tunate loss of our two hundred men turn. ed to our advantage, in preventing the advance of the enemy, which must have put the earl of Peterborough to inconceivable difficulties.

"The body of one thousand, under brigadier Stanhope, being come up to Monjouick, and no interruption given us by the enemy, our affairs were put into very good order on this side; while the camp on the other side was so fortified that the enemy, during the siege, never made one effort against it. In the mean time, the communication between the two camps was secure enough; although our troops were obliged to a tedious march along the foot of the hills, whenever the general thought fit to relieve those on duty on the side of the attack, from those regiments encamped on the west side of Barcelona.

"The next day, after the earl of Peterborough had taken care to secure the first camp to the eastward of the town, he gave orders to the officers of the fleet to land the artillery and ammunition behind the fortress to the westward. Immediately upon the landing whereof, two mortars were fixed; from both which we plied the fort of Monjouick furiously with our bombs. But the third or fourth day, one of our shells fortunately lighting on their magazine of powder, blew it up; and with it the governour, and many principal officers who were at dinner with him. The blast, at the same instant, threw down a face of one of the smaller bastions; which the vigilant Miquelets, ready enough to take all advantages, no sooner saw (for they were under the hill, very near the place) but they readily entered, while the enemy were under the utmost confusion. If the earl, no less watchful than they, had not at the same moment thrown himself in with some regular troops, and appeased the general disorder, in all probability the garrison had been put to the sword. However, the general's presence not only allayed the fury of the Miquelets, but kept his own troops under strictest discipline: so that, in a happy hour for the frighted garrison, the general gave officers and soldiers quarter, making them prisoners of war."

Our limits, which we have already exceeded, will not permit us to detail the other various exploits of lord Peterborough in Spain; particularly his compelling king Philip to quit his dominions, by relieving Barcelona with a handful of men, compara

tively speaking, when it was besieged by the king and mareshal de Tess with an army of upwards of twentyfive thousand men; and after they had, with a loss of more than three thousand men, retaken Monjouick in twenty-three days, which lord P. took (as we may say) in one hour.

Captain Carleton mentions an almost unparalleled instance of publick spirit in the earl of Peterborough, as well as of generosity towards the very man who, unfortunately for the cause in which they were embarked, had succeeded in undermining the earl's authority and supplanting him in his command. The clergy and magistrates of Huette, hearing that lord P. suspected the inhabitants of having given intelligence to the enemy respecting his baggage, which had been plundered within a league. of that place, and taken from the small guard which general Windham had appointed to escort it to the camp at Guadalaxara, and fearing that out of resentment he might lay their town in ashes, offered his lordship full satisfaction, and to pay in money or decontado the amount of what he had lost but he told them that "he had just come from my lord Galway's camp at Chincon, where he found that they were in a likelihood of wanting bread; and as he imagined it might be easier to them to raise the value in corn than in ready money, if they would send to that value in corn to lord Galway's camp, he would be satisfied."

The author's relation [p. 226] of the cruel and barbarous treatment, which a captain of the English guards and his party of convalescents, going to join their battalion, experienced from the Spaniards in a villa not far from Campilio, is sufficient to fill every one who reads it with horrour. In his account of the fatal battle of Almanza, he gives, with much candour and simplicity, a beautiful and interesting picture of the duke of Berwick, both as a man and as a commander. By the representations of

two Irish officers, who pretended to be deserters, and were properly instructed for the purpose, the duke made the credulous Galway believe that the duke of Orleans was in full march to join him (Berwick) with twelve thousand men. Galway there fore became eager to attack before the junction should take place; and the duke of Berwick was overjoyed to see him appear, a little after noon, with forces fatigued by a hard march of three long Spanish leagues in the heat of the day. Finding Galway ready to run headlong into the snare prepared for him, the duke drew up his army in the form of a half moon, with three regiments advanced to a convenient distance, in order to make up the centre, and conceal his disposition from the enemy; which regiments were expressly ordered to retreat at the very first charge. This stratagem had nearly the same effect on the English, who attacked them, which Annibal's contrivance produced on the Romans at the battle of Canna: for our troops, seeing the others retire suddenly before them, pursued them after their then customary manner with shouts and hallooings, till the duke, observing that they had advanced far enough, ordered his right and left wings to close, and thus cut off from the rest of our army all those who had so eagerly followed the imaginary runaways. His native sympathy, however, and goodness of disposition would not suffer him to allow his troops to attack those who had retreated to the top of

the hills under major general Shrimpton, and whom it was in his power to have destroyed; and thus he exhibited, in his own person, a striking verification of the noble maxim, "that victory to generous minds is only an inducement to moderation."

