of words a passage from a Latin classic into a Romance tongue. The abbreviation has been in the forms of the words: the inflexions have been curtailed; case-endings and person-endings, even to some extent tense and mood-endings, have been diminished or done away. The words thus set free from bonds have followed

new impulses of development, and given birth to new modes of utterance conformably with the progress of our modern civilisation; and even produced new languages, any one of which would not suffer in comparison with classic Latin.

I have already intimated that the Saxon did not receive any very large inheritance immediately from the confused mass of words and tongues which ensued from the social collision of the North and the South. Yet do we owe to the Romance languages so much, that I am not at liberty to pass on until I have given some particulars, the rather that without the facts that ensue, a knowledge of the English lacks an important element.

Out of an original Latin term two or more English words were formed, either by some change in the body of the word, or some change in its termination. Of those newly-coined words, one will be found to bear a close resemblance to its original; another will have departed from it in form and in meaning to a greater or less extent: the former is the older, probably the more scholar-like; the latter is the more recent and the more popular. I subjoin a few instances, annexing contractions to show whence the terms have come to us, thus: Fr. shows that the word is derived directly from the French; It. from the Italian; and Sp. from the Spanish. When the English word seems to come to us immediately from the Latin the contraction Lat. is prefixed:

Blasphemare, to revile,
Calx, limestone,
Calculus, a pebble,
Campus, a plain,
Canalis, a pipe,
Cantus, song,

Caput, a head,
Causa, a cause,
Charta, paper,
Clamare, to shout,
Commendare, to entrust,
Comparare, to get together,
Consuetudo, custom,
Divinus, divine,

Dominus, a master,

Dubitare, to doubt,
Dubius, uncertain,
Donum, a gift,

Ducatus,

Sa leading:
Med. Lat, a duchy f

Factio, a making,
Fragilis, easily broken,
Gravis, heavy,
Hospes, a host,
Implicare, to fold in,

Ingenium, genius,
Magister, master,
Major, greater,

Opera, work,

Pietas, piety,
Potio, drink,
Redimo, to buy off,
Romanus, Roman,
Securitas, security,
Senior, older,
Salvo, I save,
Separo, I put apart,
Servio, I serve,

Species, a kind,
Superficies, a surface,

Fr. to blaspheme, blame.
Fr. to calcine, calcination.
Fr. to calculate, calculous
Fr. camp, champaign.

Fr. canal, channel, kennel.

Fr. chant, enchant, canticle.

Fr. chap. chapter, cap, captain, capital, chief.

Fr. cause, causation, accuse.

Fr. chart, charter.

Fr. claim, exclaim, reclaim.
Sp. commend, recommend.
Sp. compare, prepare.

Fr. costume, custom.

Fr. divine, a divine, a diviner. Sp. don, duenna;

Fr. dominate, dominion.

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This list pretends to nothing more than to give instances in which two or more words accrued from one Latin term. In some instances it is not easy to determine whether our English word came immediately from the Latin, or through some one of the Romance languages. If, however, the facts above set forth are correct in the main, then we learn how much our language has been enriched by the Romance tongues, and that we are chiefly under obligations to the French.

Were this the place to enter into a statement and comparison of the words and forms in the Romance languages borrowe

from the Latin, we should be able to do much to enforce on our pupils the study of the Latin as the mother tongue, and as the key to the French, the Italian, the Spanish, and the Portuguese; nor do we doubt that the knowledge of comparative philology which, thanks to German scholarship, is now rapidly spreading over the civilised world, will ere long lead to what may be termed the genealogical study of languages. Instead of spending many years in learning some little Latin and less Greek, after the tedious and almost futile plan of our ancient grammar-schools, the young will be led to study languages in their natural groups: the Indo-European group; the Shemitic group; the Celtic group; and in subordinate classes, the Greek, the Latin, and the German group. With a good knowledge of Latin, which ought not to cost a boy above three years, a student, if rightly directed, could acquire the French, the Italian, the Spanish, and the Portuguese within two years, and at the same time receive great aid toward a minute and accurate knowledge of the English, especially if at the same time he was studying German together with its cognate tongues.

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Report the following anecdotes to another person, cr write out your own version of them after having read them through carefully:

A PARDON AT THE RIGHT MOMENT.

