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imagines that, to compose an ode, he tem of ode making, will be found also to must set at defiance every rule he may extend to the versification. The extreme pass from one abrupt transition to ano- length to which the periods are suffered ther, and indulge in every species of ir-. to run the rapidity and abruptness with regularity-provided bis language be which one measure is exchanged for anoburity and his sentiments uncommon, he ther--the variety of long and short lines may be as obscure and as untelligible which are made to correspond with each as be pleases. Abrupt expressions of other in rhyme, at so enormous a dissurprize, admiration or rapture--excla- tance-increase the disorder, by the dismations of love, joy or despair-violent regard to all sense of melody. Why, in distortions of sense, and the most forced lyric compositions, less attention should construction of words and metre, are be paid to beauty of sound, than in any what more particularly distinguish the other, it is ditřicult to imagine. The modern ode. They are often used to truth is, that no species of poetry decover the most barren and common-place mands it more than the ode; and the sentiments, and rarely convey arıv distinct versification of those odes, as is remarked idea to the reader, The quotation from hy Blair, may be justly accounted the Boileau, founded on the supposed extra- best, which renders the harmony of the vagance of Pindar, has produced the most measure most sensible to every common ridiculous effects, and the most absurd car. misapprehensions. We are not requiring Another custom among the ancients, here that the ode should be as regular in which has also been too much followed its structure as a didactic or epic poem. in the modern ode, is that of not comBut it demands, as well as every other pleting the sense in one section, but pur. species of poetry, that a subject should suing it into another. Thus among many be proposed as its ground-work-and other instances in Pindar, the three last that the subject, whether it be an address lines of the third strophe in the first to some personage, or descriptive of any Olymp. are these particular passion of the mind, instead of

Προς ευάνθεμον δ' ότε φυαν being forgotten or laid aside after the first

Λαχναι νιν μελαν γένειου βρεφον, lines, should be continued and illustrated Ετυμον ανεφρόν τισεν γαμου, through every stanza of the ode. The and he completes the sentence in the transitions from thought to thought are, antistrophe, of course, permitted; but they should be light and delicate, and sufficiently con

Πισάτα παρα πατροςnected with the subject to enable the And in Horace, poet to fall, with ease and propriety, into Districtus ensis cui super impia the same train of ideas with which he

Cervice pendet, non siculæ dapes For this incoherence and dis- Dulcem elaborabunt saporem ; order of lyric poetry, the authority and Nun avium citharæque cantus example of Pindar have always been

Somnum reducent. quoted, but, as we think, not always with truth or justice. We shall have These singular intersections of a sentence occasion hereafter to examine this point are, at best, injudicious, and inay surely more attentively; at present we shall be easily avoided *.

То only observe, that whoever considers the poems of the Theban bard with regard to * It may not be amiss to afford the reader the manners and customs of the age in an idea of the three stanzas used by the Greeks, which they were written, the occasions from the following passage in the last paragraph which gave them birtlı, and the places in in the Scholia on Hephæstion.-- " You must which they were intended to be recited, know that the ancients (in their odes, framed will find little reason to censure Pindar two larger stanzas, and one less; the first of the for the want of order and regularity in large sianzas they called Stroj hemsinging it on the plans of his compositions. On the their fesijvals at the altars of the gods, and contrary, perhaps, he will be inclined to dancing at the same time. The second they admire him for raising so many beauties

called Antistrophe, in which they inverted the

dance. The lesser stanza was named the from such trivial hints, and for kindling, Epode, which they sang standing still. . The as he sometimes does, so great a flame Strophe, as they say, denoted the motion of from a single spark, with so little matter the higher sphere, the Antistrophe, that of to preserve it.

the planets, the Epode the fixed sta:ion and This extravagance and disorder of ideas repose of the earth.” From this passage it is of which we complain in the modern sys. evident that the odes were accompanied with

dancing i

sets out.

To the Editor of the Monthly Magazine.

SIR,

Should feel myself greatly obliged by I the insertion of this letter in your widely circulated and highly respectable Magazine. I was lately in a literary party, in which the following lines were the subject of conversation, and the question was agitated, From whom are they taken?

He that fights and runs away
May live to fight another day;
But he that is in battle slain
Will never rise to fight again.

I hope this letter will attract the attention of some of your numerous readers, and should they be so good as to give me the information which I have solicited, I shall deem myself much indebted to their kindness, and greatly flattered by their communication.

13, Castle-street, Jun. 6, 1809.

Your's, &c.
JAMES RUDGE.

