deafness will only prove his inward belief of our justification.

This, indeed, is the way to gain a hearing; and more than a hearing, if the plan be continued. The following is extracted from an article entitled "Statistics of Labour."

The tailors, shoemakers, and hatters, are the three principal branches of practical industry, that yet remain independent of the power of steam and machinery. The men employed in these different trades, are themselves the best judges of the quality of the materials upon which they are severally employed; the best judges too of the quality of the work. Have they sufficient intelligence to organize depots for the particular wares of each, manufactured by themselves, for themselves, and for the united brothers throughout the kingdom? The shopkeepers, the great distributors of produce, are uniting against the Unions, and passing resolutions to employ no man of the Unions! Let them complete their magnanimous determinations, by resolving from this day henceforward, to sell nothing to the men of the Unions. Dare they venture upon this resolution, or will they leave it for you, men and brethren, to resolve it for them? Let each lodge busy itself immediately, with the statistical details of its particular trade, and let it furnish to its brethren in other departments of industry, the probable or actual amount of employment it can give annually to the united brothers of each particular branch. What money do you spend in a year upon shoes, coats, trousers, hats, &c. &c. ? This amount, whatever it may be, is the measure of your importance to the class of distributors, and also of your own power of assistance to each other, &c.

This is coming to the point. In the same number, we find the record of an act on the part of some of the Unionists, which manifests a spirit that may make certain great folks wince as they read it, seeing the prospect of similar energies. On the subjugation of the "host of tailors," by the union of the masters, all the officers of one of the lodges that was deserted by those forming it, being resolved not to submit to the degradation which would follow the signing of the document put forth by the masters, passed a resolution, "That we do at once fly from this worse than Egyptian slavery, from the land of bondage to that of liberty and justice; and that we do henceforth go on board the first ship bound for America; and that this resolution be transmitted to the Executive when we have sailed."

Our next extract will shew that the Trades' Unions are not bold with blindness, and that they are well aware of all the power with which they are about to contend. It is from "An Address from the Brothers of the Grand Lodge of Miscellaneous Operatives, to the Lodges in Unions, and to the Operatives of Great Britain and Ireland."

We have now evidently to contend, not only with our employers, but with their customers; with the Government, the aristocracy, the magistracy, the press, and, in short, with all the interests, great and small, with very few exceptions, that are not immediately identified with ourselves. No single trade, therefore, can withstand such a power; but one by one they will all be defeated. What, then, can save us from sinking still lower and lower in the gulf of destitution and misery, in which we are already prostrated? Nothing but union; one solid, compact, and concentrated Union; this, and this only, can save us; and if we neglect this, there remains to us nothing but the vilest, the most degrading and abject submission to the despotism of capital, of which ourselves, our wives, and infant children, are doomed to be the crouching and timid slaves. Will we, then, be free

Send up your delegates

ourselves must strike the blow! to the Congress, and let them not be instructed. to stipu late for partial strikes, or the individual advantage of any

particular trade; but let them come with universal good

will in their hearts, and with the determination to adopt those measures that shall strike at the root of the evil by which we are destroyed; which shall remove the causes of your want of intelligence, and root out poverty and misery from all the wealth-producers in the empire.

This Official Gazette is altogether a very original publication, not merely from the novel feature it presents of the working classes standing up to argue their cause with knowledge, reason, and a thorough command of temper; but, from the singular variety of its contents. We have able leading articles of political and social science, dialogues, and original papers. We have official documents, summoning delegates from all the lodges in town and country, to a grand meeting in August, signed by a secretary, and dated from the Council Chamber; and we have accounts of the proceedings of the "Women's Grand Lodge of operative straw-bonnet makers!" We have "Reply of the Trades' Unions of Great Britain, &c., to the address of the workmen of Nantes ;" and the announcement of the funeral of brother Smith, and at such a time and place, to which the thousands are invited. We have the address of the operatives of Ghent and Belgium, (pretty well translated,) together with a very clever article written by the Belgian deputy, and a quotation from the democratic writings of Mr. Southey. We have a memorial stating that the Executive "are now ready to enter on general negotiations with the Governments of Europe and America," &c., and we have an address to the operative cordwainers of Great Britain, &c. We have theories for the establishment of a Union Bank, (evidently written by one who understands the subject,) and an announcement of eighteen pence having been received towards its foundation. We have original communications, in prose and verse, from journeymen shoemakers, tailors, &c. &c., who are far from being ashamed of their calling, a fact incomprehensible to the aristocratic; and we have the introductory chapter to Vol II., (not yet published,) of the Theory of the Constitution, by James B. Bernard, Esq., Fellow of King's College, Cambridge, &c., &c. In fine, this publication is the first of its kind, and has consequently a most original character.

