trades, each dressed alike, and many lor Archbishop of Canterbury, both crea. people to see them enter. tures of the Cardinal of Winchester and On the 15th, the ambassadors were ad- the Duke of Suffolk: these were on his mitted to an audience of the King, avd right. At his left were the Duke of found him on a high sallette (a littie hall. Gloucester and some others. Cotgr.) without a bed, hung with blue The instructions and discourse of the tapestry, diapred with the livery of the French ambassadors breathed nothing but late King, i. e. to say, with broom plants, peace and amity; and on hearing these and his motto, Jamais, worked in gold; words, the King of England made a very and throne of tapestry, of ladies, who fine aspect of being exceedingly conwere presenting to a lord the arms of tented and rejoiced, and especially when France : it was all worked upon gold, they spoke of the King his uncle, and very rich, and a high chair stood under the love which he had for him, his heart the said throne, covered even to the seemed to leap for joy-il sembloit que le ground with a vermillion cloth of gold.” cueur lui rist. Athis window was Mons. [Here M. Galliard, Frenchman like, de Glocestre, whom he looked at occá(for there cannot be a doubt, but Clarke's sionally, and then turning to his right, Naval Taetics, will one day be affirmined to the Chancellor, Duke of Suffolk, and to be a plagiarism from the French !) di- Cardinal of York, who were there, smiled gresses to shew, that the broom-plants upon them, and seemed to make a sign. were borrowed from the order of the He was observed even to squeeze the geniste in France, and adopted by Henry hand of the Chancellor, and was overV. when he took the title of the King of heard saying in English, “I am extremeFrance; whereas every body knows, that ly glad that some people, who are prethis was the cognizance and Plantagenet sent, hear these words: they are not at (Plantagenistæ), the name of our Kings their ease.” from Henry 11. - Menestrier (ards Mr. The Chancellor of England replied G.) is right in making the word Jamais, also, in the name of his master, with some James, being a word in the order.”- words of peace and anity; nevertheless So much for French criticism upon the King complained to hiin, in English, English affairs. The order was not that he had not said enough. And the founded till long after the death of our King came to the ambassadors, and, Henry II. not till 1234! The throne putting his hand to his hood, and lifting and audience chamber of Henry VI. are it froin his head, cried two or three engraved by Strutt. Dresses, Pl. cxv. tiines, Saint Jehan, grand mercy! Saint Translator.] Jehun, grand mercy!-i. e. Henry, proceeds the MS. received the Saint John! Thank you, Saint John!"French Ambassador with every mark of and clapped them on the back, and inade distinction; and as soon as the Comte de many very joyful gestures, and bid the Vendosme and the Archbishop of Rheims, Comte de Suffolk tell them, that he did who were the first, entered into the not consider them as strangers; and that chamber, and the King saw them, he de- they should make the same use of his scended, and, standing upright before house as that of the King his uncle, and his throne, there waited for the said am- come and go at all hours, the same as bassadors, et toucha tous ceux du Roi bien in the house of that King. humblement,* in taking off his hood a lite On the 16th they returned to the King's tle to the Count and Archbishop. audience chambers, and, while waiting, The Count presented the letters, and conversed with the Comte de Suffolck, as the Archbishop porta la parole,t took up the MS. frenchifies the English title. the word, and spoke in French, announ- lle said to them, purposely loud enough cing the rank of each of the ambassadors. for every body to hear,-Et si avoit" la He observed, that the Comte de Laval plusieurs ; princes and seigneurs--that he was nephew' by affinity of the king of wished them all to know, that he was the France, and cousin german by affinity of servant of the King of France, and that, the King of England. except the person of the King of England, (Here Mr. Galliard adds the pedigree.] his master, he would serve him with per The King had by him at this audience son and property against all the world; the Cardinal of York, and the Chancel and added: 'I say, except my master, his - person : I do not speak of the Lords, and * The translator is not certain as to the do not except neither the Dauphin nor sense of this passage. Gloucester, nor any others, beyond his + It is contrary to modern etiquette to person; and he repeated these words speak first to the King, but ambassadors may privileged. Tres bad samblast: three 66 Thank you, three or four times over each time, in a louder tone of voice, saying, that he knew well, that his master wished the same, and that the King of France was the person whom his master loved best in the whole world, next to his wife. He added, that he desired such great honour, and good to the King of France; that he wished every one to know, that he would serve hun towards all and against all, except the person of his said master." [From this silly speech, it appears that Sutolk, was a very weak man; and with such counsellors the misfortunes of Henry are not surprising.] In this second audience they talked of business and peace, but in a manner superficial and fitted to the bounden capacity of the King. They talked more of peace in general, than of the methods of making it. They said, that since the two Kings were such friends!" cursed be he who should advise them to have war together!" to which every one present replied Amen. It was also said, that the two Kings could better than any person terminate their differences by an interview; and Mons. de Suffolck said, quite loud, that when he was in France, it was rumoured, that Mons. de Glocestre