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members of the Cabinet; nor the prompt ques so disgraceful to the honour and the national tioning and remonstrances in many quarters ; faith of England. Upon this subject, he seconded nor the deputation, headed by Mr. Place, which the motion of Mr. Wynn, for an address to the took leave to wait upon Earl Grey, at most un. Prince Regent, humbly requesting that he would seemly hours, and in the moment of peril, to graciously interpose his mediation to rescue the question him very freely. These things are not unoffending people of Norway from the dreadful forgotten ; and if it be—which we strongly doubt alternative of famine, or of subjugation to a —that the bill was originally framed, as the Re foreign yoke. In seconding this motion, Mr. viewer states, in a manner that s would have de Lambton said, “he was not one of those who stroyed a hundred rotten boroughs, and created could look on calmly, and behold a magnanimous about twice that number,” and only improved people offered up on the altar of diplomatic con. in the Cabinet,—then we retort, that Lord | venience. Brougham experimented to the utmost to re
“ Did those gentlemen, who had so often panegyrized the store it to this vicious condition; and was only invincible spirit which the people of Spain and Portugal restrained by the force of public opinion, and had displayed, hope that so virtuous a feeling would not the manifest impossibility of the Whigs main
be imitated in other countries ? He, on the contrary, taining themselves in power, upon a narrower
anxiously desired that so noble a spirit should extend Another opportunity will offer for ex
over every part of Europe—and he trusted, that in the
case of Norway, as in that of Spain and Portugal, the amining the palpable sophistries by which the spirit of National independence would triumph over every Reviewer tries to confound “clipping and paring,” difficulty. Much as he disliked the treaty itself, by as meant by Lord Durham, with actual enlarge
which the cession of Norway was recognised—still more
did he dislike the time when it was entered into. At the ment of measures ; and the “ compromising” of
time when the horrors of war were almost at an enda wise, enlightened, practical statesman, with when the allied powers had recognised the right of the the jesuitical paltering of a knave; or with French people to form their own constitution—at that the ignorant obstinacy of a sincere, though moment, which ought to have been most auspicious for wrong-headed reformer. With a political press
the interests of mankind, did his Majesty's Ministers so vigilant as that of Britain, this task will not
determine to compel a brave nation to bow beneath a de.
tested foreign yoke. What did the world now see? It be many days neglected ; and we shall occupy saw that England, which had held its head so high as our limited space more usefully to the common the asserter of the liberties of Europe, became the oppres. cause, in tracing, though but in a faint outline, sor of an inoffensive people; they saw her, not employing the political career of the Earl of Durham ;
her arms against the Norwegians, but resorting to that leaving his public conduct to speak for his pub
which he thought England would never have stooped to
a system of starvation. In the year 1813 they had relic character, and to shew the real nature of his turned thanks to Providence for an abundant harvesta averseness to all “ clipping and paring,” and of and in 1814 they impiously attempted to withhold from his dislike to injurious “compromise," and
a brave and spirited people, a participation in that plenty needless delay and dallying in the reform of re.
which they themselves enjoyed. He hoped, however,
those who supported such a system would be disapcognised abuses, and in the improvement of faulty pointed—and that the people of Norway would find institutions. The newspaper press will not fail as bold and as successful a defender, in some native to expose, though it should be for the tenth warrior, as the inhabitants of Spain and Portugal tad time, Lord Brougham's juggling about the case
done in the Duke of Wellington. of Warwick, and those reiterated misrepresenta In 1815, a similar act of national plunder, the tions which, by their pertinacity, begin to shake annexation of Genoa to Savoy, an act justified, as the belief of simple-minded sincere persons. usual, on the necessity of preserving the balance The public journals will not overlook the open of power,—"a term," as he expressively observes, coquetting with the leading Tories—not with the “ always brought forward to justify every act of Duke of Wellington and Sir Robert Peel alone-violence or rapine," -called on Mr. Lambton again they, it would appear, are purified, and admissible to come forward in vindication of the rights of into a coalition Cabinet already—but with such nations. In a speech drawing a still bolder and "impatient spirits," as Mr. Croker or Sir R. Inglis, more marked line between popular and anti-poor Sir R. Vyvyan perhaps, whom the Duke and pular politics, he moved for papers connected Sir R. Peel “ cannot control” nor tame down with the spoliation. To his consistent adherence into a comfortable compromise with the Conser to the principles of one sentence, we hope he vative Whigs. To the newspaper press we also will have some day, and that soon, reason to turn leave the hypocritical whining of the Reviewer with pride. over “ the Irish Coercion Bill, and one or two About this time Mr. Robinson (Earl of Ripon) other measures, forced upon the liberal Cabinet, brought in his Corn-Bill. On the second readand most abhorrent to their principles.” Nothing ing, early in March, 1815, it was moved by Mr. of this will escape the vigilance of the Fourth Lambton, that it should be read a second time Estate; and, for the present, we address our that day six months. This, however, does not lead selves to a far more pleasant duty.
