ers. * preparing the greatest of all rewards to the van- | The consequence is, that the disproportion bequished, and a natural but deserved retribution tween the Protestants and Catholics has disapfor their ingratitude to the victors. The Cath-peared; already it is doubtful whether they olic religion has not, since the Reformation, ex- are not equal in number; at the next census perienced such a blow as it has done in both they certainly will be so. The priests in the hemispheres from the consequences of Catholic country have already sunk to one half their emancipation and the measures of its support- former number-they have declined from nearTo be convinced of this, we have only toly 5000 to 2600. At the same time, the emconsider what is the social situation of Ireland, barrassments of the landed proprietors, arising what measures its material interests require, from the depression of agriculture, consequent and which the majority of its representatives upon Free Trade and the fall in the value of have concurred in introducing. rural produce, have come to such a climax that a rigorous measure became indispensable. The land was in great part wrested from the old insolvent proprietors, and the sales of the Encumbered Estates Commission have transferred it to Saxon wealth nearly as generally as the Celtic exodus has consigned its cultivation to the direction of Saxon hands. 169. 171. As Ireland is almost entirely an agricultural country, and nineteen-twentieths of Effects of re- its inhabitants are maintained by, form in in- and its wealth derived from, the ducing Free cultivation of the soil, it is evident Trade. that what its interests required was such a protective policy as might secure for its cultivators the monopoly in some degree of the English market. There was much to be said in favor of free trade in grain so far as the manufacturers of Manchester, Glasgow, and Birmingham were concerned, whose interest was to buy grain cheap; but nothing at all in so far as the agriculturists of Ireland were concerned, whose interest was to sell it dear. If, therefore, the members, whether for counties or boroughs of Ireland, had been directed by the interests of their constituents, they would have done every thing in their power to secure the English market for them, by supporting the protective system of Great Britain. But being under a foreign influence, and directed by the Court of Rome, whose policy was to embarrass and weaken the English aristocracy, which it regarded as its most formidable enemy, they did just the reverse. They coalesced with the Liberal and movement party in England, and supported all the measures tending to lessen the cost of agricultural produce in the United Kingdom. At the same time, they put themselves at the head of the repeal agitation in Ireland, and shook the country to its centre by the monster meetings, which occupied every thought and engaged every arm in the Catholic population of Ireland. The result is well known. Agriculture, neglected for political agitation, fell into decay; a famine of the thirteenth fell upon the population of the nineteenth century; free trade in grain was introduced as a remedy for insupportable evils; and Ireland, which hitherto had enjoyed the monopoly, was exposed to the competition of the world in the supply of the English market. Immense beyond all precedent have been the consequences of these changes, but Effects of upon none have they fallen with these changes such force and severity as upon the on the population and Cath- agitators and Catholics of Ireland. From a statistical paper recently published by the Census Commissioners of Dublin, it appears that the population of the island, which in 1846-the year of the famine, and when Free Trade was introduced-had been 8,386,940, had sunk in 1851 to 6,551,970; and as the emigration from the island has been about 250,000 a year, it can not now (1854) exceed 6,000,000. At least two millions and a half of persons have disappeared from Ireland during ten years, and of these above two millions are Roman Catholics. -Census Rep., Aug. 6, 1854-Dublin. These changes, which have come on so suddenly that we are scarcely able even now to appreciate their full effects, Beneficial efhave already produced a visible and fect of these most salutary change on the condi- changes on tion of the whole empire. Ireland the United Empire. has ceased to be, what for about a century past it had been, a thorn in the side of England, a source of weakness instead of strength to the United Kingdom. It is no longer necessary to retain thirty thousand soldiers in the country to keep down its inhabitants. The barracks are empty, or tenanted only by the police-monster meetings are unknownthe undiminished strength of the empire can be sent to the Baltic or the Euxine. Agitation has disappeared-the repeal of the Union is no longer heard of—all thoughts and desires are turned to the promised land on the other side of the Atlantic. England was punished, and justly punished, for her religious intolerance and political selfishness by a century of vexation and weakness, consequent on the connection with Ireland-she is now reaping the reward of a more generous policy, and a great act of justice, in the comparative comfort of that connection, and the dawn of prosperity visible in the sister isle. But it is not to the 170. olics of Ire land. * A return has been issued from the Census Office in 1805 to 1851, both inclusive, as far as the same could be Dublin, showing the population of Ireland from the year ascertained from various sources. The result is thus set forth: Year. Population. Year. Population. 