ferent times, taken from its enemies*. It affords no common satisfaction to the disabled tar, or the superannuated soldier, when he informs the inquisitive stranger, that he gloriously fought in the battle which may have gained some of them. For the time he forgets his former sufferings, and his present disabled condition: his consolation rests upon the power and the glory of his country, so fully demonstrated by the sight of the numerous ensigns which were taken from other nations. Other instances, in favour of the practice, could have been furnished; but your committee are persuaded, that the order of the illustrious congress of our revolution, alone, will justify the proposi tions which they intend to submit for legislative consideration. As early as the 23d of June, 1778, it was "Resolved, that the board of war be directed to collect the standards and colours taken from the enemy, by the army of the United States, since the commencement of the war." Had this order been strictly observed, and somewhat extended, the present proceedings would be unnecessary. Far from any regulations having been adopted, in pursuance of the recited resolution, your committee lament the peculiar negligence which ensued. The secretary of war now tells us, that of the standards and colours which were taken by the army of the United States, during the war of the revolution, only six remain in his office. He cannot give any information concerning others; even their place of deposit is unknown to the department! The navy department possesses no knowledge of any flags which were taken "anterior to the declaration of the present war." Such as have been captured, with the public armed ships of the enemy, subsequent to the 18th of June, 1812," have been carefully preserved." Thirteen of them have been already received, as will more fully appear by the annexed statement: of these, three belonged to the heary frigates of the enemy, viz.: the Guerriere, Macedonian, and Fava. The navy department is also in possession of a royal standard of Great Britain, which was taken at York, and a union jack and flag, which were captured at fort George. The flags of five small vessels, which were captured, have not been received. Your committee regret, that the journals of congress do not exhibit statements of all the standards and colours which were taken during our revolution by the army and navy of the United States. The early attention of the legislature to this subject inclines them to believe they were very numerous. The capture of earl Cornwallis alone, furnished twenty-four of them! In all probability as many were taken with general Burgoyne.

The trophies of war ornament the places of worship in Prussia, Bohemia, and Austria.

By some the exhibitions which are contemplated, may be considered as too trivial for legislative provision. Your committee would coincide with them in this opinion, did the practice only afford a momentary gratification to the curious. Experience must have taught European governments, that national benefits were derived from the course which they have adopted, or it would long since have been discontinued. It is presumed that essential consequences proceed from the practice, more especially when a nation shall be engaged in war. Such trophies excite the spirit of a nation: the result is national character. The arrival of an enemy's flag is sufficient to rouse the population of London or Paris. On such occasions the finest national feelings are developed; and to the honour of our fellow citizens be it said, they have not been found to want this species of national sensibility, when the flags of the Guerriere, Macedonian, and Java, &c. &c. were exhibited to them. It was indifferent whether they considered themselves of the war or of the peace party, each was ambitious to rank the victor with himself. The national taste and propensity is strongly marked by the eagerness with which all view representations of our late unparalelled naval victories. If then the art and genius of the painter can thus excite our natures, may we not look for much more when we have the physical facts placed before us, instead of fancy? These flags, the trophies won by our gallant tars, demonstrate to us and the world, that the invincibility of the British naval power has been very much exaggerated. In battle will the recollection of them sustain our sailors and our soldiers, and impart additional skill and valour in support of the cause of our country! The value of standards does not depend upon the gaudy colours which they exhibit, no more than upon the nature of the stuff of which they may be fabricated. They have been, at all times, regarded as the insignia of fame and power! Their surrender is the act of submission. The last wish of the proud bearer, is the preservation of his eagle: too often is the loss of it sealed with the loss of life. In Europe, where military operations are on a large scale, though the result of a battle should prove destructive to thousands of those who were engaged, the capture of a single standard constitutes a prominent f. ature in the details of the action, and adds much to the brilliancy of the achievement. Colours taken from the enemy, were considered a present worthy the nation, to general Washington, for his signal services in the capture of earl Cornwallis. The records of the proceedings of congress, during the whole of our revolution, mention but two instances where this highly honourable and distinguished mark of approbation was voted. In fine, we have de

clared the flag shall guarantee the safety of our citizens. Can a higher value be set upon it? Can we attach more honour to it?