The few very concise observations, which the author makes respecting the recall of the earl of Peterborough, are calculated to create indignation in every honest and generous breast; and a universal sentiment of regret will also be excited, by the reflection that the zealous, faithful, and intelligent writer himself was so unworthily passed by without reward for all his services.

These Memoirs were first published in the year 1743, a few years before the commencement of our labours; and having become scarce and little known, they have been properly reprinted by an anonymous editor, who has duly executed his office by prefixing some introductory observations, and a few biographical particulars of the eminent hero who is the principal subject of them. Besides the useful military instruction which they afford, they contain much topographical and characteristick description; together with clear and distinct accounts of the manners, customs, and amusements of the Spaniards; for all which particulars we must refer to the volume, persuaded that a perusal of it will gratify the historian, the professional man, and the general reader.

THE specimens of Mrs. Steele's compositions, given to the American publick in Dr. Belknap's collection of psalms and hymns, excited a

general desire to see her whole works; and we congratulate the community, that they have at length made their appearance. Either the

English edition was out of print, or few copies of it, we presume, were imported; for, after diligent inquiry, we were never able to find but a single copy of a single volume. This edition is very neatly and correctly printed, and does credit to the respectable press from which it proceeds.

Mrs. Steele's character, as a writer, is too well known to require notice; and too well established, to need confirmation. To many, who have not seen these volumes, it may be grateful to know, that they are more replete with evangelical truth, than the selected specimens, excellent as they are, may have led them to imagine. The divinity of Christ, the .atonement, the influence of the Spirit, and the perseverance of saints, are here prominently exhibited.

The prose is of too poetical a cast; but the sentiments flow from a heart deeply affected with a sense of its own imperfections, and aspiring after the beauties of holiness. The poetry is seldom if ever, prosaick. It is of a character somewhat resembling the poetry of Watts; yet distinct and peculiar. It has its simplicity, its tenderness, its grace, and sometimes its sublimity. If, in general, it be less fertile in its imagery, it is more chaste; if less elevated, it is more equable; if less familiar, it is more delicate; if less adventurous, it is more correct. The author, distinguished for exquisite sensibility, as well as for ardent piety, cheered her own pilgrimage with these songs of Zion; and such must be their influence on every reader, whose soul is attuned to celestial harmony.

THIS author is modest, and frankly avows that poverty has been his muse. He begins by celebrating a patron or patroness to whom multitudes have been obliged, but whom we never saw addressed by name before. "All hail Subscription! 'tis to thee we owe The plenteous fruits, which from invention grow,

Without thy aid, full oft the toiling bard Would lose, unpitied, his deserved reward."

We rejoice to find that this goddess has been tolerably propitious to Mr. Fisher; for his humility is by no means unaccompanied by merit; though, at the same time, we cannot but wish him a more steady patron; or, what would be yet better, a more profitable employment than writing verses. The following is a just and successful ridicule of modern tales of

horrour:

SIR,

WHEN I was a youth, I frequently heard of Job, the African, as a character which, some years before, had attracted notice. I have been since in possession of his history, drawn up by a gentleman who was intimately acquainted with him, Mr. Thomas Bluett. It is, in my opinion, too interesting and curious to be permitted to sink into oblivion; and, if I mistake not, it will prove instructing and entertaining to your numerous readers. With these views I offer it for a place in your miscellany, recomposed from Mr. Bluett's narrative, and differently arranged. It will appear that he was himself a very respectable person; and his history, if it were necessary, might serve to rekindle the joy, which rectitude and philanthropy have felt on the abolition of an inhumane and iniquitous traffick.

I am, sir, your's respectfully,
JOSHUA TOULMIN.

Birmingham, Sept. 7, 1808.

A MEMOIR OF JOB,

AN AFRICAN HIGH PRIEST.