1805. 5,395,456 1829 7,563,898 1806. 5,460,447 1830. 7,664,974 1807 5,526,224 1831. 7,767,401 7,807,241 1809. 5,660,162 1833 7,847,285 173. gratitude or loyalty of those to whom this act | whom its principal votaries are always to be of justice was done that she is indebted for this found. The whole vantage-ground gained by blessed consummation; she owes it to their in the Catholics during the struggle for emanci gratitude and blind submission to a foreign po-pation was lost by its acquisition. tentate, which, by depriving the Catholics of the remuneration for their industry, has driven them headlong across the Atlantic. That which all the wisdom of man had failed to effect has resulted from the unforeseen and not intended consequences of his passions. Thus does the wisdom of the Almighty cause even the wrath of man to praise Him. 172. Reaction ain. Nor have the consequences of that concession been less injurious to the cause of Catholicism on the other side of the At- And in lantic. The pastors in vain followed America. their flocks to the New World; their ascendant was at an end when they left the shores of the Emerald Isle. Vast was the difference between the dark night of Celtic ignorance, lightNor have the consequences of emancipation ed only by the feeble rays of superstition, and been less decisive against the spread the bright aurora of Transatlantic energy, illuof the Catholic faith in Great Britain. minated by the effulgence of knowledge, intelliagainst Ca- It was natural that the Romish hie- gence, and intellect. The priest was swallowed tholicism in rarchy, seeing this great victory gain- up in the gulf of democracy. The ascendant Great Brit- ed by the effects of agitation in Ire- which the Romish clergy had acquired amidst land, and many persons of distinc- the ignorance and solitude of the Irish wilds, tion of both sexes in England embracing their was speedily lost when surrounded by the turfaith, should have thought that the time had moil of American interests, the conflict of Amercome when the work of the Reformation was ican sects. So signally has the influence of the to be undone, and the British Isles were to be Church of Rome declined in the United States, wholly regained by the Holy See. They open- that, notwithstanding the immense influx of ly announced the project accordingly. Great Irish Catholics in the last ten years, there are Britain was divided into ecclesiastical districts; only now 1,200,000 members of Romish churchbishops were appointed, and the cardinal-legate es in the Union, out of 13,000,000 embraced in assumed the long-forgotten title of Catholic the whole divisions of the Christian communtimes. The effect was decisive. A burst of ion. It is a common complaint, accordingly, Protestant enthusiasm ensued unparalleled since of the Catholic clergy in America, that they the Reformation, and the prime-minister of the have lost all influence over their flocks; that Crown, a leading supporter of emancipation, their followers live altogether without God in took the initiative in calling it forth. The ag- the world; and that, without embracing any gressive and ambitious spirit of the Church of new faith, they have simply renounced the old. Rome-which is recorded in every page of This, it is to be feared, is too often the case. modern history, but had come to be forgotten From superstition to infidelity is but a step. during the tolerant slumber of the close of the It is by the torch of knowledge, and it alone, nineteenth century was again brought to that the flame of a pure and lasting piety is, in light, and the contest of the Protestants with an enlightened age, to be kindled. But that the Catholics was renewed, but without the torch is not awanting in America; and, withwithering alliance with political distinction out anticipating the march of events that yet which had so long detached the generous from lie buried in the womb of time, it may with the side of the former. Men saw that the confidence be predicted that, however strongly Church of Rome was unchanged and unchange- the Catholic tenets may be rooted amidst the able, and must be combated with vigor as in traditions and corruptions of the Old World, it the first fervor of the Reformation; but the will never make head against the energy and contest came to be carried on, not by pains, intelligence of the New; and that still less will penalties, and disabilities, but by reason, argu- infidelity permanently retain any hold of a peoment, and intelligence, and above all, by rais-ple open to the influences and blessed by the ing the intellectual character of women, among choicest gifts of Nature. CHAPTER XXII. DOMESTIC HISTORY OF ENGLAND FROM THE PASSING OF THE CATHOLIC RELIEF BILL IN 1829 TO THE FALL OF THE WELLINGTON ADMINISTRATION IN 1830. 