Russia thereby greatly increased, the heterogeneous terri- | tories which he was to receive in exchange could never be consolidated with the French Empire, but would be ready to break out into rebellion on the first favourable occasion. The fact of this offer being made is worthy of record, as evincing the light in which Kings and Emperors view mankind. Spain, Italy, and the other countries, were, in the eyes of the Autocrat, nothing else than two large estates, and the inhabitants nothing else than the stock upon them, who had no concern whatever with the manner in which, or the persons by whom, they were governed. M. Bignon proceeded to expose the designs of Austria on Italy, and of Prussia on the German States; and insisted on the necessity of resisting the usurpation of the Three Powers. The Duc de Broglie highly applauded M. Bignon's speech, and thanked the committee for their address, "every paragraph and principle of which the Ministers adopted." So far all was well; but, alas! Pozzo di Borgo appears to have lost no time in taking the Duc de Broglie to task for the liberality of his expressions. The very next day the Duke explained away, that is, retracted, amidst the universal laughter of the Chambers, the approval he had given of M. Bignon's speech.

Twenty-seven persons have been tried for a conspiracy to revolutionize the government at the celebration of the three days in July last. The mode in which the trial was got up was most disgraceful to the French Government, and proves how little fair dealing is appreciated by the Crown lawyers of France. The witnesses were mostly police spies-men who had been proved unworthy of credit on former occasions; and it was distinctly established that a false copy of a document, found on the person of one of the accused, was inserted by the government lawyers in the body of the indictment. The whole of the alleged conspirators were of course acquitted. The counsel for the accused, although they did no more than their duty, did not, however, escape punishment. On the fraud being discovered, M. Pinart, one of the counsel for the defence, exclaimed, "That is a falsification-I say it will maintain it." M. Michel, another advocate on the same side, said, "That expression is mine also ;" and M. Dupont told the Advocate-General, that the papers produced were not in the hand-writing of the prisoner, but "that he recognised the red pencil of one of the bar." For these expressions, strictly justified by the circumstances, Dupont was suspended for a year, and Pinart and Michel for six months, from the exercise of their professional duties. It is in vain to talk of liberty in France while such proceedings as disgraced this trial can take place.

PORTUGAL.

Don

THE paltry contest in Portugal, between the two contemptible Dons, continues without the prospect of termination. Don Pedro, instead of attacking his enemy, has contrived to get into a quarrel with his nobility. The Count de Taipa published a letter, calling upon Pedro to summon the Cortes, and adopt a liberal policy. In a second letter, in alluding to the proceedings of an ecclesiastical commission for the suppression of religious houses, he styled their President "a profaning counsellor." For this expression the Count was seized, but ultimately made his escape to the Asia, Admiral Parker's flag-ship; and nine of the peers protested to Don Pedro against this breach of the privileges of the peerage. Pedro pleaded ignorance of the whole matter, and promised satisfaction; but not only failed in his promise, but aggravated the injury, by styling the remonstrance of the peers a petition, in the answer which he deigned to give them through his Minister. The peers again waited on Don Pedro to remonstrate. He denied them admittance; but ultimately, on the representation of the Duke of Terceira, gave an assurance that, on the meeting of the Cortes, the whole affair would undergo discussion. Near Oporto there has been some skirmishing, which has, on the whole, been favourable to the Miguelites. Don Pedro's troops have, on the other hand, destroyed several flour-mills in the neighbourhood of Torres Vedras; so that the military exploits of the month are pretty equally balanced. Don Miguel has, in the mean

cess.

time, rejected the offer of mediation made to him at Santarem by the Queen of Spain. His efforts to recruit his army among the peasantry have been attended with sucCaptain Robinson, the agent of Don Miguel, has left this country for head-quarters. He is charged with a mission from some of our Tories, and from two foreign ambassadors, with whom he has had repeated interviews. One of the most important circumstances, in judging of the character and objects of the Tories, has been elicited of late years-that is the undeniable fact, that they keep up a constant intercourse with the most despotic of the European tyrants, and that the cause of despotism in every state is considered by them as their own. What, but their hatred of liberty in the abstract, could induce them to give their countenance and support to that monster, Don Miguel?

SPAIN.

