knew better than any man in Europe the forces on which he could count, and the forces which were opposed to him. He knew that bayonets in some countries would reason, though in others they might blindly obey. He knew that every town and city in France would become a Saragossa. He knew that in Germany the people were ripe for falling on the rear of their own armies, and exterminating them. He knew that Poland had never acquiesced in the arrangements imposed upon her at Vienna. He knew that the junction of Holland and of Belgium was forced and unnatural, in the eyes at least of the Belgians, if he did not think so himself; and he knew that the latter viewed with horror those works of fortifications which, for years, he had been engaged in inspecting, and which were erected to preserve Belgium from French invasion and French conquest. He knew that the south of Europe was in a state of permanent conspiracy, and of ceaseless plotting; and he knew, that in Italy, Spain, and Portugal, each family contained some member hostile to the existing governments. During the period of profound external or nominal peace in which Europe had been apparently sleeping from 1816 to 1830, with the exception of the wars against liberty in Spain, and for freedom in Greece,—the Duke of Wellington knew quite well, that the principles of the first French Revolution had made rapid progress, and that the treaties of 1814 and 1815 were liable to attack, as they were unpopular and even detested. The revolution had progressed in Belgium; and there he knew that, from 1826 to 1832, the people had demanded a separation from the language, governors, laws, taxes, and debt of Holland. The revolution had progressed in Great Britain, and he knew that the people, who, in 1820, had submitted to the suspension of the charter, and the constitutional rights of the nation, ten years afterwards required reform of Parliament, freedom from religious tests, perfect religious liberty, a substantial law reform, a diminished national expenditure, the total change of church tithes and ecclesiastical revenues, and the government of Ireland by wise laws and a conciliating Government, instead of by halberts, cannon-balls, and torture. The revolution had progressed in France; and he knew that the people who, in 1815, wearied out with war and with slaughter, had demanded repose, and accepted the Bourbons with a charter, not for the sake of the former, but for the sake of the latter, now required to be freed from a dynasty which had been imposed on them without their consent-to be freed from the influence of a paid peerage, a jesuitical priesthood, a system of bribery and monopoly in elections; and to enjoy, for the future, all the benefits which ought to result from a truly national and popular Government. The revolution had progressed in Spain and Portugal; and the Duke of Wellington knew that proscription had only added to the numbers of the voluntarily proscribed-that confiscation had only increased the lists of those who were willing to sacrifice all most dear to them for the good of their descendants and for the welfare of their country, —and that scaffolds and military executions had only had the effect of rendering the Kings of the Peninsula more unpopular, without diminishing the force of the parties opposed to them. This was the position of the Duke of Wellington when, in 1830, he recognised the revolt of Paris ; and even admitted it to be called in his presence the French Revolution. It was not a love of liberty—it was not an aversion to Polignac or to Charles X.-it was not an opinion that the 14th article of the charter of 1814 did not warrant the ex-King in making the ordinances in question, which influenced the Duke of Wellington in his decision; but he acted as he did act, and counselled as he did counsel, as a prudent man who does not engage in an enterprise without adequate means-who does not lay the foundation of an edifice without counting the cost of the superstructure-and who does not engage in a conflict without counting his friends and his enemies. The Duke of Wellington perceived that the revolution had progressed, and was progressing, that he could have no hope to overthrow or defeat it, and that his wisest course was to endeavour to make terms, and to prevent, if possible, that deluge of property, rank, title, thrones, and governments, which, in 1830, was generally threatened, and, I will add, generally desired. So Louis Philip was recognised, and the doctrine of popular sovereignty admitted by the Duke of Wellington and the English Tories. But have the Tories and their leader been mistaken in their calculations, and disappointed in their hopes? Most undoubtedly they have. The revolution of 1830 did not stop where the Duke of Wellington hoped it would have done. It has gone on much farther than he anticipated when he resolved on recognising it; and though it would have gone on more rapidly, I admit, if