us to any conclusive notion of Lord Durham's The Earl of Durham, then Mr. Lambton, came present opinions upon this vital point. The peointo Parliament in 1814, at the age of twenty-ple had caught the alarm. Meetings were held two. One of the first acts of his political life was in the commercial and manufacturing districts opposition to that glaring injustice which even to petition against the bread-tax; and Mr. Tories have since disclaimed,—that agree men Lambton did no more than Earl Grey, who, in to transfer Norway to Sweden, which led to act the other House, complained of the indecent
haste to pass the bill, and to stifle the expression been found to pursue their traitorous object (for treason of public opinion upon it.
it was against the constitution) through the bodies of From this period, Mr. Lambton took a share
their fellow-subjects; or that they would have raised in the debates, and was looked upon as a man
against the liberties of their country, hands reeking with
the blood of helpless and inoffensive women and children. of talent and promise ; but it was not until the Such were the occurrences of the day which had given session of 1819 that he assumed that prominent occasion to the present meeting. The laws had been part in Parliament which he has ever since main
violated by those who had been sworn to obey them; and
by those who were leagued originally to defend their feltained, with greater or less activity, but with
low-countrymen against their common foe,-not to raise undeviating sincerity of manner and firmness of their fratricidal swords against Englishmen. The fact purpose. If he has proposed much less than was not to be disguised. English blood had been shed; many other Members that could be named, he and there was not one drop spilt should be unaccounted
for. has abandoned nothing. In 1818, he strenuously opposed the Indemnity Bill, which he called the After going into the details of the Manchesa
winding up of that system of injustice upon ter Massacre, he continued : which the Government had been acting.” It was
Those facts he hoped they would relate to their chil. closing an old bad account only to open
dren, and their children's children ;- they would be written a new one which was worse. In the same ses. in the annals of our country in letters of blood. Some sion, he opposed, in its different stages, the slave had brought forward the words on the banners at Castlereagh Alien Act. Upon the second the meeting of “ Liberly or Death," as a proof of the reading of that most un-English measure, after
traitorous nature of the meeting. When the time arrived that
the coupling of those words should be deemed the harbin, expressing indignant surprise that it could be
ger of rebellion, he should be glad to disown the country resorted to, he said, “ It could only have been that had given him birth. It was the cry of liberty in ventured upon from an idea of the subserviency
similar terms which expelled the Stuarts, and made way and pliability of Parliament. Had the same
for the Brunswick family to the throne of these realms.
Conscious as he was, that it was the reverence for those spirit always prevailed which commenced with
principles which would keep them on the throne to the continental tyranny introduced under the which they had been raised, he was much alarmed at noble Lord, (Castlereagh,) would England have witnessing the approbation which had been bestowed on given refuge to persecuted Protestants, or pro
the transactions at Manchester, in the name of the Prince fited by the Edict of Nantes ? Even the bigot
Kegent. ed Catholic sovereign, who then filled the throne This meeting was held at a period of great of these realms, felt himself bound to receive gloom and apprehension to the friends of civil and protect
the persecuted Protestants of freedom. The gaols were filled with the refor. France, driven from their country for their re
Major Cartwright had been sent to Warligious opinions.”
wick prison. Informations for a libel on the Need we say, that, whatever respect and ad Government were filed against Sir Francis Burmiration his measures attracted to the individual, dett. Earl Fitzwilliam had been summarily disno single motion made by Mr. Lambton was suc missed from his office of Lord Lieutenant of the cessful.
