466 fubitantial reform of Parliament, in order that the Commons Houfe of Parliament That this meeting be adjourned (to Westminster Hall) to Saturday morning next." WESTMINSTER MEETING February 10.] By an anonymous call on the inhabitants, to affemble in the Court of Requests, the place was filled, at eleven o'clock yesterday, by thofe who were faid to fupport the Houfe of Lords against the Houfe of Commons. Perhaps the annals of all the meetings that ever were held in England, did not produce fo motley a groupe---fo noify an affembly---or one lefs refpectable for its company. There were perfons of every defcription, Lords, Chandlers, Baronets, Glaziers, Knights, Shoe-boys, Pickpockets, &c. &c. &c. mixed among a confiderable number of the Electors. Lord Mahon opened the bufinefs, by a fpeech which was not heard with patience, fo that it was impoffible to difcover what the noble Lord faid. He fprung with amazing agility from the Huitings, fomewhat in imitation, but not with quite fo much grace as the younger Veftris. He roared as loud as his lungs would permit, and they are none of the weakeft, yet not a Tentence could diftinétly reach the ears of his auditors. Indeed the majority appeared to be fo much prepoffeffed against the meeting, that the noble Lord's articulation was drowned in hiffes, groans, and that emphatic fyllable of difapprobation, off! off! off! Thofe who were immediately next the huftings, infifted, after the meeting broke up, that his Lordfhip did make a speech---that it was a fine one----and that all was tolerable concord, three deep from the Speaker; but every perfon elfe in the Court of Requests were of a different opinion, and could plainly hear and fee that the fenfe of the perfons prefent, though folicited by the friends of the fecret influence party, was against this miniflerial meeting; for minifterial it certainly was, and not conftitutional, or elfe the Lords of the Bedchamber, and the Northumberland intereft, who fupported it, could have prevailed on fome perfon to stand forward with his name, and take away that ftigma of anonymous, which marked the notice by which the people were called together. The noble Lord, in the warmth of his fraternal zeal for the adminiftration of his brother-inlaw, had the misfortune, in one of his oratorial fprings from the Huftings, to break a lamp which was above his head; and the found which the two globular balloons made together, echoed through the Hall. Lord Mountmortes met with as little fuccefs in his attempt to gain the attention of the auditors, though he laid the root to the ax, to ufe his own expreffion, moft forcibly indeed. But, all would not do; he was hooted and hiffed, even more than his predeceffor, and given to underftand, that in cafe of a vacancy, there are not the flighteft hopes of his fucceeding to the honour of fitting in Parliament for the city of West minfter. Sir Cecil Wray followed the noble Lord; but the tumult, by this time, had fo much encreased, and the word off was fo loudly founded, that it was not poffible to hear what excufe the honourable gentleman had to offer for taking part with the fecret influence, and deferting the patriotic majority in the Houfe of Commons. Mr. Keith Stewart and Mr. Pultney feverally attempted to gain fome attention, but the people would not hear them; and, therefore, to put an end to the clamour, a voice came forward, which faid adjourn to Saturday; and the meeting was therefore adjourned to Saturday, being the day on which the Electors are to meet by an authenticated, not an anonymous, call from Mr. Byron. The friends of this heterogenous affembly, after it broke up, gave out that an addrefs was unanimously voted, and that it lay at certain houses to be figned; but the fact is is literally as above, and it is neceeffary to tell the inhabitants the true ftate of the matter, left they might be deceived into fignatures, of which they would-afterwards be afhamed. It is hoped, for the honour of this populous part of the empire, that there will be no more fuch attempts to mislead the judgment of the populace, and create riots through the metropolis, in calling the inhabitants together by anonymous advertisements. It is neceffary to mention, that the heads of the meeting adjourned to a small chamber in an adjacent Coffee-houfe, where they paffed the addrefs (which was hooted out of the Hall) almoft nemine contradicente; and in that concordant fhape it will be offered to the public. ADVERTISEMENT. To the Independent Electors of Westminster. The very numerous and refpectable public meeting, on Tuesday laft, at the Court of public Requeft, having come to feveral important refolutions, (which have fince appeared in the public papers) and having adjourned to Saturday next, the 14th day of February in Weftininfter Hall. The Electors are earneftly requcfted to attend at Weftminfler Hall early in the forenoon To-mortow, in order to fupport the true and genuine fenfe of the people, expreffed in thofe proceedings, with firmnels and moderation. As your worthy Reprefentative, Sir Cecil Wray, was called to the chair in the Court of Requests, would it not be highly proper to call him again to the chair in Westminiter Hall? To the Independent Electors of Westminster.