that recognition had not taken place, still it is going on in spite of the opposition of the Court -in spite of the efforts of the new dynasty to prevent it—in spite of reactions and reactionary laws-in spite of the hatred felt for popular rights and popular opinions by the men who govern France-and in spite of millions of obstacles thrown in its way by the men both of the old and of the new regime. I admit, and I deplore, and no one can do so more than myself, that this progress of the revolution in France has been, and is much retarded, by the persecutions of enemies, and by the mistakes of well-meaning, but timid, and even ignorant friends; and I admit that it is most probable that even the Restoration may re-appear for a moment, in consequence of these persecutions and of these errors. But yet "Henry the Fifth" will never be the ultimatum, the finale, of all our efforts for the establishment of a popular government and representative institutions. I admit that I believe we must pass through that ordeal, and be again submitted to that furnace; but we shall not remain for ever in the fire, and we shall not come forth eventually as dross, but as purified and va luable metal. Still the revolution is marching in France, and this cannot be doubted when the following facts are remembered and examined. The Jesuits have no longer in France any influence as a body, or as individuals. The Romish priesthood has no longer any influence over the Government, and is no longer consulted on affairs of state. The Catholic, Protestant, and even Jewish clergy, are paid moderate salaries out of a common benefit, and at the same rate of remuneration. The priests no longer control the education of the poor in the villages and communes. Each commune regulates the instruction of its own poor, and the priest has only a voice in the councils as another inhabitant. Religious processions outside the Catholic churches are infinitely less frequent, and do not occur in those districts where there are Protestants as well as Romanists. Soldiers and sailors are not required to attend mass where their consciences disapprove of the Catholic creed; and the people are not compelled as before to prostrate themselves before the " Host" where they disapprove of the habit, and consider the " secrated "wafer" as unentitled to worship. In one word, there is no "STATE RELIGION;" there are no religious tests; and the Minister of Public Instruction, M. Guizot, is a Protestant. I regret indeed that M. Guizot should be that Minister, as his views are narrow, his policy oblique, his ways tortuous, and his doctrines anti-progressive; but still he is a PROTESTANT, and it is a great progress indeed to have a Protestant for a Minister of Public Instruction. con no subject of foreign politics should British patriots look with so much interest, as to the progress of electoral reform in France. Look at the ARMY and NAVY. We can have no longer titles conferred without merits, grades without rights, and those titles and those grades taken away without any reason but the will of a minister, or the pleasure of a courtier, or a monarch. The principle of RIGHT has succeeded in the army and navy over that of might; and though we must deplore that, since 1830, many military and naval promotions and dismissals have taken place, which have been illegal, still the law is there; a violation of the law admits of punishment as well as exposure; and when the law, "on the responsibility of Ministers and of Government agents," shall have been passed, we shall be able, we hope, to try and condemn any Minister of the Crown, who shall dare to counsel an unjust dismissal, or unmerited advancement. an Look at the NATIONAL GUARDS and their right to join in electing their own officers. This electoral right is most important. In hundreds of arrondissements lately, the National Guards have proved, by their nominations of popular, and even republican officers, their opinions and their wishes; and it is uncontrollable by the King or his advisers. I admit, indeed, and deplore that the institution of the National Guards is still too aristocratic,-that still the Government has too much power in dissolving and suspending them, -that still the Minister has too much influence over them, and that the mass of the people are not sufficiently invited or allowed to form part of these national and civic defenders of order and of the territory; but yet, under the Restoration, they did not exist at all after Charles X. had thought fit, in a moment of passion, to dissolve them; and the officers of the National Guards were named by the crown, and not by the citizens. Look at the Municipal Laws, and the Laws for Regulating the Local Governments of the cities, towns, and communes of France. The Mayors are elected by the people instead of by the crown. The departments and communes elect their local representatives to assist at the departmental and municipal