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dancing; and that they danged one way while the strophe was singing, and then danced back again while the antistrophe was sung, and remained inactive while the epode was performing. Thus, the strophe and antistrophe may be compared to our recitatives, and the epode to the air. There is a passage in the ancient grammarian, Marius Victorinus, which is much to the same purpose, though he does not distinctly speak of dancing. The passage is this: "Pleraq. lyricorum carminum, quæ versu colisq. et commatibus componuntur, ex strophe, antistrophe, et epodo, ut Græci appellant, ordinata subsistunt. Antiqui deorum laudes carminibus comprehensas, circum aras eorum euntes canebant; cujus primum ambitum, quem ingrediebantur ex parte dextrâ, strophen vocabunt; reversionem autem sinistrorsum factam, completo priore orbe, antistrophen appellabant. Deinde in conspectu deorum soliti consistere cantici, reliqua consequebantur, appellantes id epodon." Consult also the Scholia on Pindar..

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HE earliest account we have of Coffee is taken from an Arabian Ma

fe nuscript in the King of France's Library, No. 944, and is as follows:

Schehabeddin Ben, an Arabian author of the ninth century of the Hegira, or fifteenth of the Christians, attributes to Gemaleddin, Mufti of Aden, a city of Arabia Felix, who was nearly his cotemporary, the first introduction into that country of drinking coffee. He tells us that Gemalcddin, having occasion to travel into Persia, during his abode there, saw some of his countrymen drinking coffee, which at that time he did not much attend to, but on his return to Aden, finding himself indisposed, and remembering that he had seen his countrymen drinking coffee in Persia, in hopes of receiving some benefit from it, he determined to try it on himself; and, after making the experiment, not only recovered his health but perceived other useful qualities in that liquor; such as relieving the headache, enlivening the spirits, and, without prejudice to the constitution, preventing drowsiness. This last quality he resolved to turn to the advantage of his profession; he took it himself, and recommended it the dervises or religious Mahometans, to enable them to pass the night in prayer, and other exercises of their religion with grehter zeal and attention. The example and authority of the mufti gave putation to coffee. Soon men of letters, and persons belonging to the law, adopted the use of it; these were followed by the tradesmen and artisans, that were under a necessity of working in the night, and such as were obliged to travel after

sun-set.

re

At length the custom became general in Adea, and it was not only drank by those who were desirous of being kept awake, but in the day for the sake of its other agrecable qualities.

The

The Arabian author adds, that they found themselves so well by drinking cof fee, that they entirely left off the use of an infusion of a herb, called in their language cat, which possibly might be tea, though the Arabian author gives us no particular reason to think so.

Before this time coffee was scarcely known in Persia, and very little used in Arabia, where the tree grew; but, according to Schehabeddin, it had been drank in Ethiopia from time immemorial.

Coffee being thus received at Aden, where it has continued in use ever since without interruption, passed by degrees to many neighbouring towns, and not long after reached Mecca, where it was introduced as at Aden by the dervises, and for the same purposes of religion.

The inhabitants of Mecca were at last so fond of this liquor, that without regarding the intention of the religious, and other studious persons, they at length drank it publicly in coffee-houses, where they assembled in crowds to pass the time agreeably, making that the pretence: here they played at chess, and such other kinds of games, and that even for money. In these houses they anused themselves likewise with singing, dancing, and music, contrary to the manners of the rigid Mahometans, which afterwards was the occasion of some disturbances. From hence the custom extended itself to many other towns of Arabia, and particularly to Medina, and then to Grand Cairo in Egypt, where the dervises of Yemen, who lived in a district by themselves, drank coffee the nights they intended to spend in devotion. They kept it in a large red earthen vessel, and received it respectfully from the hand of their superior, who poured it out into cups for them himself. He was soon imitated by many devout people of Cairo, and their example followed by the studious, and afterwards by so many people that coffee became as common a drink in that great city, as at Aden, Mecca, and Medina, and other cities of Arabia.

But, at length, the rigid Mahometans began to disapprove the use of coffee, as occasioning frequent disorders, and too nearly resembling wine in its effects; the drinking of which is contrary to the tenets of their religion. Government was obliged to interfere, and at times restrain the use of it. However, it had become so universally liked, that it was afterwards found necessary to take off all restraint for the future.