NOTWITHSTANDING all the efforts of the Queen, the Carlist party gains strength. They have appeared in considerable force in Biscay, Navarre, Arragon, and Valencia. On the 26th December, they made a formidable attack on Tolosa, but were successfully resisted. On the 30th December, Zavallo, the General of the Fransiscans, who is the real leader of the Monkish party, attacked with 2,000 insurgents the Queen's troops, under Valdez, at Durango in Biscay, and gained some advantage over them. The French papers, on the other hand, assert that, Quesada has cleared Castile of the rebels, and has caused several of their leaders to be shot; Merino himself escaping with difficulty into Portugal. The Council of Regency has, by a royal decree, been declared to be the first and highest of the kingdom, and each of its members is to have an annual salary of 120,000 reals, or L.3,000 sterling. In this manner this irresponsible and irremovable chamber is conciliated, on the understanding, no doubt, that the members henceforth are not to embarrass the Queen's Government. In Madrid, Zea Bermudez is more unpopular than ever, and the new Minister at War, Zarco de Valle, is scarcely better liked. Three vigorous attempts have been made to seize Don Carlos. Rodil, CaptainGeneral of Estremadura, crossed the Portuguese frontier, at the head of a considerable force, and nearly surprised Don Carlos at Miranda. He made his escape with some difficulty, and fled to Chaves. Morillo, at the same time, advanced to Braganza, but was equally unfortunate. Another attempt by Rodil, in the same direction, was equally unsuccessful. These expeditions are loudly complained of by the Tory press, as a violation of the Portuguese territory, which the British Government is bound to resent; but it deserves inquiry, in the first place, whether the step was not taken with consent of the Portuguese government.

The Liberals of Catalonia and Old Castile, have caused great alarm to the Queen's Government. At a meeting held at Barcelona, in the beginning of January, it was resolved to demand a change of the Queen's Ministers, a disavowal of the principle of the despotic manifesto issued soon after the King's death, and the establishment of a liberal Government. These resolutions were sent to Llander, the Captain-General of Catalonia, who forwarded them to Madrid. The Queen returned the resolutions without condescending to open the packet; whereupon Llander, after consulting the municipal authorities of Barcelona, again forwarded the original packet without any additional letter. Quesada, the Governor of Old Castile, has made a similar demand. The juste milieu system will not do for Spain. Merino is with Don Car los at Villa Real in Portugal.

One

From an article published in the Revue Militaire Eelge, by Van Halen, we learn that the total Spanish army may at present be estimated at 90,000 men. third of these men are, however, militia. The cavalry, which is in a wretched condition, hardly exceeds 4,000 and the artillery force 8,500. Van Halen states that, there are only two parties in Spain, the Liberal and the Carlist. The greater part of the nobility, the merchants, and the manufacturing classes, belong to the former; the beneficed clergy, the monks, and the great body of the peasantry, form the latter.

HOLLAND.

THE Dutch are beginning to get tired of the expense in which their obdurate King is involving them. How ever advantageous it may be, for the glory of the throne, to resist a pacification with Belgium, it is highly injurious to the pockets of the subject. An important debate has taken place in the second chamber of the States-General, on the financial situation of the country. The expensive military establishment, and the heavy taxation were loudly deprecated. The budget for 1834, was adopted, after three days debate, by 36 to 16; but when a bill to provide additional means for covering the expenditure of 1833 was proposed, it was rejected by 31 to 19. The resolution of the King, not to recognize the independence of Belgium, is as strong as ever. He has, no doubt, powerful reasons for his obstinacy, which will, in all probability, be developed at the congress of Vienna.

BELGIUM.

GENERAL GOBLET has resigned, and Count Felix de Merode has been appointed his successor. The Belgian army for 1834, has been fixed at 111,000 men. serious misunderstanding between King Leopold and his Queen, has taken place, and negotiations for a separation are on foot. The marriage promised at a very early period to have such a termination.

GERMANY.

A Congress of the European potentates is never asThat sembled but for the purpose of attacking liberty. of Munchengratz is only the precursor of another, to be held at Vienna. Some of the Ministers have already arrived and others are on their way. There can hardly be any other object in view, than the consolidating of the power of the despots, and the subjecting of the Ger. man states to their control. It was ominously remarked, that as soon as the envoy of the King of Holland, Van Goelen, arrived at Vienna, the Belgian Minister took his departure. No one expects that the Vienna Congress will consider how the authority of King Leopold is to be strengthened.