The working classes are more than suspected of having often compromised themselves to gin and beer; so one of the writers in the Official undertakes to lecture them on the subject. And soundly he does it.

Let us suppose three working men to be talking of their condition, and that they have at last agreed upon certain measures which they ought to adopt, and exert themselves to induce their brothers to adopt in unison with them. They are then joined by a fourth, just as a band of music strikes up in front of a gin shop. "O, its all no use for us to stand here talking," says he: "things will go on just the same. What can us working men do against all the wealth and power of the country? If the Trades' Unions were doing any good for us, I'd join them directly; but they are in a bit of a scrape just now-so I'll wait till they get out of it. Come, let's go and have a glass of gin!" They all four enter the Palace; they see everything handsome and shining about them; here they are

at home; the fine place is expressly built for them; it flatters their vanity; here they are of importance! The great Ginocrat bows to them; and all his ministers, in white aprons and sleeves, are assiduous to please them and show them every attention. They get drunk and what becomes of their patriotism? They stagger out into the air, in order to become sober; are bullied, and perhaps beaten by the police; and go to work again, as wretched and enslaved, as though no ideas of the freedom and just remuneration of industry had ever entered their heads.

No one acquainted with London life, (and it is much the same in the provinces,) but must recognise the truth of the above delineation. The article is headed with " Ginocracy;" and as the Official teems with new systems, calculations, and plans, the writer deduces one from the subject of dram-drinking; and it really looks very feasible and no less important.

If a million of Unionists would forego one glass of gin, or one pint of beer, for any one day, there is scarcely any measure which might not be advantageously set on foot, and in many cases thoroughly accomplished. Would they extricate a number of their suffering brethren from difficulties and distress, this would accomplish it; would they remunerate those who endured losses and imprisonment for their sakes, (as in the case of the True Sun,) it might thus be done with ease; and with how small a privation on their parts, in comparison with that of those who fight their battles! Would they erect a Union market-place, buy raw material, get land, set up a victualling store, &c. -the sum that is worse than wasted in purchasing a million glasses of gin, would lay a sure foundation for their ultimate emancipation from slavery, degradation, hunger, and incessant misery!

Our next extract is from a paper sent to the Official Gazette, by "Citizen Jobert, Deputy from the Belgian Operatives, and Chief Editor of the Voice of the People, exiled by the Belgian Government."

We remark that in France and Belgium, as well as in England, the associations of operative tailors are those who enter most largely in the way of progression, and who demand, with the greatest perseverance, the social reform. Does not this arise from the fact that the tailors are more within reach, than other workmen, of knowing the incapacity and nothingness of the aristocrats? As they make clothes for everybody, they get the habit of not judging of the merit of the man by the value of his costume," &c.

Very good, Mons. Deputy Jobert; we think you have "hit the right goose uuder the wing." In one of the Dialogues-between a Unionist and a Stranger, written, we believe, by Mr. Owenwe find a new and rational view taken of selfinterest.

U.-Self-interest, when properly understood, is the only sure guide to every kind of excellence, to permanent prosperity and happiness; but to act thus, pre-supposes a more extended knowledge of human nature and of society than has hitherto been given to any population, or to any class or division of mankind, in any country; for men have not yet advanced further than to understand what is termed individual interest. Now, individual interest is a principle of action directly opposed to an enlightened self-interest, for it necessarily leads to evil of every kind. Individual interest is almost always opposed, not only to general happiness, but also to the happiness of the individuals who are governed by it.

pected under the present social arrangements. But it is hard to say what the Trades' Unions may not gradually effect; for if properly organised, they are very likely to constitute, as they themselves affirm, "the great moving power of Europe."