JOB'S name, according to the custom of his country, in which the appellations that distinguished individuals included their progenitors several degrees backwards, was Hyuba, Boon Salumena, Boon Hibraha ma; i. e. Job, the son of Solomon, the son of Abraham. The surname of his family was Jallo. He was born about the year 1702, at a town called Boonda, in the country of Galumbo,

or, as in our maps, Catumbo, in the kingdom of Futa, in Africa; which lies on both sides the river Senegal, and on the south side reaches as far as the river Gambia. The town of Boonda had been founded about twenty years before his birth, by Hibrahim, the grandfather of Job, in the reign of Bubaker, then king of Futa, who was, by his permission, the lord and proprietor of it, and at the same time high priest or alpha; so that he had power to make what laws he thought proper for the increase and good government of his new city. Sometime after the settlement of this town Hibrahim died; and as the priesthood was hereditary in that country, Salumen his son, the father of Job, became high priest. When Job was fifteen years old, he assisted his father, as emaum, or subpriest. About this time he married the daughter of the alpha of Tombut, who was then only eleven years old. By her he had a son, when she was thirteen years old, called Abdollah; and after that two more sons, called Hibrahim and Sambo. About two years before his captivity, he married a second wife, daughter of the alpha of Tourga, by whom he had a daughter named Fatima, after the daughter of their prophet Mahomed. Both these wives, with their children, were alive when he came from home.

In February 1730, Job's father, hearing of an English ship lying in Gambia river, sent him, with two servants as attendants, to sell two

negroes, and to buy paper and some other necessaries; but desired him not to venture over the river, because the Mandingoes, the inhabitants of the country on the other side of the river, were in a state of hostility with the people of Futa. The ship was commanded by captain Pike, in the service of captain Henry Hunt, brother to Mr. William Hunt, a merchant in Little Tower street, London. Job, not agreeing with the captain, sent back the two servants to acquaint his father with it, and to inform him of his intentions to go further. Accordingly, he engaged a man, named Loumein Yoal, who understood the Mandingoe language, to accompany him as his interpreter; crossed the river Gambia; and disposed of his negroes for some cows. On his return home, he stopped for some refreshment at the house of an old acquaintance; and the weather being hot, he hung up his arms in the house, while he refreshed himself. The arms were valuable, consisting of a gold-hilted sword, a gold knife worn by the side, and a rich quiver of arrows. A company of the Mandingoes, who live upon plunder, passing by, and observing Job unarmed, rushed in, to the number of seven or eight, at a back door, and pinioned him, together with his interpreter, before he could reach his arms. They then shaved their heads and beards, which Job and his man resented as the highest indignity, though the Mandingoes meant no more by it than to give them the appearance of slaves taken in war. On the 27th of February they were purchased by captain Pike at Gambia, and on the 1st of March put on board.

Soon after, Job found means to acquaint captain Pike, that he was the same person who had traded with him a few days before, and after what manner he had been taken. The captain permitted him to redeem himself and his attendant. Job sent to an acquaintance of his father's near Gambia, who promised to in

form him of his son's situation, that he might adopt measures for his liberation. But the distance of this friend's residence from Job's father, being a fortnight's journey, and the ship sailing about a week afterwards, he was carried with the other slaves to Annapolis, in Maryland, and delivered to Mr. Hunt's factor, Mr. Vachell Denton; by whom he was sold to Mr. Tolsey, in Kent Island, in Maryland.

His owner put him to work in making tobacco; but he soon perceived that Job had never been used to such labour. He every day showed more and more uneasiness under this toil; and, unable to bear it, he grew sick, so that his master was obliged to find easier work for him, and employed him to tend the cattle.

Job would often leave the cattle, and withdraw into the woods to pray; but a white boy frequently watched. him, and whilst he was at his devotion, would mock him, and throw dirt in his face. This treatment very much disturbed Job, and aggravated his misfortunes; all which were heightened by his ignorance of the English language, which prevented his complaining, or telling his case to any one near him. Grown in some measure desperate by his sufferings, he resolved to travel at a venture, in hope that possibly he might fall into the hands of a master who would use him better, or that by some happy incident his grief might be alleviated or removed. He travelled through the woods till he came to the county of Kent, upon Delaware Bay. Job, according to a law in force through Virginia, Pennsylvania, and Maryland, as far as to Boston in New England, not being able to give an account of himself, was cast into prison.

This happened in June 1731, when Mr. Thomas Bluett, a gentleman who was attending the courts in Maryland, having heard of Job, went with several gentlemen to the gaoler's house, which was a tavern, and de