TURKEY.

THE eyes of all Europe are directed with anxiety to the proceedings of the Russians in Turkey. France and England are making active preparations in their naval arsenals, to increase their fleets in the Medeterranean, which are already formidable, while Russia is equally active at Odessa, Sebastapol, and other ports in the Black Sea. The Emperor of Russia is determined to adhere to his alliance with the Sultan; and the fortifications of the Dardanelles have been put in the most efficient state of defence by the Turks, under the direction of Russian engineers. The British and French ambassadors having been questioned by the ministers of the Sultan as to the reinforcements of the squadrons of their respective nations, and having stated in answer, that it was caused by the recent treaty between Russia and Turkey, a meeting of the ambassadors of the other Powers was called, and immediately afterwards, orders were sent to prevent the passage of any vessel through the Straits. Russia, we suspect, is determined, at whatever cost, to make Turkey her subservient vassal. She will effect her object peaceably if she can, and the longer peace is maintained, the more favourable it will be for her designs; but she is making every preparation to maintain the footing she has already obtained by force, if force be necessary.

Few, we suppose, will be deceived by the article published in the German papers, by Metternich, in which it is stated, that the Austrian Government has received the most satisfactory assurances from Russia, in regard to her late negotiations in Turkey, and that "the two Governments have guaranteed the continued existence of the Turkish empire, even in case of the extinction of the reigning dynasty, and to the exclusion of Mehmet Ali." We may be assured that if any treaty regarding Turkey has recently been made between Austria and Russia, it is a treaty for the partition, and not for the preservation of the integrity of, the Turkish dominions.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. IT is gratifying to turn from the stale and unprofitable verbiage of the speeches of the Kings of the different European States, at the opening of their legislative bodies, to the Messages of the Presidents of the United States to Congress. These documents always contain full information on the state of the country, in its external and internal relations; and form, in this respect, a humiliating contrast to the speeches from the throne of Great Britain. After some details on the satisfactory state of the country, the President remarks, that it is gratifying to observe that the intercourse between Great Britain and the United States is becoming daily more extensive, and that sentiments of good will have grown up befitting their common origin. After noticing that some delay had occurred on the part of the French government in discharging the first instalment of the money settled by treaty to be paid to citizens of the United States, as an indemnification for injury inflicted on their commerce; that Spain, Portugal, and Naples had agreed to indemnify the American merchants for injuries of a similar description; and that a treaty of amity and commerce had been made with Belgium, and also that a treaty of commerce and navigation with Russia had recently been ratified, the President proceeds to the interesting subjects of the revenue and public debt. He remarks that the receipts into the treasury for the last year amounted to thirty-two millions of dollars, about seven millions sterling. Of the above, thirty-two millions, ten 28ths were derived from the customs, and three from the sales of public lands. The expenditure for all objects, including 2,572,240 dollars on account of the public debt, did not amount to 25,000,000, and a large balance remained in the treasury, after satisfying all demands. The whole debt of the United States, on 1st Jan. 1834, was 4,760,082 dollars; and the revenue of the present year, with the balance in the treasury, was expected to be sufficient to discharge the whole remainder of the debt. Although, however, the general government had every prospect of being free from debt in a very short time, the separate States have all borrowed money,—some of them to a considerable amount.

General Jackson then dwells at some length on the subject of the United States Bank. He affirms it to have been distinctly proved that that institution had been attempting to influence the election of the public officers of the States by its money,-and that, in violation of the express provisions of its charter, it had, by a formal resolution, placed its funds at the disposition of its President, to be employed in sustaining the political power of the Bank. The attempts of the directors to create a panic in 1832, while their petition for the renewal of the charter was before Congress, were also detailed, and the President stated, that, in his own sphere of duty, he should have felt himself called on to order a writ of scire facias to be issued, with the view of putting an end to the chartered rights it had so plainly violated, were it not that the charter itself (which terminates in March, 1836) will expire as soon as a decision would be obtained in the court of last resort. In the meantime, the money of the United States has been, at the suggestion of the President, removed from the Bank.