Avoid union, say the hired scribes of the capitalists, whilst the history of that capital exhibits in every page the lesson of union; and in the pages of the last century it is more importantly exhibited than in any of antecedent date. The most important social problem of the passing moment is the organization of industry, for its own benefit. It it the solution of this problem, that we especially recommend to the attentive consideration of all thinking minds. whose hearts and whose sympathies are with the millions. 'What has union done for you,' cry the scoffers and scorners; and the cry is reiterated by the interested in things as they are, and finds a constant echo in the misinformed, the timid, and the takers-for-granted- It is not union, that you have seen-you have mistaken its infantine representative, for the intellectually organized and fullgrown saviour of the world of industry."

This mistake has been made by all parties; beginning with the unionists themselves. But they now see their error, and their recent sufferings and difficulties seem only to have added to their resolution.

That the present state of things cannot last is plain enough. When error is at its climax, the consequences most induce its cessation. Extremes always destroy themselves, and merge into their opposites. We must therefore do our best to prepare the minds of men for that great moral change which, like the physical world rising in its steady order and beauty from the desolation of chaos, is now in progress, so that a superior degree of intelligence may induce a universal good feeling in every class of society, and convince all parties that no interest can be permanent which does not unite the interest of every one in the grand scheme of its foundation. This is a moral and political truth which must lead to practical justice. The impressions and feelings of an honest working man, may be summed up in this soliloquy: "I will do my utmost for you who are in authority, if you will only do enough to enable me to live and maintain my family with decency and comfort; but if you will do no such thing, why should I wear out my strength to provide you with superfluities ?"

It is generally supposed that the Trades' Unions are now at an end? But here we have the question answered officially.

Let not the aristocracy, and those who roll in the wealth earned for them by the sweat of the working classes, exult in the temporary difficulties of the Trade's Unions! They have got to learn that our fortitude is equal to our courage; that so far from being crushed, as they would fain persuade themselves, by the discomfiture of a part of our body, we have only set it down as the suffering which is the flinty and arduous, but necessary road to experience. They will soon find us rise like "giants refreshed ;" and the re-action in our favour will be the consolidation of millions, where we before only counted thousands.

to have had far less influence in the circumscription of its circulation, than the former. At all events, we do not hesitate to say, that we regret such a publication should not meet with the suc

cess it deserves; and we trust when the Trades' Unions consolidate the millions which they anticipate will flock to their cause, that they will possess an equally intelligent, dispassionate, and ably-conducted organ.

The reader has now a concise and correct view of all the most influential of the Unstamped Press of London. Those who may not agree with the remarks we have occasionally offered, can turn to the extracts and judge for themselves. That the articles from which they are taken were all written by uneducated men, no one can believe; but that they were read attentively by thousands and tens of thousands of uneducated men, is very certain.

Since the above went to press, the Crisis and the Official Gazette have ceased, as we had anticipated. In the place of the former has risen a penny paper, called The Shepherd, which is entirely of a scientific character, and treats originally and ably of the moral and physical world, under such headings as, "Nutrition;"" Truth and Mystery;"" Astronomy;" "Diet ;" "Philanthropic Establishment," &c. It also contains extracts from philosophical works. Mr. Owen, not considering the abstract nature of these subjects as answering his purpose sufficiently, started soon after a fresh paper, called The New Moral World, in which he advocates and explains his plans, with a sanguine perseverance that no time nor disappointment has been able to conquer, nor ever will conquer, so long as he lives. We gave it as our opinion that the Pioneer would soon fall, either by neglect, or the hand of the Stamp Office; and this, we learn, was just about to happen, but it has been saved for the present by the union of other papers. It now appears as “The Pioneer and Official Gazette, with which is incorporated The Weekly Chronicle, Crisis,

and New Moral World." It unites most of the faults, though not all the ability of the various papers named. Nevertheless, as the price is only twopence, it is a capital paper for their cause. The "Man," and the "Hue and Cry,” are also defunct; but their place is supplied by the "True Times," price twopence, and the "Sunday True Times," price one penny.

The delegates of the Trades' Unions, in obedience to the summons they had received from the Executive Council, through the medium of The Official Gazette, assembled in London early in August last. They amounted to upwards of forty, and were the representatives of thousands, from all the large provincial towns, &c. They sat for ten or twelve days, and formed a regular Poor Man's Parliament-the first time the poor have ever been truly represented. Nearly all of them were intelligent, shrewd men; of plain, sound sense and matter-of-fact knowledge. After they had concluded their business, a public meeting took place; where it was made manifest that several of them were excellent speakers; for they were neither deficient in matter, nor words to express themselves. We were particularly amused by the humour of one of them.