councils. The people have a voice in their own affairs, and the prefect is no longer the absolute master of a whole province. I admit, indeed, that still the laws for governing the provinces are too aristocratic,-that still the system of centralization has too great an influence over the destinies of the departments, that still the crown has too great an influence, and that the electors are not sufficiently numerous, but yet the principle of election is estab Look at the CHAMBER of DEPUTIES. There is no longer the double vote-no longer two sorts of colleges for the rich and the poor-and no longer the old system of corruption, by which, whoever was Minister, might, if an able man, be sure of a majority. It is true, that the present electoral system is most defective, that France is by no means represented, and that a vast extension of the electoral suffrage is demanded. But then it is demanded; it is being demanded at this moment; and even republicans and legi-lished; and that principle, not recognised by the timists are agreed on this one point, viz., not to elect those as Deputies who will not pledge themselves to demand a complete electoral reform. This is indeed the progress of the revolution. This will indeed lead to vast results. Look at the Press !—and, even with reference This will indeed, in time, at any rate, secure to to that fourth power in the state, the revoluus a Government chosen by the majority; and totion is progressing. I admit that the securities restoration, is now the basis of the laws to which I refer. There is a vast deal to be done,—but the principle is recognised, and the principle is advancing. required to be given by those who commence the publication of a political journal, are enormous; that the prosecutions to which the press has been exposed have been flagitiously numerous, and tyrannically oppressive; that the fines and imprisonments imposed have been vexatious and excessive; that the law against Hawkers of Journals is wicked and unjust; that the war made against the journalists has been cruel and bloody; and that the attempt, as in the case of the National, to try the offences of the press, by judges without juries,—is unprincipled and scandalous. I admit all this, lament, and deeply deplore it; but still the charter declares, that the Censorship shall never be re-established; and the charter, and a law made in virtue of that charter, declare, that the offences of the press shall be tried by Juries! These two principles, "No Censorship," and "Trial by Jury," are worth alone all the sufferings and sacrifices attendant on all the revolutions of the last forty years; and these principles have been established by the revolution of 1830. LOOK AT THE TRIBUNALS,-the Courts of Justice in France, and see if the revolution is not progressing. The inferior tribunals are still servile many judges of the little courts are still open to bribery and corruption; and they condescend to acts of meanness against republicans and patriots, which are unworthy and revolting. But look at the royal courts, and, above all, at the COURT OF CASSATION. Illegal ordinances, which created military tribunals to try civil offenders, have, by those courts, been overthrown; a state of siege declared illegal; the liberty of the press and the principle of trial by jury triumphantly proclaimed and established; and the charter preserved from violation, on the part of the Juste-milieu and the Doctrinaires. I say, then, that in spite of the infamous Associations Law, in spite of the illegal conduct of the police, in spite of preventive arrests, domiciliary visits, the persecution of the press, and the Hawkers of Journals law; in spite of an inefficient representation, a standing army of 400,000 men, a profligate budget of one and a quarter billions of francs; in spite of the continuance of monopolies in trade and commerce; in spite of a code of commercial laws most unphilosophical and ruinous; in spite of many of the promises made by the charter not being yet fulfilled; in spite of corruption in the state, the discouragement of the patriots, and the most unheard of cruelty with which the republicans are attacked, even when defenceless and helpless in prison, by the agents of the police; in spite of the worst system of foreign and domestic policy which could have been devised for a great and a free people, it is still a FACT which cannot be disputed but by the ignorant or the wicked, that the revolution in France has progressed ever since 1830; and that it will progress, until the objects of both the first and the second revolutions shall have been finally and fully attained. Nor is it any sort of answer to say, that at the moment at which I on. am writing, the counter-revolution is at work, and even that the counter-revolution is going That counter-revolution can never have more than a temporary, a very temporary effect. It may, and most probably will, conduct us to collisions, and