West Riding, because he had dared to attend a The year 1819 was a dark period in English meeting of the county of York, at which the annals. What Mr. Lambton, in opposing the conduct of Ministers, in relation to the Man. Indemnity Bill, had called the winding up of the chester meeting, was disapproved. The Castlesystem of injustice, proved, as we have said, the reagh and Sidmouth Acts were menacing the prelude to greater injustice. Meetings to petition country, and a large augmentation of the army for reform were frequent throughout the coun was proposed, to keep down the spirit of the retry, and they were to be crushed at whatever formers. The Durham meeting took place toexpense. The horrible transactions at Manches. wards the end of October; and forth, in a few days ter intervened. Many of the English counties | issued the anathema of Dr. Philpotts, from met to express their sense of the unjustifiable which Mr. Lambton was defended, if defence he and unconstitutional conduct of the Government, needed, by this same Edinburgh Review! The pas. and, among others, the county of Durham, which sage is worthy of preservation. Of the reverend Mr. Lambton represented. He was from this Philpotts, it is tersely said,—" His language is in. date a marked man, and an especial political re solent and coarse ; he is ambitious of sustaining probate in the eyes of his reverend neighbours, not merely the questionable part of a political the clergy of the district, with Mr. Philpotts at parson, or the inconsistent part of an angry partheir head. To show that their hatred was not son, but the despicable part of a foul-mouthed without what to them seemed good cause, we parson.
What right has this man to accuse shall here cite an extract from the speech, full one of the most honourable and patriotic gentleof genuine English feeling, which Lord Durham men in all England, of being acțuated solely by made in support of the resolutions adopted at • a morbid avidity of distinction?' What autho. the public meeting.
rizes this wrangling pamphleteer to insinuate, in He had not, he said, anticipated that it would ever be plain terms, that Mr. Lambton recommended bis misfortune to see the county of Durham assembled on measures too atrocious to be particularized ? such a melancholy occasion, to vindicate the principles Who that deserves regard, or possesses authoasserted by their ancestors in the Bill of Rights, of fully rity, will approve of this forward priest, launchnot anticipated, that, if this right had been disputed, that ing from the stall of his cathedral, against that any men claiming the name of Englishmen could have most respectable individual, the charge of wan.
tonly tossing about the torch of sedition? As Radicals do still ; while the Tories were the long as he only indulges his over-weening self- avowed Do-little and Do-less men of that time. conceit, with puffs of his own abilities, ostenta. We are still exulting in Lord Durham's manly tiously preferring them to those of the Member disavowal of the dallying, disappointing Do-less for Durham, we leave him alone. The topic is policy of Lord Brougham; but on the occasion we an odd one for any man to choose ; but that is have referred to, and within a stone-cast of the matter of taste. We believe there is no great spot, Mr. Lambton had thirteen years before exrisk of anybody doubting Mr. Lambton's talents ; pressed, and even more - definitely," the sentiand Mr. Philpotts, himself, probably means to ments he lately delivered. This he did in chalkrate them pretty high, since he takes so much ing out the course which a really liberal Govern. pains to prove they are inferior to his own.”
ment ought to follow ; and this be it noticed, Dr. Philpotts and the Durham clergy remain before he could have contemplated any Govern. ed the bitterest political antagonists of Mr. ment being endowed with the noble instrument Lambton, and their influence was both felt and for effecting improvement, which his Bill has seen at his elections. Ten years later, the per placed in the hands of the present administra. sonal feelings of the Bishop of Exeter towards tion. After alluding to the Tories, then in the this distinguished Reformer had lost nothing of height of their power, though in the depths of their acrimony. He appeared to hate the detes their political abasement,-upheld only by the table Bill the more, because Lord Durham was personal favour of the King, and the barricades understood to be its author. This rancorous of their rotten boroughs,-he reverted to their animosity broke forth upon the second reading probable successors in these terms :of the Bill, and drew from Lord Durham a power
“ Men,” he said, “ who would take office now, and ful and unsparing rebuke.
succeed those characters, must prepare for a total change This rather anticipates our sketch.