On the 29th of May, the whole garrison was paraded on the Castle Hill at Edinburgh, and formed in three sides of a hollow square, facing inwards. With drums muffled and rolling, while the band played a solemn dead march, three of the Highland recruits, each stepping slowly behind his open coffin, were brought by an armed escort down the winding pathway from the citadel, and placed in the vacant space of the square, opposite a numerous firing party under the orders of the provost-marshal. It was a bright and beautiful summer morning, but there was a dark cloud on every face, for no ceremony is more impressive and terrible than a military execution-and on that morning three soldiers were to die. They were desired to kneel down beside their open coffins, while the following paper was read by the adjutantgeneral :

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"Garrison Orders.

"Head-Quarters, 6th May, 1779. At a general court-martial, held in Edinburgh Castle, on Thursday, the 6th May, and two following days, whereof Lieut.-Colonel Dundas, of the 11th Dragoons, was president, for the trial of Charles William. son and Archibald Mac-Ivor, soldiers of the 42nd Regiment, and Robert Budge, soldier of the 71st Regiment, accused of mutiny, at Leith, on the 20th April, and instigating others to do the same, the court unanimously found the prisoners guilty of mutiny, being a breach of the 1st, 2nd, 3rd, 4th, and 5th articles of war; and having duly considered the evil tendency of mutiny and sedition, especially when carried to such enormous lengths as in the present case, do adjudge you, the aforesaid Charles Williamson, Archibald Mac-Ivor, and Robert Budge, to be shot to death!"

The poor prisoners remained on their knees while a Highland officer translated the foregoing into Gaelic. They were all pale and composed but the last, who was suffering from severe wounds received at Leith; his countenance was emaciated and ghastly, and he was sinking from excessive debility. Their eyes were bound up; the officer retired; the provost-marshal approached, and ordered his party to load. They were in the act of taking aim at the prisoners, who were praying intently in Gaelic, when Sir Adolphus Oughton stepped forward, and, displaying three pardons, commanded them to "recover arms." "Soldiers," said he, "in consequence of the distinguished valour of the Royal Highlanders, to which two of these unfortunate men belong. His Majesty has been graciously pleased to forgive them all. Prisoners! rise, resume your arms, and re-join your companies." An officer repeated these words in Gaelic. The scene and the whole proceedings were so solemn and affecting that the prisoners were incapable of speech. Raising their bonnets, they endeavoured to ex

"

press their gratitude by a faint cheer, but their voices utterly failed them; and, overcome by weakness and a revulsion of feeling, the soldier of the 71st sank prostrate on the ground between the coffins."Memorials of the Castle of Edinburgh," pp. 257-259.

A WHALER IN A STORM.

About eleven o'clock, I ventured on deck, and for the first time in

"cross,"

my life saw what the ocean looks like in a storm. I could see nothing all round but heaving mountains of water; each succeeding wave seemed as if it would swallow up the labouring vessel, but it always appeared to melt away gently under us, except when one more rapid, or would send water and spray washing over her decks and high up into the rigging. The motion of the ship was not uncomfortable, being very different from the short cross-pitching we had experienced in the about me in silent wonder and admiration, little thinking that the North Sea. I remained on deck about a quarter of an hour, gazing hitherto harmless waves were upon the very eve of proving their might over man's puny bolts and beams. Feeling it chilly, I went below. I had just entered the cabin and taken my seat, when the ship became motionless, as it were, and seemed to tremble in every beam. A report, like thunder, mingled with the rending and crashing of timber; sudden and complete darkness, with a rush of water through the skylight, and the ship thrown on her beam-ends, showed me what one has to expect occasionally at sea. I scrambled on deck after the captain, as I best could, scarcely knowing what had happened. Here nothing was to be seen but wreck and destruction. The quarter-deck was literally swept of everything-rails and bulwarks, almost all the stanchions, the binnacle, the compasses, dog's couchand nothing could be seen of the wheel but the nave. But the worst was still to come; two poor fellows were missing. One had perished unnoticed; he must have been killed amongst the wreck, washed overboard, and sunk like a stone. The other had been seen by the mate -for an instant only-floating on the binnacle and just sinking. No human assistance could have been rendered to them with such a sea running. Two other poor fellows were rather seriously injured, and took up my attention for some time. The captain, cool and collected, soon restored confidence to his men, and, in a short time, had the wreck cleared away, a long tiller shipped, and the vessel again hove to. Spare spars were lashed to the stanchions that remained, so that we had again something like bulwarks, but for many a day afterwards the ship had a sadly-damaged and wrecky appearance.-Goodsir's Arctic Voyage.

