point. They succeed only in discovering that they were formerly wrong, just so far as it would be inconvenient in them now to have been right. They do not advance beyond this. One would have supposed that Sir John Hobhouse, after this his famous discovery, could not look back upon his former life without a feeling of remorse and shame. A few short weeks had shown him that his career had been one long error, that his opponents had been all the while in the right, he egregiously in the wrong. And yet this same discovery did not convince him that reparation was called for. Oh, no he still could claim praise from the Westminster electors, and descant on his doings in the days of opposition. That is to say, those doings were to be set on one side, when the recollection of them was annoying, but to be brought forward and blazoned forth when they might be serviceable. Just so with my Lord Althorp. He rests much on his former conduct as a liberal in opposition ; he desires, and obtains great praise for his honest support of popular principles; and, in the next breath, he will composedly state, that all the while he was in his heart the opponent of the very measures by the support of which he gained the whole of his popularity.

The noble Lord's former support of, and present opposition to, the Ballot, is precisely in the same spirit. The support was a mere matter of party policy; much reputation was gained by this liberality, and no danger incurred of really obtaining the object for which he was apparently struggling. Now, indeed, support by the noble Lord would be very likely to lead to that result; and consequently, the support is not given. This conduct, we acknowledge, does not surprise us. The same game has been played over and over again, by the two parties of the aristocracy, with precisely the same objects in view.

Some seventy years since, the Tories were for Universal Suffrage and Short Parliaments:— simply, because they hoped thereby to obtain power, and oust the Whigs. The Whigs, for many years, have supported the liberal side; and why? because the Whigs, being out, were driven to this shift in order to have a chance of regaining power. The Whigs are now in; and if it were not that a new and dangerous element has arisen to disturb party politics, viz. the interference of the People, we should soon see the Tories becoming liberal, and fighting the Whigs with the weapons of liberality. The People, however, begin now to look about for themselves; they will soon come to a proper estimation of this sort of see-saw, and put an end to the long-practised imposition. But while we acknowledge that we are not disappointed in our expectations by this conduct of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, we must also allow, that the continued eulogy bestowed on the noble Lord for his peculiar honesty does surprise and pain us. We by no means desire to have it thought that his Lordship's public morality is worse than that of his brethren; all that we insist on is, that it is no better. For the truth of this assertion, the above instances, selected out of many hundreds, are, in our opinion, damning proof. They cannot be explained away, and are in exact accordance with the proceedings of all his party. Why, then, should he be singled out from among the herd of self-interested politicians, as deserving praise for his straightforward and honest course? His course has not been straightforward; it has been marked by as glaring and interested inconsistency as has distinguished all or any of his colleagues. Let us not, then, we earnestly beseech of the dispensers of reputation, whoever they be, be farther molested by these undeserved though oft-repeated eulogies of the honest Lord Althorp.

ENGLAND.

WHEN Parliament is not sitting, domestic intelligence seldom possesses much interest. Rumours of the intentions of Ministers in the ensuing Session are always rife ; but what is set down the one week as firmly resolved on, is in general contradicted the next, as never contemplated. The speeches by members of the Ministry at public dinners form the best means of anticipating coming political events; but such speeches are commonly vague, or enigmatical, and little information is to be derived from them. At a dinner given to Lord John Russell and Lord Ebrington at Plymouth, on the occasion of conferring the freedom of the borough on these noblemen, Lord J. Rus. sell communicated the gratifying intelligence, that at a meeting of Ministers in London, it had been agreed that reductions in the army should be made, and that orders had been given to stop recruiting. This reduction, it was said, would be 8,000 men. It appears, however, that Lord John Russell's announcement was premature; for, in point of fact, no orders have yet been given for any reduction, nor does it appear that any intention of the kind is entertained at the War Office. His Lordship also stated, on the above occasion, that it was the intention of MiVOL. 1.—NO, I.

nisters to take off the house duty, as soon as the state of the revenue permitted it; an intimation which will give little satisfaction, after the expectation so generally entertained that the house duty would be repealed, and means found to equalize the revenue and the expenditure. In defending himself from an attack made on him by Bishop Phillpotts, in a charge to the clergy of his diocese, Lord John Russell stated, that he was not of opinion that the revenues of the Church of England were too large, but only that they ought to be more equally distributed. We are afraid, therefore, we need not expect that any part of the revenues of the Church will be applied to secular purposes, nor even to provide more effectual means of education. The Church Reform Bill will, in all probability, be such a measure as the Irish Church Act.