1. The interval between eman cipation and the passing of the Reform Bill was entirely question of reforin. THE English nation can never have more than | constant asseveration of the movement party one object of interest or ambition that a majority of the House of Commons was at one time; and thence it is that returned by two hundred and fifty individuals, internal discord has so often been most of them members of the Upper House, appeased by the advent of for- who had thus come to engross in their own eign war. Accordingly, the three persons the whole power of the State, by havyears which elapsed between the ing got the command of both Houses of Parliaoccupied by the passing of the Catholic Relief Bill ment. in 1829, and the Reform Bill in 2. This system, which had come to be styled 1832, presented but one feature-the indirect representation, had 3. the preparation for or approach of reform. As worked well, and given rise to no The interests the Hundred Days were nothing but the eve serious complaints, as long as the of the bor before the battle of Waterloo, so these three interests of those who got into the variance with oughs now at years were nothing but the eve before the Re- boroughs, either by purchase or those of the form Revolution. All interests were wound up the favor of the proprietors, were country. in it, all desires centred in it, all heads occu- identical with those in the unrepresented great pied with it. The indifference which had so towns. As long as men see their interests atlong prevailed on this subject had passed away, tended to, and their wishes consulted by those and been succeeded by an intense passion, which intrusted with the administration of affairs, gradually went on accumulating in violence, they are contented, even though they have until at length it became altogether irresisti- had no hand in their selection. It is when a ble. Various causes conspired at that time to divergence between the two begins that disfeed and strengthen this passion, which had content commences, and the cry for a change never before come into operation, and by their of institutions is heard. This divergence was combined action brought about the great and first felt after the termination of the war. Durall-important, though happily bloodless, revo- ing its continuance, as prices of the produce lution of 1832. of all kinds of industry were continually rising, 1. The first of these was the immense increase the interests of the landlords, the capitalists, of manufacturing and commercial and the commercial men were the same-alĺ Great want of wealth and industry which had were making money; and therefore all alike representation taken place during and since the were interested in the support of the protectfor the coin- war, and the great number of ive system, by which the prices of all the mercial towns. considerable places, abounding in productions of industry were kept up, and the riches and teeming with energy, which were process of accumulation favored. But when wholly unrepresented in Parliament. If it is the war ceased, and prices rapidly fell, the intrue that knowledge is power, still more is it terests of the different classes of society, so far true that wealth is power; and in the great from being identical, came into collision. To commercial cities of Britain both these were sell dear was the interest of the producers and combined, without the constitution giving their those who rested on their industry; to buy inhabitants any channel by which they might cheap was the interest of those holding realmake their influence felt by the Government. ized wealth, and the whole class of urban conThis was a serious defect, and was felt as a sumers. Thence a clear and decided breach very great grievance. In early times it had between them, and the commencement of disbeen obviated by the practice which prevailed content and complaint against the proprietors of sending writs to each borough or village of the close boroughs, and the members whom which had become considerable, commanding they sent to Parliament; for the measures which them to send burgesses to Parliament. But they pursued, suggested by their opulent conthis practice, which was entirely in harmony stituents, were often not only noways conducive with the spirit of the constitution, had long to those of the unrepresented towns, but difallen into desuetude, since it had been discov-rectly at variance with them. 2. 6 4. for reform. ered that a majority in the House of Commons 3. This divergence appeared in the most strikgave the party possessing it the command of ing manner, and became irreparathe State; and now the great towns, many of ble, upon the passing of the mone- Effects of the which had quadrupled in population and wealth tary bill of 1819, and the commence- contraction of during the preceding quarter of a century, re- ment of the system of free trade the currency mained without representation; while vast and a restricted currency. As this on the desire numbers of little boroughs, which had declined great change rendered the fall of with the changes of time to a mere fraction of prices permanent, and ere long caused it to their former inhabitants, still sent members to amount to 50 per cent. on every species of prodParliament, many of them at the dictation, oruce, it placed the interests of the consumers and in pursuance of the sale, of a neighboring mag- of the holders of realized wealth irrevocably So far had this gone, that it was the at variance. The former were interested in nate. similar results in Great Britain, the more especially as the voice of the great numerical majority, particularly in the large towns, which was sure to be loudest and most attended to in the matter, was sure to be raised in its support? It was resolved accordingly by the Libbataille with the Government; and although it was well known that most of the Whig aristocracy, who influenced so many of the close boroughs, would be reluctant to part with what they regarded as their birth-right, yet it was anticipated, not without reason, that they would be overpowered by the loud voice of the people, and be constrained, in the last resort, to listen to their demands rather than lose their measures tending to lower prices, because it | penalties of high treason, had succeeded so well augmented the value, and in effect increased in Ireland, why might it not be attended with the amount of their fixed incomes; the latter were dependent on