HISTORIC SKETCHES.-XXVII.

THE THIRTY YEARS' WAR.

THIRTY years of war! Thirty years of battle, murder, and sudden death; thirty years of anarchy and bad-blood-making; thirty years in which two strenuously opposed hosts did their utmost to mar so much of God's image in one another as thirty such years had left remaining in them. Why all this bloodshed? The conquerors and the conquered called themselves Christians, professed to be guided by the teaching of Him who bade his follower put up his sword into its sheath, and ordered the smitten on one cheek to turn the other cheek also to the smiter. It is true that he said so, true also that he warned his followers sword-that is to say, that though he himself taught his disthat he was come not to bring peace upon the earth but a ciples, by his own precept and example, not to resist evil, he knew that what he taught would so divide men as for a time, and even, perhaps, at recurring times, to put the sword of strife between them. The parents were to be divided against their children, the wife against her husband; and a man's foes were to be they of his own household.

This state of things had been seen in Christendom on more than one occasion, but not accompanied by any great convulsion. It had been rather local than general, showing itself in the form of heresies with their attendant persecutions, rather than in any universal outbreak. stances of the Christian Church were such, that union amongst In early days the circumits members was indispensable to its existence, surrounded as it was on all sides with implacable foes, and overlooked from its midst by an irresistible pagan master, who looked contemptuously on its practices, and derided its principles as unmanly. When, in the course of time, the Christian Gospel made its splendid but bloodless victories, and the master who, erewhile oppressed, became its champion and supporter, while all the nations of Europe heard its message gladly, the Church was too much occupied in consolidating its power, the people were too ignorant in the newness of their conversion, for any serious disturbances to take place. Occasionally, indeed, as time grew older, and corruptions which had crept in began to

be seen and spoken about, there was agitation and trouble, as when John Huss raised his voice in Bohemia against spiritual wrongdoing, and having brought down the wrath of ignorant rulers upon him, perished a witness for truth; as when John Wycliffe, in our own country, undertook to withstand the traditions of the elders, where those conflicted with the revelations written for man's instruction in God's Bible; as when Savonarola, in 1497, preached to the people of Florence, and was, for their sins or his own, put to death in the market-place. But it was not till the year 1517, when Martin Luther trod under foot and burned the Pope's Ball of Indulgences at Wittenberg, that Christendom saw the fulfilment, on a large scale, of the words which the Redeemer had addressed to his apostles. In the flame that burned the Papal Bull to ashes was kindled the scorching fire of a so-called religious war, which raged furiously for the space of thirty years, involved nearly every European nation in its toils, and at its finish left Europe purified, though exhausted; purged from many sins and many follies which perhaps actually required so great a remedy for their removal.

The Thirty Years' War was in effect the war between Roman Catholicism and Protestantism, between the old order which was changing, and the new which forced change upon it. It sprang from a number of causes, but the immediate outburst was on this wise.

Since the Reformation till the year 1612, the German Protestants had enjoyed the free exercise of their religion. Their Aumbers and the importance of their leaders, including as they did some of the more powerful among the lesser princes, had won this for them, and they lived peaceably enough with their Roman Catholic countrymen. The rights of the Protestants were under the protection of the emperor, as head of the empire. All went smoothly enough, in spite of the efforts of the men of the older Church, till the advent of Rudolph II. to the throne. Ho neglected many of his duties for pleasures harmless enough in themselves, such as clock-making, chemistry, and mechanics, but not only useless but pernicious in a king. Whatever statesmanship he had in him led him to join the princes of tho empire in a league against the Turks, who were at that time threatening seriously the western nations of Europe. The Jesuits, who abounded at his court, managed to work the emperor's organisation to their own ends, and the Protestants getting wind of this, banded themselves together into what they called "The Evangelical Union," at the head of which they placed the Elector Palatine of the Rhine, son-in-law to James I. of England. When Rudolph died, in 1612, the election fell, to the great horror of the Protestants, upon Matthias, the approved pupil and close ally of the Jesuits and extremists in the Roman Church.