In answer to the charges made by General Jackson, the Directors of the Bank have published a long report. They state, that, soon after the general election, it was intimated that it was necessary for them to consult the views of those who had gained an ascendency in the government of the country, and that, upon their refusal to attend to this intimation, every means were resorted to for the ruin of the institution. An important division afterwards took place on the Bank question in the House of Representatives, when the government party obtained a majority of 133 to 96 votes. This division is considered decisive of the fate of the Bank. The Bank question is interesting, not only on account of a great proportion of the stock of the Bank being held by subjects of Great Britain, but also from the manner in which it shews the working of the constitution of the States. For the last century, at least, no instance has occurred where the King of Great Britain has ventured to exercise his theoretical right of rejecting any measure approved of by both Houses of Parliament. His Majesty is well aware

that his negative is a mere fiction, beautiful and effica- | cious in theory, but useless in practice. The American President, on the other hand, knows that every part of the constitution of the States, over which he presides, is fitted for use, and that the constitution possesses sufficient solidity and strength to enable it to withstand any shocks which can be received in its working. He, therefore, did not hesitate to refuse his assent, when both Chambers of Congress had voted that the Bank Charter should be renewed. Further, when the Senate requested that General Jackson would communicate a copy of a paper which had been published, and which he had read to the heads of the executive departments in September last, relative to the removal of the public money from the Bank, he plainly refused on the broad ground that the executive is a co-ordinate and independent branch of the government with the Senate, and that the Senate had no right to require any communication made by the President to the heads of departments acting as a Cabinet Council. When will the King of Great Britain object to the renewal of an injurious monopoly, to which both Houses of Parliament have consented?

WEST INDIES.

A bill for the abolition of slavery, after much debate, passed the Jamaica House of Assembly. The bill is understood to adopt the general provisions of that passed by the British Parliament. In some of the islands an immediate emancipation has been considered preferable to the Emancipation Scheme, and measures have been taken to give the slaves their liberty in a few months.

SOUTH AMERICA.

The House of Representatives of Buenos Ayres having prohibited the journals from making any political remarks, a formidable insurrection broke out on the 11th October. In consequence of the prohibition, four of the papers were discontinued; but one persisted in discussing politics, and was ordered to be prosecuted. Upon this, great crowds of people, principally butchers, collected, attacked the police, and afterwards made attempts to raise the country. Headed by General Pinedo, they soon collected a considerable force, and took possession of all the strong points in the neighbourhood of the city. In this state matters were on the 26th October-the date of the last intelligence.

EAST INDIES.

A Joint Stock Company has been formed at Madras. called the Indian Iron and Steel Company. The ore this Company are to work is found in mountain massess, and has only to be carried away, requiring no mining operations-it is the magnetic iron ore of Salem, found to be richer than the far-famed iron ore of "Dannomora," in Sweden, from which the iron is made. The iron has been found to make steel equal to any in the world. A Copper Mining Company is about to be establishsd, to work the Copper Mines in the Vellore district. The ore (a carbonate) is said to be very rich, from 20 to 70 per cent,

TRADE, COMMerce, and AGRICULTURE. Although it is evident from the French journals that Free Trade principles are making ground in France, the agriculturists and manufacturers are still much too strong for the mercantile classes to permit these principles to be carried into practice. The Councils of Agriculture, Commerce, and Manufactures, which have been lately sitting in Paris, for the purpose of discussing certain proposed alterations in the existing tariff of duties on cotton, wool, iron, coal, and cattle, have decided that only a very trifling diminution on the existing import duties should be recommended.

GERMAN CONFEDERATION.

The Prussian Government has made great progress in establishing its plan for the commercial federation of Germany. There is to be an exemption from duties on German products, in German States, a uniform tariff of duties on foreign products, and a uniform scale of weights, measures, and coins. The revenue thus derived is to be paid

into one common treasury, and divided among the different members of the Confederation in proportion to their extent, population, &c., in lieu of the duties they at present levy. The Confederation already comprehends the whole of Germany not under the sway of Austria, except Fiank. fort. Switzerland has positively refused to join the Confederation. The object of Prussia evidently is, to open an extensive market for her own manufactures, and to exclude from the whole of Germany British goods. This will be a very serious matter for our British manufacturers, as Germany is at present their best customer; but we have no right to complain. The procedure of the Prussian Government is strictly in the system of recipro city. We tax the corn and timber of Prussia at an exorbitant rate, for the encouragement of our agriculturists and of our North American colonies; and she, on the other hand, does everything in her power to exclude our manufactures.