"The march of intellect," said he, " is a glorious thing, and sure to progress. But this is not owing to the Society for the Confusion of Knowledge. You may shove a turnip down a cow's throat; but we are not to be crammed. Our progression is by our having learned to think for ourselves about our own affairs. This is the poor man's real march of intellect. Much has been done in the last ten years; and I believe that almost every boy of eighteen, whom I meet in the streets, knows more now than I did when I was five-and-twenty-and give me leave to tell you, I was no fool then! But that we working men in the country have advanced in intelligence is very certain. I think I can speak for myself, without any nonsensical false modesty; and as a proof of it, I have come up out of a coal pit, here to London, elected as the representative of several thousand men."

In the article above, a full view is given of the present state of the Unstamped Press. The emancipation of the Political Press is, we think, at hand; for that cannot surely be called free which is fettered with a duty of 3d. or 4d. upon every sheet. The reign of influence may protract for a season, and the machinery previously organized by a junto may impose drags; bu* not disposed to regard them. The rete Taxes on Knowledge has long been ar J of the first importance to those who wish to disseminate useful information and political knowledge among the people. Mr. Brougham was believed to be favourably disposed to this principle; and it is at present abundantly obvious that Lord Brougham has fairly cut with the Monopoly Press. The Times, and the man of the times, no longer smile upon each other, and reciprocate kindnesses and cour

mo

VOL. I. NO. IX.

tesies.

It is noticeable that the high Tories, and all those newspapers that enjoy any share of the monopoly, have caught alarm at the same moment. One sees afar off the end of their monopoly and injury to their pecuniary interests; and the other the letting in of political knowledge as a flood; and both agree in believing that the immediate object is to place the political press under the guidance of the creatures of Lord Brougham, to subserve his immediate purposes; -the Edinburgh Review, one or two ministerial papers devoted as much to the Cabinet as to the Chancellor, and an occasional pamphlet, being no longer able to bear up against that active pressure of " priests, peers, and printers" upon his Lordship. The Quarterly Review announces him as the head of a "Society for the Diffusion of Political Knowledge," which in a weekly penny paper, to be called The Citizen, shall

2 W

which requires a printer's name to be printed, under a penalty; for I believe it does not prevent the printer or his servant, or newsman, from cutting off the name after it has been put on. Thus, all these publications were absolutely untraceable, except those of one or two which appeared to invite prosecution for the sake of increasing their sale. The others were not only all unstamped, but were without the printer's name.

It appears quite obvious, that, in these circumstances, there are but two ways of meeting this great evil. The one is, having recourse to the ordinary principle in all such cases, namely, taking away the impediments from the fair dealer, from the respectable publisher, and thus removing the advantage which the law now gives the unfair dealer. The fair dealer is now liable to a stamp of 3d. or 4d., which the other escapes. The latter not only highly seasons the food he prepares for the perverted taste of the people with highly flavoured ingredients, but he has also a more effectual advantage; he undersells the fair dealer by 300 per cent. The consequence is, that the fair trader has no sort of chance in such a competition. It is quite clear, if you remove the stamps, you apply the common principle of destroying the smuggler, by lowering the duties. This has been found quite effectual ia other branches of legislation.

We shall omit his Lordship's paternal panegyrie upon the Penny Magazine, as that looks too much like a cast of trade, and take up his evidence where it bears upon the question at issue.

I

The public require papers of less value than the Penny Magazine, and will buy them, though of less value, and therefore not so cheap, provided they be sold for a penny or two-pence, and also contain news. The people wish to read the news, in which they take an interest, and in which it is fit they should take an interest. In public affairs they are nearly concerned, and it is both their right and their duty to attend much to public affairs. am of opinion that a sound system of government requires the people to read and inform themselves upon political subjects; else they are the prey of every quack, every impostor, and every agitator, who may practise his trade in the country. If they do not read, if they do not learn, if they do not digest, by discussion and reflection, what they have read and learnt, if they do not thus qualify themselves to form opinions for themselves, other men will form opinions for them, not according to truth and to the interests of the people, but according to their own individual and selfish interests, which may, and most probably will, be contrary to that of the people at large. The best security for a Government like this, for the Legislature, for the Crown, and, generally, for the public peace and public morals, is, that the whole community should be well informed upon its political as well as its other interests: and it can be well informed only by having access to wholesome, sound, and impartial publications. Therefore they will and ought to read the news of the day, political discussions, political events, the debates of their representatives in Parliament, and of the other House of Parliament.