hindered the King, and that the King offered to come in person to aid the affair; but that the said Sieur de Suffolck answered that he did not believe it (sic), and that Mons. de Glocestre did not wish him to do it, and thus he had not the power: and at another time said, quite loud, that the second person in the world whoin the King loved best, was the King his uncle; and the King answered, "Saint John, yes!" many times in English. acquired a right, before the quarrel of Philip de Valois and Edward the Third about the succession to the crown of France The Archbishop of Rheims, who was the orator of the French embassy, repeated also the offers which had been made at Tours on the part of France: it was to cede to England, in the southern provinces, Guienne, le Quercy, and le Perigord; in the part of the north, Calais and Guisnes; the whole under condition of homage. These offers, he said, were full as great, or very nearly so, as the pretensions of the English before the quarrel for the crown; since then they laid no pretensions to Normandy, and were confined to the Duchy of Guienne, and the county of Ponthieu. It was agreed, that the Cardinal d'Yorck, the Comte de Suffolck, and Raoul (Ralph), otherwise William, le Bouteiller (Boteler), Grand Treasurer of England, should labour in concert with the French ambassadors to effect a peace. When the ambassadors were preparing to leave the audience, because they had nothing more to say at that time, the King said "Nenny," [probably a French conversion of Nay, Nay], and withheld them, and seemed as if he was exceed ingly glad to see them; but he did not speak any other word to them. After the protestations, the progress was of course to the conferences and propositions. The Count de Suffolck began them by saying, that, at the conferences of Tours, he had it in charge to demand the cession of Guienne and Normandy, and other French domains to which the English had The Cardinal d'Yorck pretended, that Poitou and Normandie were part of their just pretensions (en etoient MS.). The ambassadors recalled to their recollection the famous treaty of 1259, concluded between S. Louis and Henry III. King of England, by which Saint Louis ceded to the English the Duchy of Guienne, composed of the Bourdelois, the Landes, and the Bazardois, and some other adjacent provinces, which were those offered at the conferences of Tours, and were still offered. In consequence of this cession, the English had formally renounced the provinces of Normandy, Anjou, Maine, &c. In the end King Edward I. had Ponthieu du chef de sa femme, he had done homage for it, as well as for Guienne and its annexations, which had not been ceded by St. Louis but under the express condition of homage, which the English demanded that they should renounce, and to which the French ambassadors protested that France would never assent. Posterior treaties had only confirmed the treaty of 1259: thus Edward III. who himself had rendered homage for Guienne and Ponthieu, did not possess but these two provinces, and their dependences, in France, before the quarrel for the crown. They now of fered to the English, instead of Ponthieu, Calais and Guisnes, which were worth more, and the Duchy of Guienne, such as they had possessed. "Let us leave all these debates," said the Duke de Suffolck; "let us not thus goffrom offer to offer, disputing always the territory, and passing through all the usual lengths. These are two Kings, relatives and friends, it is an uncle and nephew, who are treating together. They are treating by the intervention of humble and faithful subjects, who share their sentiments, enter int earnest 66 into their views, and know their inten- have produced more; that assuredly the tions. Let us come to the point: tell powers of the ambassadors were much us frankly the last offers which you are further extended; that, in short, the time charged to make us. We will tell you at was come for developing the whole, and the same time, what are the last demands that peace was so great a good, that to which we contine ourselves.” there ought not to be the least delay Never did plenipotentiaries answer in The ambassadors, having gone a little to a similar request, because aside to deliberate together, agreed to they could never reckon upon the add to Limousin the Saintonge and the good faith of those who made it, and both Pays d'Annis, since a hint of that kind sides are afraid of being too forward.- had been dropped by M. de Precigny to The ambassadors then said, that the of- M. de Suffolck. fers which they had made were the last The French plenipotentiaries, in their which they had to make, and that they turn, then pressed the English in the were reasonable and advantageous. If most urgent manner to imitate their you have no others,” replied Suffolk,“ we frankness, and say the last word. inust break up our conference; but hap- “If we have delayed till now to say it,” pily I know that you have some others.' replied the Cardinal d’Yorck, “ it was As to the rest, it is late, let us go to din- for two reasons only; one, that your ofner, and afterwards proceed directly to fers are the smallest which have been hibusiness, and, without losing more time, therto made on the part of France, alhasten to say the last word.” thongh the situation of our affairs is much These debates had lasted till the 20th: better than it has ever been since we that day they began by insisting upon began to treat; the other, that being so the first offers, by wishing to keep to near the King, we can say and do nothem; and lastly, upon urgency to ad. thing without taking his orders.” “ Ah!" vance, and give the last word, the cried Precigny, “would to God, that French said,“ Well! all that we can pro- the two Kings were within reach of each inise you is, to read over our instructions, other; in the disposition in which they to study them to the bottom, and to