while no pains are taken to check the latter, which are suffered to flourish with a rank luxuriance. It is painful to contemplate the possible consequences of this political infatuation.

But, while it is acknowledged that the Orange system was originally well intended, and that it has served very important ends, it has been asked, may it not also be powerful for evil? I answer not, without such a departure from its principles as must completely change its nature. Loyalty is its end and aim, the pole-star by which it is guided; and when it ceases to be loyal, it ceases to be Orange, and must die a natural death before it can appear in any other form from which disloyal and seditious results might be apprehended. The church might as well be charged with propagating irreligion, the courts of law with corrupting justice, the medical profession with being injurious to the public health, as the loyal association of Orangemen with entertaining designs subversive of the constitution. It is rather amusing, too, to see the class of persons whose fears have been excited lest it should become disloyal. Mr. O'Connell and Mr. Sheil are the individuals who, in their prophetic horror of future evil, recommend its extinction, notwithstanding that it might be proved to be of some present advantage. But they may calm their fears; Orangemen will never realize their wild anticipations. Their drafts upon the future will be dishonored, even as their imputations respecting the past have been disproved. When a Roman Catholic association may be formed, friendly to the church, then they may be found hostile to it; when the repealers have changed their views and principles, and entered into a confederacy for the confirmation and establishment of the act of union, then they may be opposed to that measure, and do all in their power to have it dissolved; but not until then; so that the great agitator and his accomplices may spare themselves the pain of speculating upon impossibilities. Orangemen will not be found traitors to their principles until rivers run back to their sources, or mountains invade the dominion of the sea. Mr. O'Connell may continue to believe that the same spirit which actuates them now, will continue to actuate them in all succeeding times, and that no future demagogue will

ever be more successful than he has himself proved, in his attempts to seduce them from their allegiance.

In

The Volunteers have been mentioned as a case in point, to show that a society, originally praiseworthy and patriotic, may eventually become injurious to the public weal. But the analogy does not hold; for the Volunteers were, from the first, animated by not a little jealousy of England, which only manifested itself more and more in proportion as they felt their strength; so that they but followed the law of their nature when they ultimately assumed that formidable attitude which menaced the empire with so much peril. But the Orange Institution is founded upon an affectionate attachment to British connexion, and they would be contradicting the law of their nature if they were ever betrayed into any course of action by which that connexion might be endangered. deed it may be said, that the acknowledged evil of the one confederacy may have, in some degree, occasioned the other. The volunteer association acted as a kind of hot-bed of discontent, in which a premature and preternatural vigor was given to the pestilent products of infidelity and sedition. It was the parent of the united Irish system. The Orange association arose for the purpose of counteracting the evils thus occasioned; and unless we apply the homoiopathic principle to politics, and maintain, that whatever will cure treasonable practices will also cause them, it will be impossible, with any degree of consistency, to maintain, that consequences such as flowed from the old volunteer system can ever be apprehended from the Orange association. At all events, it will be time enough, when such consequences do follow, to provide against them. Practical good is not to be prevented, because knaves pretend, or visionaries imagine, that they can foresee speculative evils. It is quite possible that the system of freemasonry may yet be turned to a bad account; but is it, therefore, to be suppressed at present? No one will say so. Why? Because experience has hitherto proved that it is innoxious;-and no sane politician will prefer theory to experience. In like manner, I say, let us judge of the Orange system from what all may know, not from what its enemies may

choose to conjecture, and there is no individual. whose common sense has not been wofully perverted by faction, who could for one moment maintain, that a tree which has hitherto borne wholesome fruit should be cut down, because it may, at some future period, altogether change its nature, and produce most deadly poison.