even to the temporary success of its chiefs; but from the moment it shall have succeeded, it will be lost; for France never has really abandoned the revolution of 1789, and never will do so; but through prosperous and adverse circumstances, will persevere in obtaining all the results, which were at first proposed, and which are not only so desirable, but so attainable and so just. Let us now turn to Spain and to Portugal, and there contemplate the immense progress which the revolution has made since 1830. Soon after the month of August of that year, the chiefs of the Spanish refugees then residing in France, England, and Belgium, received direct offers and invitations, promises and funds, from the then newly formed French Government. They were invited, and indeed urged, to proceed to the Spanish frontiers, to endeavour to rouse the Basque provinces, to excite Catalonia to revolt, and to dethrone "Ferdinand, proclaim a constitutional government, and form an alliance with France. In these days of enthusiasm the French Government was not suspected. M. Guizot, who was then a propagandist, was believed; General Sebastiani was confided in ; and the movements which were counselled and approved by the French ministry were made. The new counslelors of the new dynasty advised this act of propagandism at that time, first, because the three Northern Cabinets had formed a distinct alliance against the French Revolution of 1830; second, because Ferdinand VII. had positively refused to recognise Louis Philip as King of the French, and had even insulted his ambassador; and, third, because the French Government wished to alarm the Holy Alliance into terms and conditions, not in favour of the cause of liberty in France or in Europe, but simply in favour of Orleanism and the cause of the new dynasty. Terrified by these movements, Ferdinand yielded; Louis Philip was recognised, his ambassadors were not only received, but embraced and rewarded; the revolutionary movement on the Spanish frontiers was put down by those who excited it, and the Spanish heroes, who had left Paris, London, and Belgium, to attempt the deliverance of their country, were treated even with severity by the French Government, and compelled to abandon the frontiers, and live on scanty pittances, doled out to them at depots in the interior of France. In 1831 nothing could look less prosperous, or more gloomy, than the affairs of the Spanish patriots; and it appeared to a cursory observer, that the situation of the Peninsula had been even rendered worse by the results of the Paris Revolution. But the next year events changed: the health of Ferdinand became precarious; the pregnancy of the young Queen became a source of hope and of action; the intrigues of the palace favoured the cause of the people; and the Queen, Christina, who was, and is, and ever will be, nothing more than a mere lover of power, and rank, and influence,-ambitious, lustful, violent, and selfish,-found it necessary to attach herself to another cause than that of the priests and the monasteries, if she desired to secure the triumph of her daughter Isabella, over the Infant Don Carlos and his male children. It is then a fact, which cannot be denied, and which ought never to be forgotten, that, if in the sequel it has turned out that Christina has essentially served the cause of freedom in the Peninsula, this resulted not from her will, her heart, or her affections, but purely from her position and her interests. She hated, and she hates liberty, as much as her late husband and monarch. She loved, and she loves monarchical institutions, the most despotic and absolute, as much as her rival, Don Carlos, or the Count d'Espagne. She tried every means in her power to gain over the priests and the monks to her and her daughter, before ever she addressed herself to popular men and popular principles. With smiles, with blandishments, with sacrifices of her personal dignity and virtue, with money, with promises, with the most solemn engagements, and the most winning entreaties, she endeavoured, month after month, to gain over the apostolicals; but she failed entirely: her love turned to hate-her caresses to plots against the counsellors of Ferdinand; and the intrigues of an ambitious and handsome young Neapolitan princess, were the means of saving Spain from a return to that Inquisition which in heart she loved, and loves, and which she would not only have consulted, but have rejoiced to re-establish. From seeming, and from threatening evil, much good has however been educed; and we may say, with truth, that most unintentionally on her part, and contrary to her wishes and hopes, she has become the Spanish reformer of the 19th century. Still Ferdinand could only be persuaded to partial concessions, to partial exiling, and to partial dismissals. When TORRIJOS fell into his hands, the young Queen did not attempt to save him from butchery and death. She who now