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he might reply, in a mixture of blasphemous profaneness, and low, sneering vulgarity, that he "would listen with Christian forbearance to every thing that might be said against his order."

We shall proceed to our extracts, merely requesting our readers to observe, that the ultra principles displayed are the real and consistent ones, and that the only consistent ones that can be set in opposition to them are those of decided Conservatism.

We shall commence by showing who are the body against whom these pamphlets are designed to inflame the real anti-Tory party; for we do not designate as a party that mass of persons calling themselves "moderate liberals," who differ from each other in all manner of shades of principles, and even in the extent to which they would act on the very principles they themselves profess to advocate. From this class of individuals the two great parties are gradually, but, of course, with daily increasing rapidity drawing their recruits. When this has continued long enough to reduce this quagmire of inconsistent weakness to a numerical equal to its moral insignificance, the crisis will have come, and we think will also be past, as the mere display of the overwhelming power of the then Tory party will be enough to restore the liberties and heal the wounds of the constitution. But to proceed with our extracts. After anticipating a triumph of his faction, and remarking, that before the approaching opportunity arrives, it is advisable to attend a little to the aristocratic principle among us"-or in other words, to prepare the minds of his gang for their extirpation-he proceeds,

To

"The nobility of England, though it forms the basis and the bulk, forms not the whole of our aristocratic body. all practical purposes we must include under that name all their immediate connexions, and even all who live in the same circles, have the same objects, and from time to time attain the same privileges. What difference in society is there between a lord's second son, or indeed his eldest, and the son of a rich squire, especially if he be of old family, that is, if his father or grandfather have been squires before him?

That

hereditary privileges are at the bottom of the whole, is not denied; that those privileges being destroyed, all the worst parts of the other evils would cease, is admitted.* When the legislature, as in this country, has been long in the hands of the wealthy, they are apt to confound and mistake their interests and convenience for those of society at large, and thus to perpetuate regulations from which they alone derive advantage.”

Mark, reader, the author, writing for the radicals (for he despises the intermediate class as much as we do) defines the aristocracy as the peers, all related to them, all connected with them, all who appear in the society in which they also appear, all those squires who can boast a father and grandfather, and finally all the wealthy. He is perfectly right; and however we may detest the author, whether he be the individual who has eulogised these works in a distinguished periodical, or is only famous as the spouse of the most disgusting female writer of the day; yet we fully admit the justice of his assertion, that in all their great interests these classes are indeed identified. We shall presently notice the miserable attempts he makes to prevent his dupes among them from perceiving this inference. Now for the description of their character, habits, society, &c.

"Statesmen pass much of their time in it; they discuss their measures of a party nature before the empty women and the frivolous youths who compose it. They are not a little moved by the opinion which has dominion in these select circles; they are prevented from making useful appointments of men unknown to these arbiters and arbitresses of fashion-and therefore despised by them-but who would be still more despised if they were known, because they are men of learning and sound sense. The same statesmen are also kept from taking an interest in many good works-as in humane and philanthropic pursuits-and in supporting wise measures of improvement founded upon profound views of human nature and of man's wants, by the same tone of ridicule with which, within these sacred precincts, all mention of such things is sure to be greeted. Lastly, as those circles are drawn round the very focus of all hatred and contempt for the

people, they are the very hotbeds of Toryism and intolerance; nothing being more certain than that the women of fashion and all the young aristocrats (perhaps more or less of all parties) hate reform; look down upon the people; desire more or less openly to have a strong, arbitrary, Tory government, and would fain see the day dawn upon military power established on the ruins of the national representation." *

"The want of sense and reason which prevails in these circles is wholly inconceivable. An ignorance of all that the more refined of the middle, or even of the lower classes, well know, is accompanied by an insulting contempt for any one who does not know any of the silly and worthless trifles which form the staple of their only knowledge. An entire incapacity of reasoning is twin sister to a ready, and flippant, and authoritative denial of all that reason has

taught others. An utter impossibility of understanding what men of learning and experience have become familiar with, stalks hand in hand, insolent and exulting, with a stupid denial of truths which are all but self-evident, and are of extreme importance. Every female member of this exquisite class is under the exclusive dominion of some waiting maid, or silly young lover, or slander-mongering newspaper; and if not under the sway of one paper, lives in bodily fear of two or three. Bribes, entreaties, threats, are by turns employed to disarm these tyrants; and however tormented the wretched victim may be, she is forced by some strange fatality, or propensity, to read what most tortures her." **