At a dinner given by the electors of Manchester to their representatives, Mr. Poulett Thomson said, it was impossible to deny that the English Church needed reform; and that the call of the Dissenters to be relieved from contributing to a church to which they did not belong, appeared to be a just and fair demand. Public education, he remarked, called perhaps more than any other subject for the attention of Parliament. What he said regarding the E

the Whigs, on coming into office, made this Tory tool their First Lord of the Treasury, with a salary of L.6000 ayear, in addition to the sinecure office of Auditor, with L-4000 a-year, which he had all along held with his other offices. A difficulty, however, occurred: the law held the offices of Lord of the Treasury, and Auditor, incompatible, for the obvious reason that the Auditor would then have to pass his own accounts; but the subservient Parliament soon solved all difficulties, by passing an act to enable his Lordship to hold both offices.

HUDDERSFIELD ELECTION.-In consequence of the death of Captain Fenton, a new election has taken place for Huddersfield. Mr. Sadler stood on the Tory interest, Mr. Blackburne on the Whig, and Captain Wood, who is a Radical, was also a candidate. From the first hour, the election was never doubtful; and at the close of the poll the numbers were, Blackburne, 234; Sadler, 147; Wood, 108. The latter seems to have given himself little trouble, never having been in the town during the election.

THE UNITARIANS.-Much interest has been created by the decision of the Vice-Chancellor, in the case of the Hewley charity. This decision deprives the Unitarians of all right to the management or enjoyment of a valuable property, left by a Lady Hewley of Manchester, more than a century ago, for the support of certain " poor and Godly preachers of Christ's Holy Gospel." The ViceChancellor decided that no person who denied the divinity of the Saviour's person, and the doctrine of original sin, as it is generally understood, could manage or participate, in the benefit of Lady Hewley's charity; and the Unitarian trustees were therefore appointed to be removed. The decision, it is said, will be appealed to the Lord Chancellor.

BANK OF ENGLAND.-The following is an account of the liabilities and assets of the Bank of England, on the 31st December, 1833-Liabilities,-circulation, L.18,216,000; deposits, L. 13,101,000; total, L.31,317,000. Assets,-securities, L.23,576,000; bullion, L.9,948,000; total, L.33,524,000.

SCOTLAND.

A PUBLIC DINNER was given to the Earl of Ormelie at Perth, by his constituents, on the 27th December. Nearly four hundred gentlemen sat down. The Lord Advocate was present, and his health was drank with "tremendous cheering." In returning thanks, his Lordship observed, that the election contest in Ferthshire had been viewed with strong interest during its progress, from the position of the county in the centre of the kingdom, and as it had always been considered the stronghold of Toryism. Nothing was elicited during the meeting, as to the future measures of the Ministry. Meetings of this kind are apt to impress persons at a distance with the notion that the Ministry are popular in the country. It is not considered that when a dinner is given to the eldest son of one of our greatest proprietors, there are no scarcity of sycophants who are desirous of worshipping the rising sun, without any reference to politics. During the last election, the Earl of Ormelie spent probably more money than had ever been done in Scotland upon a similar occasion. He had numerous agents employed, in every part of the county, to canvass for him, as well as lawyers from Edinburgh, to support the votes on his side, and to object to those of his opponent. When to those employés are added the Whig aristocracy who supported him, a few of their tenants, the persons who, in a provincial town, attend public dinners out of curiosity, and the shopkeepers, who think it may be advantageous for them to appear to be of the same politics as their wealthy customers, we have a muster-roll of those who partook of the Ormelie dinner.

THE GAME LAWS AND THE TENANTRY.-The tenantı y of Perthshire deserve the gratitude of the Scottish agriculturists, by the efforts they are making to direct public attention to the injuries sustained by the community from the increase of game. A deputation of the Perthshire farmers had an interview with the Earl of Ormelie on the subject at Perth, on the 4th January. Valuations, by competent and impartial judges, of the damage sustained on different farms in Perthshire during

the last season, were laid before his Lordship; from which it appeared, that the damage on each of the farms was equal to one-fourth of the rent. About half a century

ago, game was not at all plentiful in Perthshire; there was little cover, and the low state of agriculture rendered food scanty. But, since that period, the increased cultivation of grain, and the introduction of turnips and of artificial grasses, furnish to the game, at all times, a plentiful supply of food; while the numerous plantations which have been formed yield them ample shelter. Weasels, polecats, and carrion crows, were formerly abundant, and kept the game from increasing; but the numerous gamekeepers have greatly diminished the number of the animals and birds which prey upon game, and hence, another cause of the increase. The broad ground which the deputation took was, that every person was entitled to protect his own property from injury; but that, by the present game laws, the crops of the farmer were placed beyond the pale of the law. The Earl of Ormelie, in his answer, admitted that it had been already made out that great injury had been sustained on many farms by the depredations of game, and that the tenants of such farms would not obtain justice unless they received a reduction of rent to compensate them for their loss. His Lordship, however, held out little prospect of any legislative enactment being obtained to remedy the evil. Mr. John A. Murray, the Member for Leith, who was also present, considered the increase of game "a great public evil.” We hope that the proceedings of the Perthshire farmers will have the effect of rousing the tenantry in other parts of Scotland to endeavour to obtain protection to their crops against the game; for, in many counties, the depredations are as great as in Perthshire. It is only by a general and simultaneous effort that any relief is likely to be obtained. While on this subject, we may remark, that the Court of Session has, within these few years, decided that a farmer may kill rabbits on his own farm without his landlord's permission; but that Court has, with some inconsistency, lately found that a farmer is not entitled to kill pigeons, even when eating up the seed he has just sown.