has the word "liberty" on her lips, never made one effort to save that desperate band of "liberty lovers," on the coast of Spain; but they were shot by order of the counsellors of her husband and her lord. At length the Queen became more pressing,-her personal interests haunted her night and day,-she saw nothing before her but the sepulchre of her husband, which must soon be filled by his corpse,―and for herself either banishment or poverty, disgrace or assassination. She became desperate. Ferdinand was a mere animal. Beauty, and not virtue, sensuality, and not nobility of character or elegance of manners, alone influenced him on the part of a woman. An animal himself in all his pursuits, amusements, and even occupations, he looked on all women simply as objects of lust; and his new and young Queen gratified his tastes, and fed his animalism. It can excite no surprise, that her influence over him became absolute, her domination most complete. He consented to convoke the Cortes to proclaim her daughter Queen after his death,-consented to banish his favourite brother, Don Carlos, whose habits and tastes were in a great degree similar to his own, and he consented to call to his counsels D'OFALIA and ZEA, both regarded with horror by the pure apostolicals,-but still both as monarchical in their notions, and as antirevolutionary and anti-progressive in their doctrines, as my Lord Wynford, or even my Lord Eldon. The Queen now became satisfied. The names of Zea and D'Ofalia were so much more acceptable to Spain than were those of Calavarde and d'Espagne, that the Queen imagined the new Ministers were really popular, and that, after the death of her husband, she should be able to secure the attachment of the Carlists and the monks, by concessions which she was prepared to make to them to any extent. Bermudez and D'Ofalia, were the John the Baptists of the future Messiah; but the arrival of the Messiah they have yet only announced; for Christina, who hopes to retain her influence, when liberal and representative institutions shall have been established in Spain, will indeed find herself most grievously mistaken. To Bermudez and D'Ofalia, Spain is, however, much indebted, and the revolution has made use of them as important and valuable instruments. At length Ferdinand expired. The Queen was 66 en mesure," the Carlists were The departed monarch had shewn, by his testamentary disposition, what were his views, his hopes, and his system. That same will likewise prove what were the views, hopes, and system of Christina. It had been dictated by her and her agents, and written by the King at her request. It was an appeal not to liberal, but to illiberal Spain-not to the enemies of the monks and the inquisitors, but an apology made to them. It was not a patriotic bequest, or a liberal legacy which it contained, but merely the change of the male for the female line of succession, with the same men, the same principles, and the same measures. That there might be no doubt on this head, the Queen and her Ministers published a MANIFESTO. Not a word was said about a charter, not a word about a constitution, not a word about the Cortes, not a word about liberty, or public rights, or national freedom; but Zea and D'Ofalia promised administrative reforms, local improvements, a more just and liberal system of trade and commerce, and an improved organization of the interior, both as to territorial division and local management. Still the revolution had marched, still the Carlists and the priests had separated themselves from the new dynasty,-still the manifesto addressed to the church did not satisfy it; and the Queen found herself Regent, and her husband's late friends her own; but she found also that she must advance with men more willing to satisfy public opinion, supply public wants, and listen to pub not. has been acknowledged. Spain, even as she is, would now be supportable,-and time, energy, and patriotism will accomplish the rest. As in France so in Spain, I feel, then, that we have just cause for satisfaction and for hope; and we may affirm with confidence that, in both countries, the revolution is progressing. Of PORTUGAL may we not speak with equal satisfaction and with equal boldness? I do not refer to the mere abdication or defeat of Don Miguel. I do not refer to the mere success of Don Pedro or Donna Maria. I have as much confidence in, and as much love for, one brother as another; and the young lady who is called Queen has not received the best education, or had set before her the best example, to prepare her to ascend the throne as a constitutional monarch. I believe it to be very likely that, in Portugal, Don Miguel may have more personal friends and followers than Don Pedro, and that the former could even now raise a larger army amongst those who, unfortunately, are governed by the priests, than could the latter. I do not believe that Don Pedro has ever made the question of