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Matthias wilfully failed to protect his Protestant subjects in the enjoyment of their simple right to worship God according to the dictates of their own consciences; the Romanists understood that a nod was as good as a wink from an emperor whose eyes were intentionally fast shut, and the result was that the Protestants of Germany were evil intreated in many places. Churches in which the Protestants worshipped were pulled down, and a large amount of social persecution went on, though, as yet, the law professed to protect equally all who were under it. Then the League arose, a combination of Roman Catholic princes throughout Europe, not in Germany only, of which the avowed object was to root out the hated Protestant faith wherever it might be. The League had the special blessing of the Pope, and included among its members many of the most powerful persons in Christendom, lay princes as well as ecclesiastical dignitaries; it was rich in wealth and influence, and in bitter hatred for all who were opposed to it.

When the Bohemian nobles complained to the Imperial Council at Prague that their churches had been pulled down, and their rites and those who administered them had been in sulted, their complaints were received with so much contempt and so little consideration, that the heady Bohemians treated the matter as a personal affront to themselves, hot words followed, and some of the contemptuous councillors got thrown out of window for their pains. To make the situation more difficult, Matthias procured that his cousin Ferdinand, a bigot of bigots on the Roman side, should be King of Bohemia, and his acts and government speedily drove his subjects into revolt. Anarchy was prevailing, civil war was going on in

Bohemia, when the emperor died (1619), and to the distress of the whole Protestant party, Ferdinand was chosen to succeed him. The Bohemians elected Count Frederick, Elector Palatine of the Rhine, to be their king, as he was also head of the "Evangelical Union," and in an evil hour for him he accepted the dignity. The Thirty Years' War now began in earnest.

Frederick's dominions were quickly invaded by a host of Imperialists, whom he was quite unable to withstand; and, unassisted by those from whom he had every natural right to expect help, the unfortunate elector had to put up not only with the loss of Bohemia, but of the Rhenish palatinate also, a province which was his by hereditary descent.

Shocked, but not stunned, by this blow, the Protestants of Germany saw that they must at once make a stand, or be for ever kept under the yoke. A new union was formed, and King Christian of Denmark was placed at the head of it. Under him were the Dukes of Mecklenburg, Count Mansfeldt, an able commander though an adventurer, the Marquis of Brandenburg, and some of the lesser princes on the western side of the empire. War burst forth instantly. The Danish king was all unready to embark in such a war, and those who relied upon him for leadership and for material help as well, were unable to bring much to the advancement of the cause, except themselves, their swords, and enormous appetites. On the Imperial side were wealth, the best soldiers in Europe, leaders of consummate ability, and with a belief in the righteousness of their cause, which was worth half an army to them. Counts Tilly and Wallenstein-the latter was in the course of this campaign made Duke of Friedland-commanded for the emperor, and against their skill and the discipline of the troops all Mansfeldt's bravery was in vain. The Protestant provinces were overrun, fire and sword laid waste the whole of that part of the empire, King Christian was beaten again and again, and finally made peace with the emperor on condition of renouncing for ever all right to interfere in the affairs of Germany, and of leaving his allies in the war to their fate. The Dukes of Mecklenburg were dispossessed, Wallenstein obtained a grant of the duchies for himself, and the Protestant cause in 1629 looked blank indeed.

Help came from a very unexpected quarter. Louis XIII. of France came to the throne a minor, and Cardinal Richelieu was appointed to govern in his name. The cardinal had two grand ideas of State policy: one was to humble the nobility of France to a minimum of power, so that the king might be all in all in his kingdom; the other was not to allow any foreign State to become so powerful as to make it impossible or even dangerous for France to cope with it. With his home policy, which he carried out bloodily and mercilessly, we have not now any concern, but his foreign policy led him to see, in what was going on in Germany, the certainty of Austria becoming, if not checked, an overmatch for any other European nation whatever. The cardinal disliked heretics, not so much as such, but because they were necessarily troublesome people to the Govern ment. In France, he crushed the Huguenots with a relentless hand, but he did not object to Huguenots in other people's do minions, especially if, as in the present case, they helped on his policy. If he hated Protestants at all, he hated the Imperial power still more, and he did not scruple to employ and to support the former when they promised to come in conflict with the latter.