CHINA TRADE.

Much dissatisfaction has been felt at the regulations regarding the new China trade. The act of Parliament empowers the King to levy, through officers named by the Crown, a tonnage duty equal to 5s. per ton, and an import and export duty each equal to 10s. per cent. This is the highest charge. At present the orders in Council fix 2s. for the tonnage dues, and 7s. per cent. on the export and import cargo. There could not have been a more effectual contrivance for ruining our Chinese trade and shipping, and transferring the trade to our rivals, the Dutch, Spanish, and Americans. Suppose, to illustrate its operation, that a British ship of 400 tons burden goes to Canton, having on board a cargo worth L.100,000-she will have to pay L.40 of tonnage duty, L.350 of duty on her import cargo, and probably L.350 of duty on her export cargo-that is, she will have to pay a port charge of L.740 more than will be paid by an American or other foreign ship of equal burden and value! But there is another serious objection to these imposts, for by their means a very large revenue will be raised, which the Crown may dispose of at pleasure, without the control of Parliament. The amount of the trade to China, under the present restrictions, is not less than 70,000 tons. This gives £7000 of tonnage dues. Exclusive of bullion, the export and import trade may be taken at nine millions. which gives L.31,500, and with the tonnage duties, 1.38,500, to be annually disposed of as the Minister of the Crown thinks proper. Were the duties raised to the highest rate the act of Parliament authorizes, upwards of L.60,000 might be annually collected, without any increase in the trade. But there can be no doubt that the increase will be very great, after it has been open for a year or two to the enterprise of our merchants.

SCOTCH MANUFACTURES.

The accounts from the manufacturing districts are on the whole favourable, but the wages of the weavers are still miserably low. Many thousands in the west of Scotland have not more than 7s. a-week for the support of themselves and their families. At Perth, an advance of from 10 to 12 per cent. has taken place on crams, and other plain fabrics, and there is abundance of work at these terms. Umbrella ginghams have remained steady for some time. The weaving trade at Paisley has been in a prosperous state for the past month. Silk trimmings are in great demand, and a considerable addition has been made to the workmen's wages. At Montrose, the manufacturing population are in full employment, and, except the poor weavers, they have not been better paid for their labour for a long time.

WOOL.

CONTRARY to the expectation of the manufacturers the price of wool has kept up, and the sales in London have realized the advance that has occurred during the last twelve months. The Australian wools fetched 3s. 4d. to 3s. 8d. per 1b. for fair qualities; the seconds from 2s. 4d. to 3s. 2d.; and the low fleeces from 1s. 4d. to 1s. 10d. per lb. The Van Diemen's Land wools sold at 2s. 4d. to 2s. 8d. per lb. for the finer, and 1s. 4d. to 1s. 11d. per lb. for the lower sorts. Spanish wools brought 2s. 8d. to 3s. per lb. for good and fair qua. lity. Scotch wools also continue to rise. For some

time the buyers at the Cloth Halls, in the anticipa- | tion that the price of wool would fall, limited their purchases, but that anticipation not having been realized, and the market continuing to look firm, the buying of woollen goods, both coarse and fine, has become more brisk than for several months past. The same causes have produced similar effects in the flannel markets. The comparative price of wool and worsted stuffs, has for some time been such as not to leave a remunerating profit to the manufacturer, but a small advance has lately been obtained.

Both parties are preparing for the impending struggle on the Corn Laws, by the formation of associations. The opponents of the Corn Laws have resorted to the powerful aid of cheap periodical publications to forward their cause. Several Anti-Corn Law associations are in the course of formation in London; and from the talent and station of their members, they must possess much influence. The extent of the evil inflicted by the Corn Laws can hardly be exaggerated. At Paris, which is far from being a cheap corn market, the highest price of wheaten flour of the first quality answers to L.1, 9s. the English sack of 280 lb. ; and the highest price of wheaten flour of the first quality in London is L.2, 10s. the sack. Thus with L.2, 103. a man may buy 483 lb. of fine flour at Paris, whereas, with the same sum, he can only buy 280 lb. in London. The price of wheaten bread of the first quality at Paris is Il sous per 4 lb. French weight, which is less than 43d. for the loaf of 4 lb. English weight. The price of bread of the second quality is 8 sous per 4 lb. French weight, which is less han 3d. the loaf of 4 lb. English weight.