THE BISHOPS.-The opening of the Burgh Constituencies, by the Burgh Reform Act, has entirely changed the character of the magistracy of the Scottish burghs. Instead of being as formerly the mean time-serving tools of some one or other of the neighbouring aristocracy, they are now the leaders of their fellow citizens, in the good work of improvement and reform. The Town Council of Cupar in Fife, has agreed, by a large majority, to petition the legislature, for the expulsion of the Bishops from the House of Lords. At a numerous meeting of the inhabitants of the county of Linlithgow, at which that stanch reformer and independent representative, Mr. Gillon of Wallhouse presided, a similar petition was agreed to. The latter petition very properly stated, that the burden imposed on the Bishops, of sitting in the House of Lords, and their legal and judicial functions, were incompatible with the proper discharge of their clerical duties; and that anything which interferes with their important charge of the cure of souls, diminishes their usefulness as teachers, and is injurious to the best interests of the people. This notwithstanding, we do not concur in the prayer of the petition. Until a total separation of Church and State takes place, it is good that the working of the State Church be seen, where it has free scope to display its spirit. Besides, the Bishops are no greater enemies of improvement than the Lords temporal. They are generally men of learning and good character; and they are Peers only for life. An effectual reform of the House of Lords must go much deeper than the expulsion of the Bishops.

CHURCH PATRONAGE. The presbyteries of Glasgow and Arbroath have agreed to petition Parliament for the repeal of the act of Queen Anne, which imposed patronage on Scotland. We have no doubt that the present year will see this abomination abolished.

THE BANKRUPT ACT.-The Chamber of Commerce of Glasgow has suggested several alterations, among others, the following, on the existing act. We conceive them to be great improvements. Denunciation on letters of horning, or an act of warding, on an ex

pired charge, joined with insolvency, to be sufficient to create bankruptcy. Every person residing, or carrying on business in Scotland to be liable to sequestration. The sheriff to have a jurisdiction in sequestrations, with a direct appeal to the Inner House of the Court of Session. The sheriff to preside at the elections of interim factor and trustee, and decide who is elected. From the decision in the latter case, an appeal to the Inner House o be allowed. Creditors not to be personally liable for the expenses of the proceedings in a sequestration. majority of the commissioners to sign drafts by the trustee on the cash account of the estate. First dividend to be payable in seven months from date of sequestration, and the second dividends within four months afterwards.

A

CHURCH ACCOMMODATION.-It appears from a recent investigation, that in the Royalty of the city of Edinburgh, which contained 55,252 inhabitants in 1831, there are thirteen established churches, eighteen clergymen, and 15,133 sittings, of which 4,815, are unlet. The clergy, on the average of the last three years, have each received L.590 per annum. The highest charge for a sitting in any church is L.2, 2s. per annum, the lowest 1s 6d., and the average rate varies in the different churches from 18s. 9d. to 5s. In Paisley there is unoccupied sittings in the different Presbyterian meeting houses in the town for 5,943 people, exclusive of meeting houses of Methodists, Baptists, and the whole class of Independants.

THE TURNPIKE ROADS in Scotland in 1821, were in length, 3,666 miles; the average income L.51, and the average expenditure L.50 per mile. The debt amounted to L.1,495,000, being equal to about eight years income.

reason

BERWICKSHIRE ELECTION.-What is the that the electors of this large and opulent county have submitted to the election of such a representative as Sir H. P. Campbell? What earthly qualification has he for the office? The Whigs and Tories each claimed him for their own, and we believe they are both right. He is a Tory in disguise, which we suspect is a correct definition of a Whig. This youth, who has just attained majority, lately succeeded to a large estate by the death of his father, who was an open and undisguised Tory; and he is about to ally himself with a family which has, in like manner, been always distinguished for its Toryism. Does the whole county of Berwick not contain a proprietor of liberal opinions? The election of the late Mr. Marjoribanks was triumphantly carried by the tenantry and feuars over the old Tory aristocracy. Why were they afraid to renew the struggle? DINNER TO MR. FERGUSON OF RAITH.-This dinner, at which about 160 gentlemen were present, was remarkable chiefly by the declaration made by Captain Wemyss, the member for Fife, and who had also represented the county under the old system, that he had more applications from the old freeholders in a month, than he had had from the new constituency in a twelvemonth. The cause of this fact is easily explained. The old freeholders never considered the qualifications of the representatives, but how they could make the most of their votes; and freehold qualifications were purchased avowedly with no other object than to aid the purchaser in his schemes for advancement in life. A lieutenant in the navy, for example, purchased a vote in the county of Edinburgh, and immediately intimated to the Tories who were then in power, that unless he was made a captain, and appointed to a ship within a twelvemonth, he would vote at the next election for the Whig candidate. He was accordingly appointed to the command of a ship; but bidding adieu to politics, sold his vote and pocketed the price, leaving his Tory friends to manage the next election without his assistance. The reform act has put an end to all this jobbing.