"Coffee continued its progress through Syria, and was received at Damascus and Aleppo without opposition; and in the year 1554, under the reign of the great Soliman, one hundred years after its introduction by the mufti of Aden, it became known to the inhabitants of Constantinople; when two private persons, whose names were Schems and Hekin, the one coming froin Damascus, and the other from Aleppo, each opened a coffee-house in Constantinople, and sold coffee publicly in rooms fitted up in an elegant manner, which were presently frequented by men of learning, and particularly poets, and other persons who came to amuse themselves with a game of chess or draughts, to make acquaintance, or to pass away their time agreeably, at a small expence.

These houses and assemblies insensibly became so much in vogue, that they were frequented by people of all professions, and even the officers of the scraglio, the pachas, and persons of the first rank about the court. However, when they seemed to be the most firmly established, the imans, or officers of the mosques, complained loudly of their being deserted, while the coffee-houses were full of company, the dervises and the religious orders murmured, and the preachers declaimed against them, asserting it was less sin to go to a tavern than to a coffee-house,

After much wrangling, the devotees united their interests to obtain an authentic condemnation of coffee, and determined to present to the mufti a petition for that purpose; in which they advanced that roasted coffee was a kind of coal, and that what had any relation to coal was forbidden by law. They desired him to determine on this matter according to the duty of his office,

The chief of the law, without entering much into the question, gave such a decision as they wished for, and pronounced that the drinking of coffee was contrary to the law of Mahomet.

So respectable is the authority of the mufti, that nobody dared to find fault with his sentence. Immediately all the coffee-houses were shut, and the officers of the police were commanded to prevent any one from drinking coffee. However, the habit was become so strong, and the use of it so generally agreeable, that the people continued, notwithstanding all prohibition, to drink it in their own houses. The officers of the police,seeing they could not suppress the use of it, allowed of the

selling

selling it on paying a tax, and of the drinking it, provided it was not done openly; so that it was drunk in particular places with the doors shut, or in the back room of some of the shopkeepers' houses. Under colour of this, coffeehouses by little and little were re-established, and a new mufti, less scrupulous and more enlightened than his predecessor, having declared publicly, that coffee had no relation to coal, and that the infusion of it was not contrary to the law of Mahomet, the number of coffee-houses became greater than before. After this declaration, the religious orders, the preachers, the lawyers, and even the mufti himself, drank coffee; and their example was followed universally by the court and city.

The grand viziers, having possessed themselves of a special authority over the houses in which it was permitted to be drunk publicly, took advantage of this opportunity of raising a considerable tax on the licences they granted for that purpose, obliging each master of a coffeehouse to pay a sequin per day, limiting the price however, at an asper per dish.*

Thus far the Arabian manuscript in the King of France's library, as translated by Mr. Galland, who proceeds to inform us of the occasion of the total suppression of public coffee-houses, during the war in Candia, when the Ottoman affairs were in a critical situation.

The liberty which the politicians who frequented those houses took, in speaking too freely of public affairs was carned to that length, that the Grand Vizier Kupruli, father of the two famous brothers of the same name, who afterwards succeeded him, suppressed them all during the minority of Mahomet the Fourth, with a disinteredness hereditary in his family, without regarding the loss of so consider able a revenue, of which he reaped the advantage himself. Before he came to that determination, he visited incognito the several coffee-houses, where he ob

The Turkish sequin (according to Chambers) is of the value of about nine shillings sterling; and the asper is a very small silver toin, of the value of something more than an English halfpenny. The present value is early seven shillings; that is, two shillings and three-pence three-farthings for a dollar, eighty aspers; consequently three aspers are worth something more than a penny ster, but they are generally reckoned at a penny each. Two hundred and fortythree aspers go to a sequin.

MONTHLY MAG. No. 181.

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After the shutting up of the coffeehouses, no less coffee was drunk; for it was carried about in large copper vessels, with fire under them, through all the great streets and markets. This was only done at Constantinople; for in all the other towns of the empire, and even in the smallest villages, the coffee-houses continued open as before.

Notwithstanding this precaution of suppressing the public meetings at coffeehouses, the consumption of coffee increased; for there was no house or family, rich or poor, Turk or Jew, Greek or Armenian, who are very numerous in that city, where it was not drank at least twice a day, and many people drank it oftener, and it became a custom in every house to offer it to all visitors; and it was reckoned an incivility to refuse it, so that many people drank twenty dishes a day, and that without any inconvenience, which is supposed by this author an extraordinary advantage; and another great use of coffee, according to him, is its uniting men in society, in stricter ties of amity than any other liquor; and he observes, that such protestations of friendship as are made at such times are far more to be depended upon, than when the mind is intoxicated with inebriating liquors. He computes, that as much is spent in private families, in the article of coffee, at Constantinople, as in wine at Paris; and relates, that it is as customary there to ask for money to drink coffee, as in Europe for money to drink your health in wine or beer.