* You are called upon to affemble next Saturday in Weftminster Hall, to confider of an Addrefs to his Majefty upon the prefent ftate of public affairs. A fellow citizen begs leave to addrefs upon this occafion a few lines to your good fenfe, to your cool difpaffionate judgment. Of all the features which mark the political character of the English nation, the most ftriking and remarkable is, a perpetual jealoufy of prerogative. In all the variety of civil ftruggles in which this country has been engaged, the prefent is the firft moment that even the colour of a pretext has been afforded for afferting, that the people of England are leagued with the Crown and the Lords in favour of prerogative, in direct oppotion to their own Reprefentatives, who are legally and moderately exerting themfelves to bring about a reasonable, a temperate, and a conftitutional exercife of it. The fears of the nation upon this fcore are even grown into a proverb. Afk an Englishman what fort of Judge, of Crown Lawyer, of Minister he most dreads; his uniform anfwer is, a prerogative Judge, a prerogative Lawyer, a prerogative Minifter. Is then a prerogative King of fo little danger to us, that we are all at once to forget thofe jealoufies which feemed to have been twifted with our existence, and to fall: into a miraculous fondnefs for that prerogative which our ancestors have shed their dearest blood to check and to limit? Let the people of England once confederate with the Crown and the Lords in fuch a conflict, and who is the man that will answer for onehour of legal liberty afterwards? Can the people confide in his Majefty's fecret advifers? I fay no. And I demand one inftance in the twenty-three years of this wretched reign, where a regard to the liberty of the people can be traced in any measure of the fecret fyftem. On the contrary I affirm, that every act of that system has been pointedly hoftile to public freedom, and *This hand-bill was diftributed throughout Weftminfter previous to the General Meeting. demonftrates. demonftrates a fettled defign in the Court cabal to overturn the liberties of the nation. Can we confide in the Houfe of Lords? With the fame certainty I anfwer directly no. I appeal to facts, and challenge any man to produce one inftance in the difgraceful times I have alluded to, of a fingle refolution being adopted by that Houfe in oppofition to the Court. The worft Minifters that ever curfed the country have had decided majorities. in it up to the hour of their political diffolution; and it happens that the most odious, unpopular, and execrable measures of the whole reign have had by far the greatest majorities in that reverend Affembly. These are strong terms, but there is before my eyes a mafs of facts to bear me out. What was the conduct of the Crown and the Lords about fourteen years ago, when indeed you had caufe of difcontent against your Reprefentatives? In antwer to your petitions the King told you, that the law had been the rule of his conduct, and he would abide by his faithful Commons. And the Lords, upon the fame occafion, treated you not only with indifference, but with exprefs contempt. At that time, the House of Commons was the fordid inftrument of the Court, and then its character was supported by the Crown and the Lords. But now that the Commons have manifefted a fpirit of probity and independence, of firmness and moderation, not excelled in any period of our hiftory, they are to be run down by the infamous agents of the fecret fyftem; and in thefe circumftances it is, that the King's Minifters arrogate to themfelves a popularity in the nation in direct oppofition to the national Reprefentatives. This deception is fupported from the circumftance of a few Addreffes in their favour having been lately carried to the Throne. I need not tell you that procuring Addresses is a ftale trick, which you all know the wretchedeft Minifters that ever difgraced this country have never failed occafionally to promote. His Majefty's prefent fervants have in this point been far lefs fuccefsful than any of their predeceffors. In Middlefex a direct counter Addrefs was carried in the very meeting called by the Miniftry to fmuggle a falfe reprefentation of the opinion of that refpectable county. As to that which Sir Cecil Wray delivered, purporting to be your Addrefs, your indignation, I am fure, anticipates me in faying, that a groffer infult upon (perhaps) the most diftinguifhed body of Electors in England, and indeed a more impudent impofition upon the public, was never before attempted. The fame impotent fraud was perpetrated in the city of York, which you all know has terminated in the confufion of its authors, and the difgrace of the Miniftry. As