of policy, both foreign and domestic. They must not When Parliament met, which, in 1819, from interfere in the Government of foreign states without a the circumstances of the country, it did unusually
most pressing and justifiable necessity. They must not early, Mr. Lambton opposed the various Acts
go to war with Naples for the purposes of rapine and opintended to abridge or destroy the liberty of the
pression. They must repeal the Acts lately passed
must relieve those imprisoned for political offences-must subject; and, in particular, he opposed that which remove disability from holding office founded on reauthorized the seizure of arms, at least in his ligious opinions. They must reduce the army-they own county, where he denied that the people higher as well as in the lower departments. they must
must enforce a rigorous order of retrenchment, in the were animated by the treasonable designs im
study economy,--and lastly, but more especially, they must puted to them, and which furnished the ready plea
not delay to grant a reform in the representation of the for every new act of injustice. It had been as people of England. Without these concessions, nothing serted that 14,000 or 15,000 men were training can restore tranquillity. The old system has sown disto the use of arms upon the banks of the Wear
sension among all classes, so as to endanger the stability
of the monarchy.” and the Tyne. This he denied from personal knowledge ; and, though he was not able to en We now approach the most important event of dure the stigma of the name Radical, one in very Lord Durham's public life, down to the passing bad odour at that time, he was also enabled to
of that Reform Bill of which he was the author. assert, in contradiction to Lord Castlereagh, that It was no hasty, ill-digested, undeliberate meano man had been dismissed from his employment sure he brought forward. Many months had for being one of the people so called.
passed between its announcement, and its being In December of this year, Mr. Lambton first laid before Parliament, which did not take place promulgated his scheme of Reform in the repre. until April, 1821. sentation ; but the death of the King, George
Mr. Lambton's bill could never, we think, III., followed, and then a contested or trouble have been a favourite Whig measure, though some election. Upon this came the trial of the above forty members of the Opposition voted for Queen, which consumed nearly the whole of one its being committed. It was supported by Mr. season; and it was not till the Spring of 1821, Whitbread; and in the course of the debate upon that the fully-digested plan was laid before the it, Sir John Cam Hobhouse, its zealous supporter, country.
inflicted that merited and memorable chastiseThe opening of the Session of 1821 was a time ment upon Mr. Canning, under which the “ Poof revival among the Whigs, and the true Re. litical Adventurer" long writhed. According formers, who still acted in concert with them. to the Edinburgh Review, Mr. Lambton's origi. From the date of the Queen's trial, the Cas nal bill of 1821 went much farther than that tlereagh Government, already odious from many presented to the Grey Cabinet in 1831 ; and causes, became utterly hateful to the nation. hence devolves the charge of “ clipping" and The Whigs made strenuous efforts to improve the “ compromise," upon its author. But a man temper of the country to the advantage of their putting in a claim for damages, which he is pretty party; and among other demonstrations, the sure will not be sustained, always demands at Edinburgh Fox Anniversary of that year, for the least three times more than if he were negoti. wonted twenties which usually mustered, num ating for an equitable adjustment: and Lord bered hundreds. The Whig party, and those Durham stood in a precisely similar predicament Liberals who acted with them, then occupied the in relation to his first Reform scheme, and to the same position that, the Liberal Whigs and the Bill which he hoped the Reform Adminstration
might carry. This, of itself, would be a sufficient pressed upon a topic not less important, are the vindication of his integrity of purpose. But how same that he still holds,—and that Triennial stands the fact? Why, that the Bill of 1821, Parliaments was an essential part of the mearepresented by the Edinburgh Review as a mea sure he prepared for the Grey Cabinet. It was sure so much more comprehensive, differs in no probably an integral part of the Bill, and made material point from that of 1831, unless we believe over, for reasons of pretended expediency, to a in the new discovery of the £20 qualification. twin-bill, as was given out at the time, in order The general similarity of the Bills will best be to be quietly strangled by that powerful section seen by a brief account of the whole proceed of the Cabinet who would have forced the L.20 ings. The measure, we have said, could not have qualification upon the country, had they been able been a favourite one with the Whig sect. On to compass their evident designs. Between the the night it was to be debated, the House was Bill of Lord Durham, and Mr. Lambton's Bill of thinly attended by Ministerial Members, who 1821, so far as we can comprehend it—for the might naturally think it enough if they were details remained for the Committee, which it within call, and ready to be whipped in to de
we cannot perceive so great a feat Mr. Lambton's motion, without being an discrepancy as the Edinburgh Review alleges; noyed by his arguments. Of all the Ministers, and although we did, we could perceive no fair only Messrs. Vansittart and Bathurst were pre- ground of comparison between the practical wissent,-" the right honourable twin-representa-dom, which, standing firm to its ground, is nevertives of the oyster-dredgers of Harwich.” Of theless contented to advance inch by inch, so this sweeping measure of reform, which Lord that its course is steadily and uniformly proDurham is alleged to have judiciously, and like gressive, and the “ clipping and paring" signi. a practical man, clipped, and pared, and compro fied. Lord Durham assimilated the Reform Bill mised, the leading features were,—First, The ex to his original scheme so closely, as in one day tension of the franchise, (which had been limited to have rallied the people around the Whig Ministo freeholders,) to leaseholders, and copyholders, try, and made them invincible; which nothing and to householders paying rates and taxes, and less than this “large and effectual measure" having been rated for six months previous to could have done. elections. This clause, Mr. Lambton qua Indifferent health, and much domestic sorrow lified by saying, that “ he did hold, in ex and trial, mingled with the private life of Lord tending the franchise, he must have some basis Durham for several years, and occasionally withto go upon; and that he knew no basis prefer- drew him from his Parliamentary duties, or able to that of property. The possession of a compelled him to take less concern in business certain property gave a man a real interest in than his sense of public duty might have promptthe return of a representative, at the same time ed; nor can we here allude to the many minor that it removed from him that temptation which, affairs in which he came forward, whether as the if he were poor and dependent, he must be al. enemy of oppression, or as the enlightened and most necessarily exposed to in the giving of his consistent advocate of reform, and of liberal prin. vote.”