Another curious particular we find mentioned here, is, that the refusing to supply a wife with coffee, is reckoned amongst the legal causes of a divorce.

The Turks drink their coffee very hot and strong, and without sugar. Now and then they put in when it is boiling, a clove or two bruised, according to the quantity, or a little of the semen badian, called starry aniseed, or some of the lesser cardamus, or a drop of essence

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time, or upon what occasion, the use of coffee passed from Constantinople to the western parts of Europe. It is however likely, that the Venetians, upon account of the proximity of their dominions, and their great trade to the Levant, were the first acquainted with it; which appears from part of a letter, wrote by Peter Della Valle, a Venetian, in 1615, from Constantinople, in which he tells his friend, that, on his return, he should bring with him some coffee, which he believed was a thing unknown in his country.

Mr Galland tells us, he was informed by Mr. De la Croix, the king's interpre ter, that Mr, Thevenot, who had travel led through the East, at his return in 1657, brought with him to Paris some coffee for his own use, and often treated his friends with it, amongst which number Mons. De la Croix was one; and that from that time he had continued to drink it, being supplied by some Armenians who settled at Paris, and by degrees brought it into reputation in that city.

It was known some years sooner at Marseilles; for in 1644, some gentlemen who accompanied Monsieur de la Haye to Constantinople, brought back with them, on their return, not only some coffee, but the proper vessels and apparatus for making and drinking it, which were particularly magnificent, and very differ ent from what are now used amongst us. However, until the year 1660, coffee was drank only by such as had been accustomed to it in the Levant and their friends; but that year some bales were imported from Egypt, which gave a great number of persons an opportunity of try ing it, and contributed very much to bringing it into general use; and in 1671, certain private persons at Marseilles determined for the first time to open a cof. fee-house in the neighbourhood of the exchange, which succeeded extremely well; people went there to smoke, talk of business, and divert themselves with play: it was soon crowded, particularly by Turkey merchants, and traders to the Levant. These places were found very convenient for discoursing on, and settling matters relating to commerce, and shortly after the number of coffee-houses increased amazingly; notwithstanding which there was not less drank in private houses, but a much greater quantity; so that it became universally in use at Marseilles, and the neighbouring cities.

Before the year 1669, coffee had not been seen in Paris, except at Mr.

Thevenot's, and some of his friends; nor scarce heard of, but from the account of travellers, That year was distinguished by the arrival of Soliman Aga, ambassa dor from Sultan Mahomet the Fourth. This must be looked upon as the true period of the introduction of coffee into Paris; for that minister and his retinue brought a considerable quantity with then, which they presented to so many persons of the court and city, that many became accustomed to drink it, with the addition of a little sugar; and some who had found benefit by it, did not chuse to be without it. The ambassador staid at Paris from July, 1669, to May, 1670, which was a sufficient time to establish the custom he had introduced.

Two years afterwards an Armenian, of the name of Pascal, set up a coffee-house, but meeting with little encouragement left Paris and came to London; he was succeeded by other Armenians and Persians, but not with much success, for want of address, and proper places to dispose of it; genteel people not caring to be seen in those places where it was to be sold. However, not long after, when some Frenchmen had fitted up for the purpose spacious apartments in an elegant manuer, ornamented with tapestry, large looking-glasses, pictures, and magnificent lustres, and began to sell coffee, with tea, chocolate, and other refreshments, they soon became frequented by people of fashion and men of letters, so that in a short time the number in Paris increased to three hundred.

For this account of the introduction of the use of coffee into Paris we are indebted to La Roque's Voyage into Arabia-Felix, We now come to trace its first appearance in London.

It appears from Anderson's Chronological History of Commerce, that the use of coffee was first introduced into London some years earlier than into Paris, for in 1652, one Mr. Edwards, a Turkey Merchant brought home with a Greek servant, whose name was Pasqua, who understood the roasting and making of coffee, till then unknown in England. This servant was the first who sold coffee, and kept a house for that purpose in George-yard, Lombard-street.

The first mention of coffee in our statute books, is anno 1660 (12 Car ii. cap. 24.) when a duty of four-pence was laid upon every gallon of coffee made and sold, to be paid by the maker.

The statute of the 15 Car. ii. cap. xi. § 15, anno 1663 directs that all coffee

houses

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