however this Adminiftration is juggling the world with a falie picture of the public fentiments, every man of fenfe and fpirit fhould fpeak his mind freely; and it is to give you the opportunity of doing fo, that you are called to meet in Weftminfter Hall next Saturday. Preparatory to our determination upon that day, let us take a brief view of those subjects which should influence our conduct. That the late Miniftry were overturned by a grofs violation of the Constitution, is a fact admitted by all the world. In truth, they were difplaced for the purpofe of appointing the prefent Ministry; for to talk of the India Bill as the caufe of the change, is a mere farce. Upon the outlet of this Miniftry the nation faw it could not hope for one hour's existence, otherwife than by deftroying the integrity of the Commons. Accordingly they entered upon the wideft plan of parliamentary corruption, upon a fyftem of the bafeit bribery that can be found in the annals of the world. By private rewards and public emoluments, by offices, honours, titles, promifes of titles, and every fpecies of undue influence, they gained over fome members, but the majority of the House, in a spirit of probity and honour almost unexampled, defpifed their dirty arts, and told them in plain terms, that an Adminstration fo conftituted fhould never have their fupport. The Minifters then demanded a trial upon a specific meafure, and actually staked their fituations upon the fate of Mr. Pitt's India Bill. Now mark what followed; Mr. Pitt's Bill was thrown out. Yet the very men, who committed their ministerial exiftence upon the iffue of that measure, ftill remain unmoved and unaffected, although by their own fentence they ftand condemned. Driven from all conftitutional refources, they now make a defperate ftand upon a pretence of popularity in the nation, and in open terms avow that which is the well known aim of the fecret fyftem; to draw, if poffible, the Reprefentatives into difrepute with the nation. Their firft attempt was to deftroy the characters of public men. Their ultimate and grand object to ruin the reputation of the Houfe of Commons. If I ask you what is the firft virtue of a Parliament, you will fay, independence. Has the prefent House given any proof of this virtue? Let us fee how the matter ftands, and judge fairly from public facts. Befide the reforms and retrenchments they have accomplished, and befides their matchlefs ftruggle in the prefent cafe against fecret influence, this Houfe of Commons has overturned two Adminiftrations, against all the powers of government, against the fanguine fupport of the Crown, and a decided majority in the Lords--for the Lords never defert any Miniftry but the favourites of the people. Examine the majority of the Lower Houfe. Look into their characters. Judge for yourselves, whether fuch men are capable of yielding to be the ladder of any man's ambition. Scrutinize them clofely, and you will find, I fay, no more than bare truth, when I affirm that the hiftory of Parliament does not exhibit a more pure, iudependent, refpectable majority upon any public meafure whatever. I do not fay, that every individual is of this character, any more than I would fay, that every man who fupports the Ministry is a knave. Some few honeft men certainly vote with them; but this I affert, that the moft bafe, the moft fordid, the moft infamous clafs of men in the Houfe are enlifted under the banners of Administration, or rather (and indeed it is the truest way of ftating it) the Miniftry have ranged themfelves under the banners of the most bafe, the most fordid, and the most infamous class of men in that House. It is evident that his Majefty's fecret advisers have reckoned too much upon the badness of human nature. They had never rifked this defperate effort, had they any idea that the powers of the Treafury and the talents of Robinfon would have failed them. Happily however for the national character and the honour of humanity they have failed. The preliminaries in all attempts to feduce the Members is an exaction of fecrecy. If this were not the cafe, and that men might be permitted to reveal all they know, the real truth is, that the affair of Lord Galloway with General Rofs, of the Duke of Newcaftle with Mr. Mellish, and even of Lord Temple with the Peers, would be inhocence itfelf, compared with the other profligate abominable arts practifed upon the Members of the House of Commons by the agents of the prefent Adminiftration. Here let us paufe awhile and calmly view our fituation. That the Houfe of Commons was the fervile tool of the Court has been the general cry of the English nation. Is it then I afk you, fit, that for one moment, the impofition fhould be fuffered to pafs, that the prefent Miniftry deferve the fmalleft portion of the public confidence, when they stand condemned by an Houfe of Commons, who, under all the terrors of a diffolution of Parliament at this feafon of the year, in defpight