It may be asked, what will be the effects of a public display of the flags which have been taken from our enemies? This view is considered to be important. No one can doubt, that the government and the people of England would rather we should have taken millions of their merchandize, than that we should have it in our power to exhibit the flag of a single sloop of war, which was gained by equal force. If the enemy will expose to the view of the British nation and every traveller who may visit them, the one or two which they have captured from us, shall we conceal the many we have taken from them, and thus lead others to doubt our possessing any? Shall we permit the numerous trophies of our revolution to moulder into dust, by a voluntary concealment, without an effort for their preservation? If this shall have happened to the proud monuments of our independence, shall the fate of those, which are now perfect, and which have been so lately won on our own coast, on that of South America, off the Azores, on the lakes, in short, in all latitudes where our tars have come in contact with the enemy, be the same? Is not the preservation of these flags a duty which we owe to the people of the United States? Are the achievements of that gallant little navy, which, a few months ago, was the object of derision with the statesmen and the people of England, but now the cause of their fears, to be buried in oblivion? Shall we put at rest the inquiry which the glorious deeds of our sailors. have excited in the parliament of Great Britain? Shall we, at our expence, approve the laboured calculations of the enemy; with her confound reason and common sense, and attribute simple truths to fallacious causes? or shall we give into a practice so generally cherished by other nations? Our successes on the ocean constitute the pride of our country; they have secured to us the respect of foreign nations. In Europe we again hold that rank which our ancestors had obtained by their many hard fought conflicts, which we had nearly forfeited. Have we not accomplished more than Spain did with her "invincible armadas;" than did Holland with her De Witts, Van Tromps, and De Ruyters; than France could achieve when she was in the zenith of her naval power; than did Great Britain with her Nelsons, Rodneys, Howes, and St. Vincents? The naval annals of England furnish no instance in which every vessel belonging to a hostile fleet was captured.

Some may doubt our possessing a number of standards sufficient to warrant their public exhibition. Had we but few of them we should not deny our sanction to the principle. Your

committee regret that special order had not been taken by congress immediately after the receipt of the first present of this kind; we allude to the colours which were taken by general Montgomery from the 7th British regiment, at Chamblee, on the 18th of October, 1775. The French pride themselves on their ability to exhibit the two which they have taken from our present enemy: for so lately as the year 1800 they had only two of the naval flags of Great Britain! Though the war and navy departments can immediately furnish but twenty or twenty-five of these flags, it is probable the place of deposit will be ascertained, so as to put within our power many of those which were gained during our revolution. Where are those which were won during our dispute with France in 1798? The same may be asked of those which the defeats of Derne and Tripoli should furnish?

The only object which remains for consideration is, the place most proper for the exhibition. This should be public and easy of access, at the same time that it should be perfectly secure from villainous attempts. These flags should be placed so as to be seen by every citizen who might wish to observe them. It will be of advantage that they should be noticed by every foreigner who may visit the United States. Can any objection be made to the spacious national apartments which are devoted to legislative purposes? What ornaments can be more suitable? Go abroad, and you may see the walls of the British house of lords decorated with representations of some of the celebrated battles which were fought by the troops of Great Britain. At home we find the principle already established by one branch of the legislature of the United States: in the senate chamber we observe engravings of some of the battles of our revolution; and had time allowed the execution of the original design of the architect, the precedent would have had existence in the chamber of the representatives of the United States. It was contemplated that the frize, over the capitals of the Corinthian columns which sustain the dome, should present, in relievo, a regular series of the battles which secured our independence. Such decorations might gratify the artist, and afford an opportunity to display his talents; but in a national view little or no effect would be produced. It must be conceded, that much more will be communicated to the spectator by the display of the captured standards. No one can pretend that any difference exists between the representations which we have noticed and the standards which have been taken from the enemy, as will warrant the public exhibition of the one and preclude that of the other: these subjects are most intimately connected, and their tendency must be the

same.

The public exhibition of these trophies is a tribute due. to the very superior skill and valour which achieved them; the sight of them will bring to recollection every circumstance of cause and effect; they will constitute valuable records of illustrious portions of our history; they will form a collection of the proudest monuments to commemorate the brilliant deeds of a rising nation.

An act was accordingly passed on the 18th of April, directing the secretaries of the war and navy departments to cause to be collected and transmitted to them, at the seat of government, all such flags, standards, and colours as have or shall hereafter be taken by the army and navy of the United States from their enemies. These trophies are to be delivered to the president, for the purpose of being preserved and displayed in such pub. lic place as he shall judge proper.

CHAPTER V.

§ 1. Enquiry into the failure of the campaign. 2. Report of the secre. tary of war. §3. Motion for a committee of enquiry. §4. Enquiry respecting retaliation. §5. Report of the secretary of state. $6. Resolution respecting the vacancy in the treasury department. $7. Vacancies in the departments. §8. Gore's resolutions. 9. Amendments to the constitution. § 10. Hanson's resolutions. §11. Roberts' resolution. §12. Webster's resolutions.

1. On the 31st of December, on motion of Mr. Bradley, a resolution was adopted by the house of representatives, 137 to 13, requesting the president to cause to be laid before the house any information in his possession, not improper to be communicated, tending to illustrate the causes of the failure of the arms of the United States on the northern frontier.

2. In answer to this resolution the president transmitted a mass of documents, containing the principal part of the correspondence of the military commanders with the secretary of war.

From these documents it appears, that the principal object of the campaign was the capture of Montreal, on which the fate of Upper Canada was supposed to depend, and where the main force of the enemy was understood to be stationed. The smallness of the American force early in the spring, however, precluding every idea of a direct attack on this point, it only remained to chuse between a course of total inaction, until a E E

VOL. III.