A decree of the Emperor Ferdinand published in 1630, and requiring the Protestants to give up all church property of any kind in their use or possession, was entrusted to Wallenstein to carry out, and that despot did his work so cruelly and shamefully, that even the Roman Catholics cried out. The deadly rage of the Protestants was once more excited, and, fed by the agents of Richelieu, looked for the "still strong man with "heart, head, hand," who should concentrate their anger, and then discharge it like a shell upon the Imperialists.

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Such a man was Gustavus Adolphus, King of Sweden, the most important, both for position and resources, among all the Protestant princes of Europe. When asked to take the place to which Christian of Denmark had shown himself unequal, and from which many a bold man might have shrunk, he hesitated; but having accepted the post, he knew no shirking or shrinking from the work. He devoted himself and all his resources to the undertaking, and having captured the important island of Rugen, landed in Pomerania, June 24th, 1630.

Jealousy kept asunder those who should have hurried to meet him. The Saxon princes even refused him permission to march his army through their territories—a foolish, even criminal act, which caused the strong city of Magdeburg to fall into the hands of Count Tilly, who knew not the meaning of the word mercy, but caused 30,000 of the inhabitants to perish miserably, and the entire city, excepting the cathedral, to be razed to the ground. This awful cruelty of the Imperialists taught German Protestants what they had to expect, and the immediate result was to bind the wavering Protestant princes in a firm bond with Gustavus. The rulers of Pomerania, Brandenburg (now the kingdom of Prussia), Hesse, and after some delay, Saxony, united to support the King of Sweden, who brought men and ability to fight their battles. At Wittenberg they joined their armies with his, and at Leipsic, on the 7th of September, 1631, battle was joined with the Imperial army under Count Tilly, who was defeated with tremendous loss. The ghosts of Magdeburg sat heavily on his sword, and diverted his talents from their usual successful channel. Never since the dreadful day when he looked on unmoved at Croats burning the houses of non-combatants at Magdeburg, and taking little babies up on the points of their lances to toast them in the firenever since Magdeburg women were with his leave and license shamefully abused and then barbarously murdered, did the soul of this man find peace. His valour and his counsel were alike set at nought, and at length, in the early part of 1632, when trying to stop the progress of the victorious Swedes into Bavaria, he was killed by a cannon-shot, from which all the relics he carried about with him, all the saints to whom he paid his homage, could not save him. The Protestant allies occupied the whole country between the Elbe and the Rhine, and after Tilly's death, overran Bavaria.

Wallenstein, whose boundless ambition, enormous wealth, and intolerable insolence had fixed a great gulf between him and the emperor, was the only man who could save the empire. An appeal was made to him, and he took command of the Imperial armies, unshackled by a single condition. At Nuremberg, where he was entrenched, he had the satisfaction of beating off the army of Gustavus, who, burning under the desire to wipe off the disgrace of even partial defeat, attacked him at Lutzen, on the 16th November, 1632. The battle was one of the most bloody on record. For nine hours it was fought with obstinate fury on both sides, Gustavus Adolphus fell mortally wounded in the middle of it, and the Swedes fought for revenge as well as for victory. Prince Bernhard of Saxe Weimar took the command after the king's death, and the result was that the Imperialists were totally routed, while the field was literally covered with their slain.

Happily, there remained, in spite of the grievous loss sustained in the death of Gustavus, good men and true among the Swedes, who resolved to carry out the policy of their beloved king. Chancellor Oxenstiern, Gustavus' friend and counsellor, was chosen to manage the war, and he gathered up in his strong hand the reins which threatened to float loosely and disordered. He linked the German Protestants in a new union, gave Prince Bernhard, and Gustavus' trusted generals, Banier, Horn, and Torstensohn, the chief commands of the armies, and with Richelieu's help prosecuted the war vigorously. At the end of 1634 another event conspired to help him. The Emperor Ferdinand, jealous of his mighty subject, the Duke of Friedland, and suspicious of his intentions to snatch the crown for himself, procured his assassination, and the loss of Gustavus was more than counterbalanced. But the King of Hungary, son to the emperor, took Wallenstein's place, and at Nordlingen defeated the confederates with so severe a loss, that all but the French and Swedes and the Landgraf of Hesse were fain to make peace with the emperor. This was done by the Treaty of Prague, in 1635.