of all the arts of the Court, in defiance of threats, in contempt of corruption, feduction, wheedling, and every poffible mode of working them into pliancy, have nobly opposed this unprincipled and fhameful fyftem? As to those who are called the rivals for power, I fhall fay but little, because the question turns very little indeed upon that point. With regard to Mr. Fox, in whole actions you are more immediately interefted, the greatest glory of his life, in my opinion is, that he has ever been the deftined object of the hatred and perfecution of this odious faction which furrounds the Throne, which ftains the character of our public counfels, and fullies the name of royalty. Nor is it the least of your fureties for Mr. Fox's fide lity to the caufe of the people, that he has no hopes of refuge in the Court, nor any profpect of being of any confequence in his country, except upon popular grounds. As to his India Bill, the true way to judge of it is by analogy. Compare it with that monster in polity Mr. Pitt's bill, and you will find that upon the fcale of compa rifon it is perfection itself. Relative to the Receipt Tax, which is a subject of diffatisfaction with fome of you, you cannot furely be fuch gudgeons as to look to the prefent Miniftry with a favourable eye upon that fubject. The principal Members of the prefent Admi niftration, have been its ftrenuous fupporters. Lord Thurlow was the man, and indeed the only man, who treated the petition of the Merchants of London against that Tax with marked contempt; and the conduct of Mr. Pitt, upon that occafion, is really worthy of a separate remark. That Gentleman well knew the flate of the country, and. the neceffity of efficient taxes. For him to oppose it, would have been too grofs. He voted for, and, declared it an admirable tax. But fecing that it might be made a good inftrument of public clamour, obferve how he acts. He contrives, at the fame moment that himfelf fupports the Tax, to have his trufty brother-in-law, Lord Mahon, that drum-major of faction, to beat the alarm, and raise a cry against it. His conduct yef-terday in the Houfe of Commons was ftill more extraordinary. Several Members demanded of Mr. Pitt his opinion upon this Tax. With a difgraceful duplicity he refufed for a long time to give any anfwer. Why? because he knew you were to meet next Saturday, and thought his filence upon the fubject of this tax might be a good bugbear. The House faw his paltry cunning, and infifted upon an answer ;---then he declared himself an advocate for the tax *. These are effential points to which it becomes. you to attend. If, however, there are any of you who ftill retain prejudice upon this or upon any other point, judge whether the moment to give them operation is when your Reprefentative, in conjunction with the pureft and beft men in England, is ftruggling to preferve the Conftitution upon the fame principles that fuftained it fince the Revolution. Is your inind made up, because you may diflike the Coalition or the Receipt Tax, to furrender your legal rights to midnight ruffians with dark lanthorns? And will you from pique or from whim, or from fordid motives, ever lend your fanction to that Court faction, that vile cabal, whofe bafe ftratagems, whofe tyranny and treachery would. annihilate, if poffible, the very found of civil liberty?. There is another point to which I would direct your attention. Admitting, for ar gument fake, that the prefent Adminiftration ftood upon a conftitutional bottom---I fubmit it to your cool and fober reafon, do you think that it is competent to manage this. country in its prefent difaftrous ftate? That Mr. Pitt is poffeffed of confiderable talents, is certain. Not one of his friends, however, in the warmeft moments of their idolatry, have ventured to compare his abilities with thofe of Mr. Fox. The rest of the Ministry provoke nothing but ridicule. Review the different offices of government, and then fay, whether fo motley a group ever before invested the King's Cabinet.. Allowing then to this young gentleman every merit that a rational man can allow him, I ask you if you think it poffible for any perfon at his time of life, and fo inexperienced, to govern this country? The genius of the greatest man at the beft is limited, and no office can confer miraculous endowments. Mr. Fox has been accufed of inordinate ambition. Good God! Are men ftupid, or blind, or mad, when they urge fuch a charge, to pafs by Mr. Pitt, who in the third year of his public life affumes a station, which Mr. Fox, Notwithstanding this declaration of Mr. Pitt's, which was forced from him by an infulted Houfe of Commons, his Emiffaries the next day pofted up Bills in very large letter throughout the cities of London and West minster, declaring the affertion falfe, which went to charge Mr. Pitt with giving his confent to the Receipt Tax Bill. This the young Minifter connived at, fo long as the trick could ferve the measures he was then pur fuing. |