ciples of Government. Save Triennial ParliaThe second great feature of this plan was ments, and, perhaps, an extension of the suffrage, the disfranchisement of all corrupt and venal we cannot, however, mention any specific meaboroughs : in brief, schedules A and B.
sure to which Lord Durham is what is termed The third, Triennial Parliaments.
“pledged ;” and the question which the Review ties were to vote in districts, as now.
puts, as to whether “ certain phrases have any tennial Act,” Mr. Lambton remarked, “ he could definite and sensible meaning, and whether they not but characterize as the most daring, and the are, indeed, anything more than words or sounds, most unconstitutional exercise of Parliamentary appears to us the only pertinent remark, which authority that ever was attempted within the its free strictures upon Lord Durham contain; walls of Parliament-perhaps the most daring and it is equally applicable to all those too common encroachment on the rights bequeathed to us by vague public declarations, which gain admiration our ancestors that any Parliament had ever of the statesman whom they hold to no one reventured to commit. He should not, therefore, cognized substantial improvement. under these impressions, have intended to pro The part which Lord Durham took in carrypose any measure to the House of this kind ing through that glorious measure,-of which, which did not include Triennial Parliaments, though the Grey cabinet stand sponsors, he must thinking, as he did, that it was essentially ne be regarded as the real progenitor,—cannot yet cessary for the representative and his constitu be so far forgotten as to entitle us to enter upon ents to meet more frequently than they now it here. The Tory Lords then complained of met ; and that the lengthened duration of Par the rashness and the crudeness of the measure, liament operated to render the representative the want of deliberation, and so forth, exactly forgetful of those interests which he was re as Lord Brougham does of other measures now. turned to protect.”
No sooner had Lord John Russell, in the House What the present opinions of Lord Durham of Commons, unfolded the scheme which filled may be upon the Ballot, and one or two other the nation with joy and confidence from end to points, we cannot tell; but we have not the sha end, than up rose Lord Wharncliffe, long before dow of a doubt that the sentiments above ex. the Bill came regularly before him, and com
not have been fulfilling the spirit of the pledgeba
menced the attack in the House of Peers. Lord all the great towns of the empire--this metropolis, Leed Durham then stood forth, the champion of what
Manchester, Birmingham, Sheffield, Newcastle, Edin had been adopted as the Cabinet measure. The
burgh, and Glasgow, and many others; and by whom
will you find the scientific institutions, the literary sowriter in the Review, be he Lord Brougham, or cieties, the charities-in short, all associations tending to whoever else, might have done worse than have re the advancement of arts, literature, and of science, and freshed his memory, by the re-perusal of that
to the amelioration of the human kind—by whom will very able speech. The following sentence is pe
you find them supported ?--by whose example and whose
purse maintained ? He (Lord
By the middle classes. The gen. culiarly pat to the present occasion.