There is another ground upon which the continuance of the Orange Institution may be contended for, arising out of the changes which have lately taken place in the constitution of England. No one will deny that it has become vastly more democratic than it was before. The Reform Bill has thrown the governing power of the country into the hands of the people. We still have a sovereign, and we still have a house of lords; but every one knows that they are now regarded as but slender obstacles to the popular will, whenever it is strongly manifested; and, that if we are still to have even the semblance of a mixed government, it can only be by educating and informing the people, so as to show them the dangers which must attend its overthrow, and impress them with a grateful sense of the blessings which they have hitherto derived from its protection. That there are elements of mischief at work to produce a contrary effect; that there are individuals in whose judgment a republican form of government is preferable, and who are continually holding forth America as the model which we should seek to imitate; that there are others whose insane cupidity would lead them to desire a scramble, and who, for a little present gain or distinction, would have no objection to encounter the horrors of the French revolution, needs but to be stated to be admitted by every candid man who has paid any attention to public affairs. And, if the designs of these persons are to be resisted, they can be alone effectually resisted by à constitutional party, arising amongst the people themselves, and bent upon the promotion of constitutional objects. A strong government might dispense with such a party. Where the seditious man might be summarily coerced, it might not be quite indispensable that his pretexts should be stripped of their plausibility, and exposed in their native deformity. When

the law might promptly curb his envenomed virulence, it might not be so necessary to detect his flagitious falsehood. But, no one can expect any such vigour on the part of government as at present constituted, without entertaining the most vain and chimerical expectations. The incendiaries have now a voice in the cabinet; and Hume, and Roebuck, and O'Connell, and Whittle Harvey, are sufficiently powerful to beard a conservative, and to dictate terms to an anti-conservative administration. It is, therefore, indispensable, if even the shadow of our limited monarchy is still to be preserved, that every means should be taken for cherishing whatever amount of good principle exists amongst the people at large, as the only available force that can be employed for averting the open and the secret designs of those who are preparing, as it were, an infernal machine, which they are sooner or later resolved to discharge against the constitution.

It is my belief, that the force of good principle is still sufficient to defeat the force of bad, and that if we are only true to ourselves, our enemies will have no advantage over us. We need not seek for coercive laws, nor have recourse to any act of extra-constitutional rigour, in order to confound their devices. But we cannot safely dispense with any one of the means within our power for increasing, concentrating, and invigorating that attachment to the ancient institutions of the country, which is the only available antagonist to the hostility by which they are assailed. Such attachment exists to a degree of which the enemies of our institutions have no conception; even many of their friends do not know its extent. Let it be wisely employed, and all will yet be well. Let it be neglected, or undervalued, or discouraged, and nothing human can save us. In this latter case, a triumphant ascendancy will be speedily given to the powers of evil. The reign of anarchy will have menced. A few honest and intrepid men, may, here and there, continue a hopeless struggle; but they cannot, in this unassisted struggle, long sustain the torrent that will rush against them, and in which the monarchy, the church, the house of lords, the aristocracyall that gives its peculiar, ennobling,

com

and conservative character to British society, must share a common destruction.

As I stated before, the topics are upon the surface, which induce men to range themselves on the one side. Not so those which would induce them to range themselves on the other. The "movement" party aptly designates those who but follow the natural bias of their political temperament, when they recklessly pursue changes having for their object the more complete ascendancy of the democratic principle in all our civil institutions. There are, no doubt, many who are sincerely persuaded that such ascendancy is, abstractedly, desirable; and who, therefore, must be allowed to be actuated by honest motives in the course which they pursue; but the great strength, nevertheless, of that party consists in its adherents of doubt ful principle; of men who intend one thing, while they pretend another; of gamblers in the lottery of politics, who are willing to stake the public good for the chance of such a prize as may gratify their personal ambition; of Dissenters, who hate the Church more than they love religion ; of economists, to whom the corn laws are an offence; of infidels, to whom an ecclesiastical establishment is a crying evil; of papists, to whom a reformed Church is an abomination; of republicans, to whom a monarchical form of government must be distasteful. All these are willing to sink their differences, and to conspire for one common object. Now, the views and the motives which would lead men to make a vigorous opposition to this powerful party, do not lie upon the surface, but must be sought out and investigated, in order to be discovered and appreciated. It is not his natural inclination which will lead any one to abjure a large share of popular power, or to deny to the order to which he belongs increased influence in the affairs of the country. He can only be induced thus to act from an enlightened conviction, that, by any other course, the general harmony of society would suffer greater detriment than he or his particular class could reap advantage; and that conviction can only be acquired by a patient study of history, and in attentive observation of human affairs.