the rise of prices, because it diminished the weight of their debts and obligations, and increased the remuneration for their industry. It was impossible to reconcile these opposite interests: the amiable dream of the interests of all classes being the same, van-eral leaders to make this the next cheval de ished before this stern reality of their being, at variance. The inhabitants of the great unrepresented boroughs were not aware to what their distresses were owing: they ascribed it, at the dictation of their political leaders, to the weight of taxation, the extravagance of Government, or the like; but they all felt the pressure, and discontent was general, because suffering among the industrial classes was universal. The demand for reform, which was reg-support. ularly hushed over the whole empire when suffering, from an extension of the currency, had disappeared, was revived with increased intensity when, by any of the measures which have been mentioned, the currency was rendered scanty. So invariable is this sequence, that it obviously stands in the relation of cause and effect. In times of distress or disaster," says Mr. Roebuck, "reform excited much attention; but when prosperity and success returned, it seemed to have passed almost out of remembrance. The matter, however, was never entirely forgotten; for although pressing public exigencies might induce the people occasionally to postpone their desires, although great prosperity led to a temporary forgetfulness, the cry for reform always returned with the 1 Roebuck, reappearance of distress; and to the History of faulty constitution of the House of the Whig Commons liberal politicians were Ministry, i. ever prone to ascribe nearly all the 187. 5. national misfortunes." cess in stimu 4. In this state of affairs the Catholic agitation began, and the great and danEffect of Cath- gerous example was presented to olic agitation the world of a vast political change and its suc- being forced on the Government lating reform. against its will, by the efforts of a well-drilled and numerous party in the State. Ministers had, with more sincerity than wisdom, admitted that they had yielded to external pressure; the Duke of Wellington had declared, amidst the cheers of the House of Peers, in words more graceful in a veteran conqueror than judicious in a young statesman, that the point was yielded to avoid the terrible alternative of civil war. This important acknowledgment was not lost upon the friends of parliamentary reform. If agitation, kept within legal bounds, and steering clear of the * PETITIONS TO PARLIAMENT IN FAVOR OF REFORM. 1820.. 1821 1822. 1823. 1824. 1825 1826 1827 1828. 1829.. 1830.. 28,501,456 0 0 14 6. Tories from 5. In this expectation they were not disappointed, and very much owing to a defection in the ranks of their ad- Division versaries, which had never before among the been experienced, but was the natu- the effect, of ral result of the measures which had the contracrecently been adopted. Not only tion of the was the Tory party divided in con- currency. sequence of the forcing of the Relief Bill on the nation, but a considerable part among them, estimable alike by their courage, their sincerity, and their character, had been driven for the time into the ranks of their opponents. Their incomes had been halved by the contraction of the currency and the adoption of free trade, while their debts and obligations remained the same: their petitions for inquiry and relief, again and again presented, and supported by a fearful array of facts, had been disregarded or derided; and almost every successive session had been marked by legislative measures which went to diminish their own fortunes and augment those of the urban capitalists, who had become their opponents. Capital, intrenched in the close boroughs which it had acquired by purchase or influence, disregarded the complaints of rural industry, as an enemy in possession of an array of strong fortresses despises the partial insurrection or general suffering of the inhabitants of the fields. Accordingly, discontent at existing institutions and the desire for change had become of late years more general among the farmers and land-holders than even the inhabitants of towns; and the question was often put in the form of the algebraic problem: "Given the Toryism of a landed proprietor; required to find the period of want of rents which will reduce him to a Radical reformer." +6. When the minds of the industrious class es, especially in the country, were 7. the desire for and the vexatious contrast which Quarterly Review, No. xc., July, 1831; and TOOKE On tution which gave it every prospect of success. Prices, ii. 381, 383. Injured in their fortunes and circumstances by the measures which had been pursued, they ties under which, from the effect of legislative now found themselves wounded in their affec- measures, the industrious classes la- 8. tions. The strongest convictions of their under- bored. By the act passed in Febru- Great effect standings, the deepest feelings of their hearts, ary, 1826, regarding small notes, it of the entire suppression had been set at naught or lacerated by a great had been provided that, though no of small measure forced upon the nation, in opposition new stamps were to be issued for notes in alike to the wishes of the Sovereign and the small notes after its date, the notes March, 1829. loudly expressed sentiments of a decided ma- already in circulation were to continue to circujority of the people, by ministerial influence late, and be received as a legal tender for three and the votes of the representatives of the