try, living apart in the country, enjoy the luxuries and Durham) was accused of rashness—(that was amusements peculiar to their class, but mix neither in . by the Tories)—for being so expeditious with the the pursuits nor relaxations of their neighbours in the Reform Bill, and not considering the consequences
towns. Whenever they are brought together in public of driving too fast.—“I need not tell your
meetings, on political occasions, their superiority in intel
lect and learning is no longer manifest : the reverse is the Lordships, (he said,) that, if Ministers had con
fact; and I assure the noble Baron (Ellenborough) that tented themselves with barely redeeming their whether he is right or wrong in the opinions he enter. pledge by some small measure of reform, just tains with regard to the inferiority of intellect displayed sufficient to fulfil the promise they had given,
by the newly returned Members, if he were to attend any
of the meetings of the middle classes, and enter into a disthis would not have satisfied the just wishes and
cussion with them on political or scientific subjects, he would expectations of the public. Such a course would have no reason to plume himself on his fancied superiority.
On the 3d of March last, Lord Durham pregiven ; nor would it have been what the People sented a petition from certain Dissenters in the had a just right to expect. It would not have north of England ; and, in supporting it, exstrengthened the Administration ; but it would pressly stated his dissatisfaction with the limited have weakened it, by sowing the seeds of future measure of relief proposed by Lord John Russell. discontent and agitation; and would have farther The next point we recollect was his urging a increased that want of confidence in the since charter for the London University. The Chancelrity of statesmen, which has so long prevailed, lor had no objection to such a thing; but his answer with the worst effects, in the public mind.” seemed to imply that it could never be done.
Illness prevented Lord Durham from attend But we have at present so many good causes ing the first reading of the Bill; but, though con of controversy with the Lord Chancellor, that siderably exhausted, he spoke on the second read. we need not enter upon the discussion of this ing, on the 13th of April. One object of his speech doubtful or debateable one. Nor can we farther was to disprove the accusations of the vice and at this time allude to the later acts of Lord Durrecklessness, nay, of ferocity, in the lower classes. ham's public life. That he was evidently a
This has been a frequent and grateful topic thorn in the side of the Whig Cabinet—a with Lord Durham, down to the Grey Festival, troublesome pricker of their lagging intents, and to his speech at Dundee ; and we attach to is one sure ground for the generous reliance the such congenial sentiments, the more merit, as, people are disposed to place in him. His mission whatever may be the opinion of his “rashness, to Russia, though the Edinburgh Reviewer does no one has ever doubted the sincerity of the not advert to it, we are constrained to believe speaker. We cite one passage the more freely as : compromise,” to which Lord Durham was we really know not where we could find a more led by the delicacies of his ties with the head of philosophical, and at the same time practical, ex the Government. But we must at the same time position of the actual condition of English society. believe, that the Vice royalty of Ireland, an For a long time the People acquiesced in the supremacy
object of ambition to his lordly neighbour of of the higher orders, and their exclusive possession of poli Alnwick Castle, or the Governor.Generalship tical privileges. Conscious of their own incompetency, of India, with larger patronage and appointments from want of education, to enjoy those privileges, they felt no jealousy, and offered no opposition to the monopoly
than ever were before enjoyed, were ready for vested in their superiors. But, my Lords, a great change
his acceptance; and that he has wisely and maghas taken place within the last fifty years in the state of nanimously, and like a true patriot and a great society. The two extrémes have been gradually meeting, statesman, reserved himself for nobler service to the one standing still, while the other has been constantly
the people. At the approaching Glasgow dinner improving. It cannot be concealed that the middle classes have increased of late in skill, talent, political intelli.
Lord Durham is called upon to speak out; and gence, and wealth, to such an extent that they are, and
we have no fears that he will shrink from this feel that they are, competent to the performance of higher duty; or that his phrases will not be more duties. They thus naturally enough feel ambitious to be “than words or sounds-without definite, intellino longer excluded from their fair share of political
gible, sensible meaning.” power ; and the result of their continued exclusion must be a political convulsion."
Since the above was written, we have seen a .the middle classes have a right to indulge in these feelings letter addressed hy Lord Durham to the pub. no accurate observer of the state of society can deny. lisher of the Edinburgh Review, in which he acThe noble Duke opposite, (Buckingham) the proprietor cuses the writer in the Review of “ of St. Mawes, has thought proper to describe them as
gross misrepaupers,-as beggars ! So far from this being the fact
presentation, and of a suppression of the truth ;" their wealth more than doubles, it nearly trebles that of
but he does not go into details, which would, the higher orders. And as for their intelligence,- look at perhaps, be premature.