Besides, the maintainers and improvers. of our institutions must be united upon many points, while those who impugn them need be united but on one. So that there is, in every balanced state, a natural combination, founded upon a kind of instinctive compromise of particular differences, always going on against the monarchical and the aristocratical institutions; while it can only be resisted by the desultory efforts of enlightened individuals, who must be always too few and too feeble to countervail their numerous and eager assailants. What then is to be done? Manifestly to form a combination, in which the friends of social order may be able effectually to propagate their convictions. If this be done, they will very soon find that good principles will not long want steady and zealous supporters. There are many, who could never themselves, hit upon ready answers to the plausibilities of the demagogue, to whom the proceedings of that character must be odious; and these will readily fall under the influence of those able men by whom his sophistries may be exposed. There are many whose love for the church is strong, but who have not themselves been able to see the fallacies involved in the attacks of its enemies. These will, naturally, be delighted to range themselves under those able champions by whom it may be defended. Thus, a party will be created by whom a popular resistance will be made to measures of a dangerously innovating character; and, without any undue departure from the forms or the usages of a free government, the balance of the constitution may be preserved. Whereas, without it, the overwhelming influence of democracy must be speedily felt; and the government of the country, no matter by whom it may be conducted, will be exposed to a succession of virulent attacks, which must end cther in its overthrow or its degradation

The reader will see at once that this great purpose has been abundantly answered by the Orange institution in Ireland. It has collected and concentrated the loyalty of the country, so that the government were always able to command abundance of assistance, whenever the aid of loyal men was required. This was felt when rebel

lion raged in 1798. It was also felt in 1803, when the culpable supineness of the Irish executive, almost betrayed the government into the hands of a few contemptible insurgents. I remember well the confusion which prevailed at the Castle,when the Orangemen came from all quarters desiring arms and ammunition, and none were to be found! No; I am wrong. There were discovered, after a diligent search, some muskets, and some few rounds of ball cartridge; but it was found upon trial that the bore of the muskets was too small for the size of the balls!

All this may be allowed; but still it may be contended that the deficiency to which I allude may be better supplied by Conservative associations. I think not; and I think experience is with me. If by conservative associations be meant, those clubs and confederacies to which great political exigencies have given rise, they depend too exclusively upon excitement, to furnish such a steady and permanent counterpoise to the democratic faction as the case requires. It is the nature of most factions to be aggressive; and if, in one shape, it be defeated today, it will be in the field in another shape tomorrow. It possesses a kind of Protean versatility in the multiplicity and variety of the efforts which it makes for the accomplishment of its object. Without, therefore, the most unceasing vigilance, the counter agent will be in vain possessed of powers of the most vigorous resistance. Conservative associations are, I know, capable of sudden and violent efforts, by which a great deal may be done for repressing the audacity of democratic ambition. But they are also liable to be as suddenly remitted; and thus, what was gained at Canne may be lost at Capua, and our very security of success may be the cause of our failure, and convert an humbled into a triumphant and insulting enemy. How often have I seen conservative associations arise, and flourish, and decay leaving no more trace of what they had been, than the skyrocket leaves in the air through which it cleaves its fiery way-as brilliant as noisy, and as evanescent-alike commencing in fire, and alike concluding in smoke! Was it not thus with the Brunswick Society? Was it not thus with the various other societies which,

under different names, appeared from time to time, to champion the cause of our menaced institutions? And in thus going, one by one, "to the tomb of all the Capulets," they but shared the fate of every irregular and desultory effort to resist a permanent evil. It may operate as a palliative, but it will not work a cure; and by disguising the malignity of the complaint, may cause the remedy to be deferred until the disease has become desperate.

The evil to be guarded against is, the tendency to continual deterioration which belongs, almost of necessity, to every system of policy in which the democratic element largely prevails. This can never be effectually met by societies which are only called into existence by its occasional extraordinary manifestations. The remedy

must be as searching as the disease is deeply seated, and will never be effectual, unless it be persevered in as a sweetener and a preventive long after every apparent symptom has been removed.

Democracy is an encroaching principle, which never will rest satisfied with the limits within which it is confined. It must be restrained within them, or it will pass beyond them. Now, this necessitates either constant control, or continual resistance; and, in either case, a spirit must be called into action which will neither slumber nor sleep, so long as the arch enemy is vigilant and wakeful. Otherwise, like Aaron's rod when it became a serpent, it will speedily make an end of all its competitors.