see, both are peace would be soon concluded." jointly, it, in interpreting them the most Every one cried, Amen-and after this favourably for peace, we can without pre- unanimous voice, the French ambassavarication pretend to add any thing to dors begged the English plenipotentiaries these offers; but do you also, on your side, to propose this interview to Henry. Sufdeclare in good earnest what is the last folk was charged with the office limit which you put to your demands, On the 30th July, the Comte de Ven. your hopes, and your projects.” dosme, the Archbishop of Rheinis, and The next day (21) thie ambassadors the Seigneur de Precigny, had a private went to see the Cardinal of England, who audience of the King of England at Fohad just come to London: by this term lem (Fulham), a country house of the they denominated the Cardinal of Win- Bishop of London. The Archbishop of chester, because he was of the royal Rheims, speaking in the name of all, family, and because he had the greatest şaid, that he believed that the King had interest in England. He was, as we have already been informed of the proposition said, entirely devoted to the Queen and which they had to make to him; that all the French party; the English plenipo- minds were disposed to peace, but that tentiaries were all his creatures : his dis- the objects upon which they treated with course was entirely conformable to theirs, the purpose of definitive settlement were and breathed nothing but peace. so delicate and important, that servaiits In the conference of that day, the hesitated to meddle with and lay their French ambassadors added to their offers hands upon it. It had been avowed, the Limousin. The Cardinal de Yorck that if the two Kings could meet, and said, that in the evening he had con- converse together, the matter would be ceived good hopes, from the last words better and sooner brought to an issue; which the French ambassadors had and in h, they knew that the spoken, on quitting his hotel: that he saw King bis uncle had a very great desire to in the steps,which they have just taken, the see him, and that it would be a very great pacific disposition of the King of France, satisfaction to him. They proposed then of which M. de Suffolck had been the that he should come to France in the folwitness, and with which he had so enter- lowing spring or later; but as the trucé tained them in the transports of his sa. expired on April 1, 1446, they had powtisfaction and delight; but that it was ers to continue it till All Saints (Nov. 30), ot possible for such dispositions not to of the same year. These These words seemed to give Henry very great delight, and when they named the King his uncle, he lifted his hood a little, and, in reciting his love and desire he had of seeing him, said, holding his hood, "St. John, thank you!" which he seemed to speak with the most perfect sincerity. When the Archbishop had spoken, the King deliberated in private with the Car dinal d'Yorck, the Comte de Suffolck, and the Lord Treasurer: afterwards the Cardinal said to the French ambassadors in very elegant Latin, " that the King of England felt all the advantages of peace, and would spare no pains to effect it; but independently even of so great a concern, it would be a sensible pleasure for him to see the King of France his uncle, and that the smallness and insufficiency of the offers made by France would not be for him either a motive or pretext for refusing such a journey; but that the passage of the King of England to France, at this conjuncture, and amidst such a conflict of parties, was not a step to be taken lightly; that he could not attempt it without great counsel and deliberation, without being assured at first of the truces being sufficiently long; without having taken measures of every kind, which prudence required; that he would then consult at leisure, and would give his answer to the King his uncle, and if the result of his reflections, and the influence of circumstances should deprive him of so pleasant a journey, he would send to France persons instructed to treat on all the great interests which divided the two nations, and upon every thing which bore a relation to them." Here ends the narration. [There is a great paucity of information after the reign of Edward III. and this important paper shows, that Suffolk was very weak: that Henry was half an idiot, and that, unless it was to gratify royal inclination, the reference, after such rejection of offers, to an interview between such a Prince as Henry and the French King, proves the Council to have been egregious dupes, of which the passages in the Cardinal of York's reply, marked in Italics, seem very strong proofs. What concessions for diplomates!!! They were not fit to deal for a horse, much more for kingdoms. That the MS. was not written at the time does appear; for Suffolk, who is stiled Duke, Count, Monsieur, and every thing else but his real title, that of a Marquis, was not created a Duke till 1448, nearly three years after the embassy.-See Bolton, 276; Stowe, 386.—in 1446, on account of the expiration of the truce in April, forces were sent to Normandy, in which the agency of Suffolk was very conspicuous; and that lest the French should not consent to amity.] To the Editor of the Monthly Magazine. SIR, Y Number of your Journal, to insert OU were so obliging, in the last my inquiry respecting the original plates of Ames's Typographical Antiquities; this, it seems, has given rise to a rumour of my, not performing what I had pledged myself to perform; namely, the giving of new plates to my new edition of this work. As I am not in the habit of making promises rashly, and still less so of not performing them when made, so it will be found, on the present occasion, that I have faithfully adhered to the words of my "Prospectus," published in May or June, 1808. At page 3, I have observed that, the plates of Ames's, or rather (it should have been said, of Herbert's work, are al most all defective," and that it was 66 proposed to remedy these defects."