We rejoice to observe that the tyrannical Corn Laws are every year more and more evaded. During the last year the exports of flour from Canada have more than doubled. In 1832 they amounted to 44,886 barrels; while in 1833, 92,393 were exported. This arises from the Americans sending immense quantities of wheat to be ground into flour in Canada, and then sending it to this country as colonial flour. Last year the importation into the Clyde, of what is called Canadian flour, was equal to about a sixth part of all the flour baked in the electoral district of Glasgow. The average value of flour, in the corn exporting districts of the United States, is about 21s. Freight to Liverpool, 2s. Total cost in Liverpool, 23s. Present price of wheat imported from Canada, 32s.Extra expense by the transit through Canada, 9s.

In discussions on the Corn Laws, it is very generally assumed that the restrictive system is one of long standing, and that it ought not therefore to be lightly touched; but the truth is, that it is only since 1815 that the Corn Laws have operated to exclude foreign grain, for pre

viously the duty paid was little more than nominal. Great and undeniable, however, as are the evils of the Corn Laws, nothing but the most strenuous and persevering efforts, on the part of the inhabitants of the towns, will effect their removal. The Parliament, which alone can remove the restrictions, is filled with parties who believe themselves interested in their continuance. The House of Lords consists almost entirely of land proprietors; and no English member can be admitted to a seat in the Lower House, until he makes oath that he is a landholder. The farmers, besides, are far from being yet generally convinced that their interest in this matter is identical with that of the other industrious classes; and they may therefore be expected to stand by their landlords. In this manner nearly one-third, and not the least influential third, of the people, is arrayed against a free trade in food.-[We recommend to universal perusal the new Penny Corn-Law Magazine; Lord Milton's liberal pamphlet on the Corn-Laws; and the admirable Catechism on the Corn-Laws, by the Westminster Reviewers.]

This has been one of the most favourable years since the termination of the war for the stock-farmers. Cattle, sheep, and wool, have been selling at high prices, and there never were fewer arrears than at present on Highland estates. In the corn-growing districts, however, the ruinously low price of grain has caused much distress, and matters are in a very gloomy state. Feeding cattle during the summer has turned out a very unprofitable business, and winter feeding, as far as can be yet judged, does not hold out anticipations of much profit being realized. The winter hitherto has been uncommonly open. Ploughing in East Lothian was stopped only for three days, during the whole month of December. Field work is in general, therefore, in an advanced state. Turnips have not turned out an average crop, and from the almost constant wet, sheep upon them have made little progress in fattening. The East Lothian Agricultural Society has lately turned its attention to trenching. For the premium awarded, there only appeared one competitor. The field consisted of eighteen acres, and was trenched sixteen inches deep. The produce averaged 5 6-8th quarters per Scotch acre, which is about one-fifth larger than the imperial. The trenching cost L.3, 8s. per acre. A premium was also offered for a comparative trial of chevalier, and common barley. Only one competitor appeared. The field was dry gravel soil. The chevalier barley produced-grain, 82 bushels, three lippies, weighing 56 lbs. per bushel; straw, 5314 lbs. Common barley-grain, 77 bushels weight, 54 lbs. per bushel; straw, 46661⁄2 lbs. ; both per Scots acre.

The Irish Agricultural Reports represent a picture of great distress. The present rents can no longer be paid. The continued rains are most injuriously felt-the wheat is everywhere flooded, and suffering severely. Potatoes are not only a small crop, but of an inferior quality; and in consequence of the indolence of the Irish agriculturists, many of them are still in the ground. Swine, an important product in that country, are low in price, and the carcasses brought to market, are generally found to be of interior quality, and smaller than usual. Comparing the present prices of meat and corn with the seven years average, ending in 1831, there is a diminution of nearly one-fourth.