We cannot think a penny newspaper which contained all or much of this, of "less value to the public," than the habits of the bat, and the habitats of the sow-thistle, and such like, even when illustrated with cuts; but on this point we shall not differ with the learned and scientific witness, whose opinions when they happen to square with our own, we value at least as highly as the Globe does the opinions of the Duke of Wellington, when they fall in with those it is advocating for the day. His Lordship says,and we subscribe to the doctrine heartily,→

If, instead of newspapers being sold for sixpence or a shilling, they could be sold for a penny, I have no man. ner of doubt there would immediately follow the greatest

possible improvement in the tone and temper of the political information of the people, and therefore of the political character and conduct of the people. It is my decided and deliberate opinion, from very long and anxious consideration, that the danger is not of the people learning too much, but knowing too little. It is no longer à question whether they shall read or not; it is no longer a question whether they shall be instructed or not; it is no longer a question whether they shall be politicians, and take part in the discussions of their own interests or not; that is decided long and long ago. The only question to answer, and the only problem to solve, is, how they shall read in the best manner; how they shall be instructed politically, and have political habits formed the most safe for the constitution of the country, and the best for their own interests. I can devise no other means than making that accessible at a cheap rate, which at present they must have at a rate they cannot afford without having it bad as well as cheap. I wish to give it them both cheap and wholesome.

Would, in your Lordship's opinion, increasing the severity of the law against unstamped periodical works have a tendency to suppress them ?-I think, if it had a tendency at all, it would be a contrary tendency; I think it would be brutum fulmen if it were made a capital felony, as I have seen it not very wisely proposed in some quarters; no jury would convict at all. You cannot discover them, and they will never convict them.

Has it fallen under your Lordship's observation whether taking off the stamps from newspapers would seriously injure the revenue?--That is undoubtedly the great difficulty, and I have reason to think that is one of the two only difficulties which prevent the measure from being adopted; the other is the apprehension that when this impediment is removed, there will spring up an unlimited increase of penny publications of a profligate description, on political and religious subjects. My opinion decidedly is, that no such consequence would ensue. A great number would spring up, and a great number would speedily fall. An established newspaper has a great advantage over the new comer. The Morning Chronicle or the Times, the Morning Herald or the Morning Post, coming down to three-pence, would have infinite advantages over any other. They have possession of the field; the proprietors are men of credit; and I am sure they are actuated by a feeling too liberal to wish to put forward their claims to any thing like monopoly. But in the next place, though a great number of new papers would arise, I cannot conceive that more libellous, blasphemous, or obscene publi. cations would or could arise than exist at present; for those publications have already been established, and the tendency of the change could only be to raise a competition against those publications; that is, the competition of respectable writers. At present I should say, those publications have a better chance than they could under a law abolishing the stamp; for at present they have the means of excluding, by their lawless habits, respectable men from all competition with them; they have there fore the benefit of the stamp; the others do not wish to run the risk of a breach of the revenue laws, and therefore abstain from that competition; so that the stamp operates to narrow the competition, and so give the law. less trader a monopoly in the market of blasphemy, trea. son, and ribaldry. I hold it to be as clear a proposition as any in finance, that if you abolish the stamp on newspapers, instead of increasing the facility to set up libellous publications, you greatly lessen, it by increasing the number of good publications, and by destroying the monopoly in the hands of reckless men, who neither mind the old law of the land nor a breach of the stamp laws. Then the other observation to which my attention is directed is a very material one. I cannot give so decided an answer to that; namely, the injury to the revenue; but after much attention my opinion is, that there would be no very material injury to the revenue.

No doubt taking away the stamp may perhaps not be very beneficial to those great newspapers: but I think they would gain in other ways as much as they lost in this; and at any rate I must look to the interest of the consumer, and not of the grower. In America, where ng