-Now, Sir, it will be found, that my first volume will contain eight new copper-plates, and upwards of thirty wood cuts. Ames's portrait, in Herbert, is almost a caricature of that amiable and excellent English bibliographer: it has therefore been re-executed. Of Herbert himself, there will be two portraits for the first time given to the public-the one a mezzotint, of the size of Ames's; the other an outline stipling of him, with a turban and beard, as he was accustomed to dress in India.-Of Caxton's types alone, there will be four copper plates : the plate in Herbert presents us with but an imperfect idea of the original types. The extrinsic em bellishments (if I may so speak) will con sist of three stipling engravings of portraits of the Earl of Pembroke, the Earl of Oxford, and Dr. Mead; these being the leading bibliographical characters of the first half of the 18th century, These portraits will belong to the small, as well as large, paper copies; and it is intended to continue the series of them to the present day, in the subsequent volumes. It is probable, that the five volumes of my new edition may comprehend five or six plates which are in Herbert; but they will be accompanied with upwards of one hundred and thirty additional copper and wood cuts. Printers' devices and portraits will be given on an entire new plan, and SIR, THE HE delight I have received from perusing the rational Reports of your humane, intelligent, and courageous Correspondent, Dr. Reid (for in an age like this, of malicious criticism, it demands the firmness of a man devoted to the service of his fellow-creatures, to project even the shadow of a medical reform), I cannot easily express; and this delight has been greatly augmented of late, by perceiving that he is not to be deterred by the suggestions of false pity, from exposing the inefficacy of the prevailing mode of treating the disease called Consumption-for, until the whole nation is roused to a due sense of the necessity of discovering some method of checking its originating causes, or applying other sorts of remedies in the cure, when the present so miserably fail,we have scarcely a right to assume the character of a reflecting or even a rational people. To see consumptive patients, as I continually do, owing to the situation I live in, riding about early on raw damp mornings, after coming out of hot-curtained beds; frequently lodged on the humid banks of a muddy river, in houses whose walls, being constructed of rude masses of petrosilex, are always cold, and often damp in the spring; to see many of these unfortunate beings condemned to drink profusely of water on an empty stomach, or load their jaded digestive faculties with balsamic mixtures, or repose on contaminated feather-beds, probably one of the many original causes of this cruel disease to the healthy who attend them, and possibly the very origin of the disease itself; for thousands of feather-beds (that accursed invention of unthinking luxury,) in this country, have not for centuries per formed any quarantine, while even new ones, as they are called when the ticking is new, are often little else but pest-conductors, composed of materials from brokers' shops, to which they are generally consigned by the heirs of those who died of contagious diseases. To see these things and be silent in the view of such errors, is impossible.-Permit me, therefore, to state one or two instances of per, sons recovered, who were very far gone in this disease, by a directly opposite principle, and to suggest, as I hope many others will do by means of your liberal pages, how far I have reason to think, that a contrary treatment would be of utility, the result of some degree of experience among my relatives. Considering consumption as a lasting, habitual, intermittent fever, arising from the effect of cold humid vapours absorbed by bodies relaxed and dry-whether by the acridity of hereditary humours, the heat induced by intemperance, the artificial noxious warmth of manufactories, or excessive application of the mind to studies that irritate the nervous system, or athletic exercises by far too violent : whether the victim is prepared by the bed infected; the indulgent nurse; the meretricious chambermaid; or the ambitious tutor, who wants to rear a prodigy of infantine abilities-whatever be the cause, if it really be of the nature of fever, as a fever, I think there can be no doubt, it ought to be treated; and if the system of cold ablution has been found favourable in other fevers, I cannot see why it should not be resorted to in the crises of this.-In support, therefore, of this doctrine, let me be allowed to advance a case in point, as it appears to me.-A young gentleman, whom I knew many years ago, being given over by all the physicians at the Hot Wells, on expressing a cen tainty that he could not live out another week, was advised by a stranger, as that was his opinion, to try an experiment to save his life, and to go to a poor woman's cottage in the neighbourhood, where there literally was nothing to be had but bread, potatoes, and water. He went, subsisted on nothing else for the first week, scarcely eating any thing whatever, and, when I saw him, was completely recovered, having continued this low diet from choice for about a year afterwards. The second is more remarkable. A linen-draper, connected with a house in Bread-street, Cheapside, being considered in a deep decline, was sent by his physicians to Gibraltar, where his distemper increased, until an order came to dismiss all the English from the garrison, war being declared suddenly with Great Britain. Embarked without delay in a felucca, he was scarcely out of the harbour when an Algerine pirate took them prisoners, and this gentleman was |