close years longer. These three years expired in boroughs. Immense was the impression which March, 1829; and all notes in England below the perception of this occasioned. It was ad- £5 immediately disappeared from the circulamitted by the advocates of emancipation that, tion. Great was the effect of this decisive change if the popular voice had determined the ques- upon the fortunes and well-being of the industion, it would never have been carried; and trious classes, both in town and country, over yet it had become the law of the land. Before the whole nation. Coinciding, by a singular this stern reality the illusion of the people's chance in point of time, with the sudden convoice being all-powerful in England had melt- version of so many statesmen and legislators, ed away. The wrath of the leaders of the old in both Houses, on the subject of the Catholic Tories and the High Church party exhaled in claims, and the passing of the Relief Bill in conParliament on many different occasions. So sequence, it powerfully tended to inflame the vehement did the excitement become that the desire for radical change, by superadding perDuke of Wellington challenged Lord Winchel-sonal and private distress generally in the insea for words spoken in the House of Peers, and dustrious classes to indignation at public measa duel ensued, happily without any serious re-ures, distrust in public men. The diminution sults on either side.* A motion was made in the circulation in consequence was immediJune 2. for parliamentary reform soon after the ate and decisive; but this effect, great as it was, Relief Bill passed, which was negatived by a was the least part of the evil.* It was the conmajority of 74 in a House of 184; but the names traction of credit consequent on the diminution in the minority revealed the great transposition which was the real evil, and that in a commerof parties which had taken place. In the course cial country soon induced universal distress. It of it, Mr. William Smith, the member for Nor- is one thing for bankers to issue small notes to wich, said, "One effect, he was happy to find, customers of their own, striking off which from had been produced by the Catholic Relief Bill, being the general medium of circulation, they which its best friends had not antici- are sure will not come back upon them for a pated: it had transformed a number very long period, if at all: it is another and a of the highest Tories in the land into very different thing to issue sovereigns or large something very nearly resembling notes, whether of their own or the Bank of England, which can only be purchased for full value. 1 Parl. Deb. xxi. 1688; Ann. Reg. 1829; Chron. 58. Radical reformers." A circumstance occurred at this time which most materially tended to swell the cry for reform in Parliament, by increasing the difficul* This duel deserves to be noticed as the last between any men of mark in Great Britain before this barbarous practice went into desuetude. The cause of offense was, that, in a letter published in the newspapers to the secretary of the Association for establishing King's College, London, Lord Winchelsea said: "Late political events have convinced me that the whole transaction (regarding the College) was intended as a blind to the Protestant and High Church party, that the noble Duke, who had for some time previous to that determined upon breaking in upon the constitution of 1688, might the more effectually, under the cloak of some outward show of zeal for the Protestant religion, carry on his insidious designs for the infringement of our liberties, and the introduction of Popery into every department of the State." The Duke, March 19. upon seeing this, wrote to Lord Winchelsea: "No man has a right, whether in public or private, by speech, or in writing, or in print, to insult another, by attributing to him motives for his conduct, public or private, which disgrace or criminate him. If a gentleman commits such an act indiscreetly, in the heat of debate, or in a moment of party violence, he is always ready to make reparation to the party whom he may have thus injured. I am convinced that your Lordship will, upon reflection, be anxious to reclaim yourself from the pain of having thus insulted a man who never injured or offended you.' Lord Winchelsea refused to make what was deemed by the Duke a satisfactory explanation: the March 21. parties met, and Lord Winchelsea fired in the air, after receiving the Duke's fire, which car. ried off a curl of his hair. The Earl, having done so, made a very handsome apology for words which were certainly unwarrantable in the circumstances, because they imputed motives not apparent on the face of the transaction. The Duke rode to the place of meeting at Chalk Farm, attended only by Sir Henry Hardinge as his second, and a single servant.-See Ann. Reg., 1829, p. 58, 62. of the silkweavers. The silk-weavers were the first who brought their sufferings before the Legisla- 9. ture, under the new state of mone- Motion on tary matters. It appeared from the the distress statements made by the petitioners, that, since the change in the law regarding the importation of foreign silks, there had been a progressive and most alarming diminution in the importation of the raw material, and increase in the importation of the foreign manufactured, insomuch that "there had already been lost to the industry of this country no less than £1,000,000 yearly. Hence our silkmills and looms were standing still, the weavers were starving, and it was quite certain that many even of the masters were giving up the trade, and becoming mere importers." The al |