HORSE MARKETS.-At Perth Andrewmas market, the horses were less numerous than usual, and the deficiency was still more perceptible in the better sort. The sale upon the whole appeared dull. The prices of the better sort might average from 30 to 40 guineas, but very few reached the latter price. The middling class were selling from L. 15 to 1.30; and the inferior at lesser rates, even down to 40s. A large proportion remained on hand about the end of the market. At Preston, all horses suitable for hunting, the saddle, or quick draught, met with a ready sale, and at higher prices than have been obtained for the last few years.

How much longer is the present libel law to be endured? We shall waive for the present every case originating in political feeling, and briefly shew the operation and powers of this pernicious law in two instances; one past, the other only prospective, and therefore open to discussion. The case which is past is that of a newsvender, tried in the Court of Exchequer the other week. Every body knows what a newsman is,— a retail dealer in newspapers, who buys them every day in hundreds and thousands, to despatch to all parts of the country from which he has orders, and with no more knowledge of their contents than if they were printed in Arabic. Well, this man, so useful in his own sphere, is held by the existing libel law equally responsible for whatever may appear in one, or all, of these papers, as the writers, editors, and proprietors. In the present case, the prosecutor was an attorney, who sued the newsman for selling a paper which he alleged contained a libel on his character. The learned Judge, in laying down the law, surely intended to deal it a finishing blow. Indeed, there is but one opinion among men of all parties as to its imperfection and inequality. He said, that as the law at present stood, any party, whether newsvender, coffee-house keeper, or any sort of publisher, was bound by law to know whether the publications he put forth to the world contained libels or not; and that, if he did not take care to ascertain this, he was equally liable with the author of the libel. This, of course, includes every tavern-keeper who buys a paper for the use of his tap-room or ordinary; every library where newspapers are seen; and all the poor men and women who make a living by lending out a newspaper in their neighbourhood. Such is the law. This is the case already tried and settled: the next we have to mention is only possible. It has been threatened, but audacity can scarce go so far, and we cite it merely to show what the existing libel law may

enable a reckless man to do.

The name of Richmond the Spy is as notorious in Scotland as that of Castles or Oliver in England. He was a noted reformer; had been outlawed for not appearing to stand his trial in a case of combination among the weavers in 1813, to obtain a rise of wages, and he was engaged by the agents of the Castlereagh Govern

VOL. I.-NO, II,

ment in Glasgow in 1816-17, to give information of a conspiracy, said to exist among the Reformers. He corresponded with the Scottish Crown Lawyers in similar capacities, and was in daily intercourse with them throughout the disgraceful State Trials; but, after all was over, and when, denounced and exposed as a traitorous spy, he was driven from Glasgow, Lord Sidmouth would not so waste the public money as to satisfy, what his Lordship justly termed, his "inflated demands." To be rid of him, the Government repeatedly offered him a settlement at the Cape, with an outfit. By his own showing he must have cost this country probably L.2000, or even more, for detection of a conspiracy which he himself treats as contemptible, and which, it is believed, never would have existed save for the efforts of spies; "got up," he says, after he 'peached "to delay reform." Lord Sidmouth undoubtedly considered Richmond a spy, and nothing but an ordinary spy, at which Richmond appears to be very indignant; and, moreover, his Lordship believed that he paid him enough for five or six weeks' work, when he finally compounded with him for what Richmond contemptuously calls a few hundreds, and which is believed to be L.800-no bad pay for a weaver for six weeks' work. But we are not going into the private history of Richmond. We think Lord Sidmouth appreciated his character and value most correctly; and had it not been for exposing his Glasgow correspondents and the Crown Lawyers in Scotland, we presume much less than a few hundreds, would have been deemed sufficient pay by Lord Sidmouth for the services of a man who thinks himself libelled by being called a weaver.

But our object is to illustrate the law of libel. We therefore refer those who wish to cultivate farther acquaintance with Mr. Richmond to the "Exposure of the Spy System,"* or to Tait's Magazine for May and August, 1833. It is enough that, paid in full in 1821, Richmond, in 1824, published a book describing the whole plans and machinations of the Scottish Tory Crown Lawyers; and having first detected a conspiracy among his friends, the Reformers, which, he says,