the public creditor, and breaks the good faith between the government and the people. It is a system which has been resorted to, in many countries, partly, perhaps, from necessity; but it has always destroyed the national credit, and reduced those countries and the people to incurable distress; proofs enough of which may be given within the last twenty-five years; and when great states fall, ર they fall, like Lucifer, never to rise again." It is then only, by energy, that they can be supported, particularly under difficulty; and how is this to be done?

Great Britain owes an immense debt, and in order to pay the interest of the debt and the expences of the state, together with the sum allowed for the reduction of the debt, she must raise, in taxes, at present, and in time of peace, sixty-six millions per annum, or must be involved in further difficulties. This sum may be said to be raised by a population of about eighteen millions; for every labourer is said to contribute from one-third to onehalf of his earnings in taxes. If all people were to contribute alike, in proportion to their means, would there be any difficulty in raising this sum among seventy millions of British subjects? It would not be one pound each, upon an average. A labourer, in this country, now pays twenty pounds, annually, in taxes. Is not therefore the system of taxation partial and unjust, when an industrious man must contribute nearly half his labour to the support

of the state; and an idle man, who has money in the funds, contributes nothing, but is paid by the state, instead of adding to its support? This, undoubtedly, cannot be a fair system of taxation, and nothing but a just equalization of taxes can ever render the country prosperous, or relieve its burdens.

If any further mode of taxation should ever be adopted in this country, none can ever be more productive, or equitable, than a fair and just income tax. This idea will, no doubt, meet with opprobium and opposition from some people, because it has been tried and justly reprobated, as oppressive, on account of the unjust manner in which it was levied, and the insupportable measures by which it was raised; but this does not do away the principle or equity of the tax. That mode of taxation is the most just which is the least felt. It cannot, certainly, be so oppressive for an industrious man to contribute voluntarily an annual small stipend to the support of the state, as it is to have half his income taken from him by compulsion. If the labourer pays one-third of his earnings in taxes, some part of the community must be unjustly favoured, otherwise it would raise an enormous sum; but this shows that all revenue must be derived from industry.

The states of Hamburgh, Holland, and other countries, have paid income taxes; they paid them voluntarily and rated themselves, and it appears that the sums raised always exceeded the amount

calculated upon. A system may, therefore, be laid down, which would not be oppressive or even felt, and therefore could not but be consented to with cheerfulness. The lands cannot be further taxed, for they are already taxed, in one way or another, for almost as much as they are worth, to the great injury of agricultural industry. The luxuries of life should be taxed; but, if they be over taxed, there will either be a great diminution or an end to their consumption, which will also be an injury to the industry of the country. Nothing but justice can hold a fixed empire over an enlightened people, and, where justice is fairly and impartially administered, no one has a right to complain. This principle will hold good in the affairs of all states and of all people.

It is certain that all taxes, of whatever nature they may be, must first fall upon the articles which produce them, and afterwards upon the consumers of those articles; but they are, some way or other, produced by, or in the end, returned upon, the industry of the country.. If the article taxed can be dispensed with, it will get out of fashion, or be in disuse; if indispensible, the con. sumer must pay for it, but he will be more moderate in his expenditure. This, therefore, falls upon industry; but no man will lessen his income, because he is obliged to pay a tax upon it; he will be more likely to try to increase it on that account. It might be said, perhaps, that he would save this

tax by reducing his expenditure; but this would not be the case, for, if the tax were fairly laid, what he paid on that account would be saved in other things. Taxes might be a benefit to a country, instead of an injury, if they were made to promote industry. A man, who has nothing to provide for, need not work, or turn his thoughts to industrious pursuits. He might live, like the savages, without taxes, and glory in his country, that could keep him in idleness; but the question is, whether he would be more happy. He must suffer more privations, or live upon capital, which would soon be exhausted. Capital could neither pay taxes, nor support mankind, but for a short time; for he who does not live by his own labour, must be supported by the labour of others. If money did not command the labour of others, it would be useless to the possessor.

There is no additional mode of taxation, in this country, but that of income, which would not be oppressive; and many of the existing taxes, which are very injurious to the industry of the country, may be relieved by its means. A tax on salt, for instance, is a very injurious tax. A tax on all the other necessaries of life would not be more injurious to the poor than this tax. They, however, do not regard the prices of the necessaries of life, provided they are paid accordingly for their labour, and have employment; but taxes, upon necessary and indispensible articles of life, fall heaviest upon 2A

VOL. II.

the middle class of people. Those people who have small incomes, which they cannot increase, can only live happily and comfortably in cheap countries, where there are few or no taxes. Taxes that fall upon them are not to be borne without the greatest privations.

Taxes of the tenth penny, fifteenth penny, and twentieth penny, upon the income of all subjects, according to their means, as have been partially levied in former times, could certainly not be oppressive to any one. Even the labourer could afford his mite, if he were fairly paid for his hire, in a much more just and less oppressive way than he does at present. The act of Richard II., which imposed a tax of three groats upon every person above fifteen years of age, was an unjust tax, because the rich paid no more than the poor; and therefore the resistance and commotion which were headed by Wat Tyler, were not without a cause of provocation, by brutality and injustice; but had all ranks of people been equally taxed, in proportion to their means, no such commotion would have happened. Taxes can only be made productive, when they are laid upon such people, or objects, as have the means to pay them; nor can they be lasting, or just, if they are partial and oppressive. The disposition of people, if they can be said to be disposed to pay taxes at all, is certainly to pay them in a way which they least feel, or which is at least left to their option; they therefore prefer that taxes