Portugal a question of freedom, but only one of family, of dynasty; and all his antecedents are in support of my proposition. The Portuguese question is to me then one wholly separate from the combatants,—distinct from both Miguel and Pedro, or even from Donna Maria da Gloria. I rejoice certainly" that another King has been sent on his travels,"that "Don Carlos" and himself, have been com lie threats, and even public violence, than were M. D'Ofalia, or M. Zea Bermudez. This was the moment of peril! If Zea and D'Ofalia had retained office, the Spanish Revolution would have been postponed for another ten or even twenty years; and even Don Carlos and his sons might have been preferred to Christina and her daughter. This was the moment of peril! Lord Palmerston counselled the Queen to retain Zea. Talleyrand counselled the Queen to stick to the principles of the manifesto. Rayneval and Addington implored the Queen to persevere in the system "of moderation" she had set out with. And the Courts of Vienna, St. Petersburgh, and Berlin, said, “If this be all that is intended, if it be simply an affair of dynasty, if Bermudez, and D'Ofalia, and their principles are to prevail, why, our ambassadors may remain at Madrid : we will not disturb this mere palace Revolution, and M. Zea may even calculate on our protection and gratitude." This was the moment of peril to the Spanish Revolution: but its good genius prevailed over its evil one,—and it was rescued from the ruin which, if Zea and D'Ofalia had remained in office, must infallibly have overtaken it. The progress of the revolution in Spain brought about the dismissal of those two dangerous ministers; and since that time, all the combinations which have been formed, in which even one of their coadjutors remained, have, from time to time, become increasingly unpopular; until now Spain is governed by men who are quite as advanced in their opinions, as O'Connell, Odillon Barrot, Grote, Parnell, and Mauguin, are known to be in France and in England. The "manifesto" ispelled to quit the shores of Portugal,—and that now considered heretical and tyrannical. The priests are now treated as ordinary citizens, and their boasted privileges are discussed with freedom and without reserve. The principle of "election" has been recognised! The "CORTES" are convoked!! Representative institutions are being established; and the movement is going on with a rapidity fully equal to our wishes, and far exceeding our expectations. I admit that Martinez de la Rosa pays too much attention to the advice of bankers, and to the counsels of capitalists. I admit that the Minister of War is not as fully prepared as the nation for an enlarged system of electoral rights. I admit that the Cortes are not convoked on the most popular principles; and that " property" is too much looked to as the test or qualification. I admit that the Minister of Finance is not so well informed as M. Gargollo; and that a general arrangement of the Spanish debt must be made on equitable principles, and not patched up by Mr. Rothschild or Mr. Allende. But though the Revolution has not accomplished one tithe which it is destined to effect, yet the Revolution is progressing. The press, though persecuted, is made more free than it was. Public opinion, though still hunted down by the police, does, notwithstanding, now express itself on the public places. The principle of election has been admitted. The right of the people to refuse to pay taxes not voted by their representatives The absolute and despotic Kings are thus exhibited to angels and to men. But what I principally rejoice at in Portugal, is the spread of constitutional opinions and liberal sentiments. Portuguese demand to be represented. Then the Portuguese feel that they are something. Then the Portuguese are no longer to be bought and sold, transferred and handed over, like oxen or bank stock. Then the people know that they have rights, and that these rights are inherent, and can never be forfeited. Then the people will exercise these rights, will elect representatives, will have schools, and books, and journals, and reviews, and clubs, and societies, and songs, and prints, and theatres, and toleration towards Protestants as well as Catholics :-and so Portugal will become humanized, civilized, and happy. God forbid that merely to exchange Donna Maria for Miguel, the Portuguese should have sacrificed and suffered so much during so many years. No, no, this is not the result of their labours. There is to be a charter, there are to be Chambers, there are to be laws and not decrees, and the people are not to be taxed any longer by mere ordinances from "Belem." But the word "6 Republic" has been pronounced in Portugal!-so much the better! Don Pedro has become unpopular !-so much the better! The people are looking to principles and not to men, to facts and not to followers! So much the better! At this rate the revolution is marching in |