Conservative societies have always seemed to me like the seed sown upon stony places. For a time they appeared to flourish. But they took no root amongst the bulk of the people; and they were consequently doomed to barrenness and decay. But the Orange society did take root amongst the bulk of the people, and its beginnings were not more unpromising than its progress has been extraordinary. It had its origin amongst the humblest of the peasantry, and it now embraces within its association the highest and the noblest in the land. The one depended upon excitement. It could subsist only under the stimulus of extraordinary eloquence. or the provo→ cation of tormidable hostility; and,

upon the withdrawal of either, a collapse was inevitable. The other depended upon principle. It had, as it were, its peace establishment and its war establishment. When the enemy was absent, it was vigilant; when he was present, it was prepared.

Therefore it is, that in my humble judgment, the Orange association is infinitely preferable, for combining all good men in the unity of sound political faith, to any other with which I am acquainted. It is like one of those spontaneous productions which nature furnishes in such abundance where poisons grow, and which are intended as an antidote. Not to speak profanely, I do fervently believe it to have been providentially provided, for the purpose of counteracting evils which the nature of our political position necessitated, and which no human sagacity could have foreseen or averted. It strengthened the hands of the executive when the crown itself was tottering under the assaults of faction; and in the midst of treason, it caused a springtide of loyalty to set in amongst the people, by which conspirators were dismayed and confounded. When popish bigotry and cruelty, taking advantage of our political insecurity, were about, again, to manifest themselves in their accustomed atrocities and abominations, the Orange institution, like Aaron of old, stood between the living and the dead, and the plague was stayed. It is, therefore, impossible for the wise and good not to feel grateful for services such as these, even as it is impossible for those whose wicked devices were thus frustrated, not to feel hatred for an institution but for which their bloody and destructive projects might long ago have been successful.

And it is melancholy to perceive that gratitude is evanescent, while hatred is eternal. How aptly, at the present day, do O'Connell and Sheil represent the old enmity by which Orangemen were regarded in 1798? But where, at the present day, are we to find any adequate representation of the gratitude of which they were the objects, when they were pronounced the saviours of their country? Alas! Echo answers, "where!" But I do not despond. Far from it. I said I believe the institution to have been providentially designed. That

is, in fact, my ground of hope. I see that it has performed great service for Ireland heretofore. I think that it will still triumph over its secret and its open enemies, and perform still greater service for the British empire.

There is one especial feature of the institution which has called forth the bitterest and the most contemptuous revilings. That is, that every meeting of every lodge is opened and closed with prayer. It is perfectly impossible for any one who has not witnessed it, to conceive the effect which this practice has on the spirit that pervades their deliberations. A degree of seriousness, solemnity, and sanctity, is thus imparted, which more than any thing else has contributed to keep sacred principle alive, and to feed the vestal flame of loyalty, by which the devoted watchers keep guard at the gate of the constitution. It is no wonder that Mr. Hume should have constructions fastened upon it, as a practice deserving HIS weightiest reprobation-for it is, no doubt, most disagreeable to the master whom he serves; and he were unworthy the distinction that master has enabled him to attain, if he did not bear his decided testimony against it. But not the less, I trust, will it continue to distinguish those whom he has honoured with his vituperation, and who would have reason to feel that they forfeited the Divine favour, if they were so unfortunate as to incur his praise.

He

The very fact of being able to commence and conclude their meetings in the manner they do, implies the consciousness of a good purpose. that doeth evil cometh not unto the light, lest his deeds should be reproved; but every one that doeth good cometh to the light, that his deeds may be made manifest that they are wrought in God. These words are not profaned when applied to the feelings and principles of Orangemen, who could not, cherishing any latent evil in their hearts, any envy, hatred, malice, or uncharitableness, use a form of prayer which could only, in such a case, be mockery the most gratuitous and revolting. Supposing them bad men, their meetings are secret meetings, they are not of the character of those which were held in synagogues, or in the corners of streets, where they might have their reward in receiving the praise of men. Each other they