IRELAND.

MEETINGS for the repeal of the Union have been held in many places in Ireland: that at Cork was very numerous, and attended by several persons of property and high reputation. At a large meeting in Dublin, Mr. Pollock, a very young man, the son of a merchant in Dublin, who is a friend of Mr. Boyton, the Orange leader,

spoke with great eloquence on the same side as Mr. O'Connell, who moved that he should prepare a copy of his admirable speech for publication. Mr. O'Connell has declared his intention of making his repeal motion in the House of Commons on the 15th April.

Assaults, robberies, and murders, with party and combination outrages of all sorts, abound in Ireland, notwithstanding the boasted tranquillity said to be caused by the Coercion Bill. The Irish papers of the 19th December contain no fewer than nine government proclamations, offering rewards of from L.30 to L.100 for the detection of crimes of the most heinous nature, committed in the counties of Mayo, Louth, Armagh, Down, Kildare, and Tipperary. In the neighbourhood of Cork outrages are assuming a party character, and at Londonderry many Protestants have been waylaid, and savagely beaten. To such an extent have these outrages reached, that no person is safe to venture even into the suburbs of the town after dark. Such is the boasted tranquillity of Ireland!

Mr. Barrett, the proprietor of the Pilot Dublin newspaper, who was convicted of publishing one of Mr. O'Connell's letters to the Irish people, has not yet been brought up for judgment. The Crown solicitor lately addressed a letter to him, stating that the Government has not, nor ever had legal evidence to prove that Mr. O'Connell is the author of the letter which bears his name; but that if he would procure Mr. O'Connell's acknowledgment of the authorship, or furnish evidence sufficient to convict him of having written the letter in question, the Government would abandon all further proceedings against Mr. Barrett. To this letter an answer was written, in Mr. Barrett's name, stating that Mr. O'Connell was ready to avow the authorship, provided he had a jury fairly selected to try him: but Mr. Barrett has filed an affidavit, swearing that he never wrote any such letter. The statement that the authorship was ready to be avowed by Mr. O'Connell, was, at any rate, insufficient; for the criminal act did not consist in writing the letter, but in publishing, or causing it to be published.

FRANCE.

THE French Chambers were opened on the 23d December. As far as reliance can be placed on Louis Philippe's declaration, the policy of France is still eminently pacific but it is well known that much activity prevails in her naval arsenals, and no reduction of the army is to take place. The ministry appears to be powerfully supported by the Chambers. M. Dupin, the government nominee, was re-elected President of the Chamber of Deputies by 220 members out of 299 who were present. Lafayette received 39 votes, Lafitte 11; hence we may judge that the republican party, however powerful elsewhere, have little influence in the Chambers. The government also succeeded in electing three vice-presidents favourable to their party, but the election of the fourth was decided against ministers; M. Persil, the Advocate-General, distinguished for his prosecutions of the press, having only 98, and M. Beranger, who belongs to the juste milieu, 165 votes. The debate on the address lasted four days, and was rendered remarkable by the speech of M. Bignon, on foreign affairs. The speech was delivered in the name, and with the unanimous approbation of the committee appointed to draw up the address. He dwelt upon the barbarous treatment of Poland by Russia, and denounced it as in contravention of the faith of treaties. He alluded to the discussion of the subject in Parliament, on Mr Cutlar Ferguson's motion, and to the energetic declaration against the injustice of Russia made by Lord Palmerston on that occasion; and added that he could have wished some equally strong declaration had been made by the French government. He then adverted to the dangers to which Turkey was exposed, and stated, in order to show the perfidy of Russia, that, in 1808, the Emperor Alexander had proposed to Napoleon to give up to him Spain, Portugal, and Italy, along with Bosnia, Albania, the Morea, and the Greek islands, provided Napoleon would permit him to seize Constantinople and the Dardanelles. Though much urged, Napoleon would not consent to this insidious proposal. He no doubt saw that while Turkey would in a few years be firmly consolidated with the Russian Empire, and the power of