During the whole of Richelieu's life the war went on, bringing out generals like the Great Condé, Turenne, and Torstensohn, and winning, on the whole, fresh laurels for the French and Swedish arms; and when Richelieu and his master died in 1643, it was found that Cardinal Mazarin, who governed for the minor Louis XIV., was prepared to carry out their plan for humbling the House of Austria.

Under the conduct of Condé and Turenne, and the Swedish generals, the Thirty Years' War continued to ruin and desolate the face of Germany, till in 1648, the Emperor Ferdinand

III., weary of continuous defeat, exhausted as to his resources, and unable to cope with the powers against him, sued for peace, and the Peace of Westphalia, which secured civil and religious liberty to the Protestant subjects of the empire, was signed at Munster, and brought the long succession of years of war to a close.

LESSONS IN DRAWING.-XXIII. THE second use of the oval is when the axis is horizontal; and here we cannot do better than quote the observations of Professor Camper, who, after saying he had attentively examined the structure of the skulls of both adults and infants, proceeds thus:-" An idea suggested itself that in drawing the head, the best method would be to imitate the process of nature: first to form the cranium or skull, then mark the facial line in the direction required, and afterwards arrange the other parts according to given proportions."

"The skull is a horizontal oval, of which the hindermost parts are the largest, and the fore part like the section of a globe. I first draw this oval by means of two circles; the one is L VE W (Fig. 140), which contains about three parts of the head; the other, K U Z, which is in size eight-ninths of the other circle. Draw the horizontal line s T, which extends from the centre of the large circle s, to T, the centre of the smaller, and is onefourth of the larger circle. From the centre s, I let fall the perpendicular line sq; this marks the seat of the orifice of the ear, and its lobe E." Upon examining the drawing the Professor gives (Fig. 140) to illustrate his remarks, we find a discrepancy which we think it right to notice. The diameter of the smaller circle is eight-ninths of the diameter of the larger circle; also the distance between the two centres T and s is one-fourth of the diameter of the larger circle; as it is written, the areas of the circles might be supposed to be intended. The Professor continues—“ I draw PG, the facial line, in the degree of the inclination required; K marks the place of the forehead; F, the line of the eye; I, the nose; H, and a third of IB or I G, the mouth; through the centre of L Q I draw the horizontal line F; I also make G N equal to the nose, and from N commence the line of the throat." This idea of Professor Camper is worth considering; it may be useful, as the principle it involves is in accordance with that of nature, and after a little practice of drawing the oval by hand, the features and other parts may very easily be put together. But we must observe that this method is applicable only to profiles; where the first method so far fails in not giving the horizontal projection of the hinder part, although in all other positions it may be useful. Consequently, it is well to know both, so that one may be used in the one case, and the other in the remainder. After all, the great advantage connected with these two methods of employing the oval is the certainty of securing the general form of the head, the proportions of the parts, and the positions of the features in connection with each other. Beyond these, as regards the details, we cannot venture; the draughtsman must not be controlled by them; he must make them subservient to his purpose according to the character of the head he is drawing.

The next portion of our subject will be the method of shading. A very great deal is included in this. In the first place, the pupil must have acquired confidence in drawing an outline, as he will soon find that the difficulties of shading do not exist so much in the manipulation—that is, in the manner of doing it—as in the application of the work. In the second place, nothing contributes more effectively in describing the form of an object than the proper treatment of the shades and the semitones; and especially with respect to the human figure, where on the surface, between the extreme boundary lines, is always found an amount of form which it would be impossible to represent faithfully by outline only. For example, the form of the nose in a side face is very easily given by the outline; but when the same face is turned to a front view, then we have to depend upon our capability of representing the form by light and shade. The same remarks are applicable to the treatment of the surfaces of the body and limbs; for as they are constantly subject to change, in consequence of the variety of motion of which they are capable, there will always be a considerable demand upon our anatomical knowledge, if we hope to deal faithfully with the ever-varying surface as it approaches the eye, or recedes to the boundary represented by line only. Therefore the know

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