*

"Furious to the pitch of Bethlem or St. Luke's, if they themselves be but touched or threatened, nothing can be more exemplary than the fortitude with which they sustain the rudest shocks that can be given to the reputation of their dearest and nearest connexions. Nay, they bear without flinching, with the patience of anchorites, and the courage of martyrs, (but that the pain is vicarious,) the most exquisite and long-continued tortures to which the feelings of their friends and relations can be subjected. This is no exaggeration; for it is below, very much below, the truth. They delight in the slander of that press, the terrors of which daily haunt them, and nightly break their slumbers. Nothing is to them a greater enjoyment than to read all that can be said against their friends. They know, to be sure, that all is false; but, judging VOL. VI.

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"The body at large is our foe; that is incapable of conversion. Mr. O'Connell may threaten and Mr. Brougham (mark reader!) may educate for ages; that body is beyond all the fears which the former can excite, and all the improvement which the latter can produce. their habits-all their connexions-all their interests-oppose any conversion short of what a miracle could work. The abuses of the system are not merely the protection of their order, but its direct presiding genius. For them, sinecures exist; for them, jobs are done. They it is that profit by the over-payment of public functionaries. They it is that amass wealth by the tax imposed upon the bread consumed, and alone consumed, by the people. For their sons an overgrown army provides commissions and staff-appointments. their sons a bloated church establishment displays deaneries, and prebends, and bishoprics. To teach their children Tory principles, the public schools (the best education in England, and one utterly below contempt) train the patrician infant to lisp in slavish accents. To confirm the lessons of Eton and Winchester, Oxford opens her conservative arms, and eradicates whatever feelings of humanity, whatever reasonable opinions the expanding faculties of the mind may have engrafted upon the barren stocks of Henry the Sixth and William of Wickham."

For

"I think it is in Sheridan's Trip to Scarborough that a noble lord is intro.

G

duced as recommending his brother to take to robbing on the high road as a means of subsistence. The spirit of this advice has long been acted on."

We shall now briefly notice the inconsistencies we have alluded to. One of these is merely apparent, it is his eulogy on the middle class; and is as follows:

"The middle, not the upper class, are the part of the nation which is entitled to command respect, and enabled to win esteem or challenge admiration. They read, they reflect, they reason, they think for themselves; they will neither let a pope, nor a prince, nor a minister, nor a newspaper form their opinions for them; and they will neither, from views of interest nor motives of fear, be made the dupe or tool of others. They are the nation-the people-in every rational or correct sense of the word. By them, through them, for them, the fabric of the government is reared, continued, designed. How long are they likely to suffer a few persons of overgrown wealth, laughable folly, and considerable profligacy, to usurp, and exclusively to hold,

ail consideration, all individual importance?"

With other similar passages scattered up and down, for the double purpose of blindfolding his professed friends, but intended victims, and of pandering to the vanity of the low radicals, who must see from the whole work that they are the class really designed by this title. But the most treacherous inconsistency in the work, is that immediately after a desperate attack such as we have given some examples of, he affects to qualify, but really confirms it by some hardly intelligible sentence to the effect, that even if the aristocracy were removed, yet much of the evil would remain, if the

accumulation of wealth were allowed; and then wheels off with a flourishing sentiment, that no man in his senses would wish to interfere with the rights of property; that the progress of knowledge will be the best softener of harsher features; that no man who understands our constitution would wish to see the House of Lords abolished, but merely improved, &c. These passages he places where they are likely to soothe the liberal reader, whom he believes, and indeed is well justified by experience in believing,

incompetent, either by weakness or indolence, to compare the works with themselves, and with each other, as the radical will do, to whom he always addresses the closing sentence of undefined meaning, but easily understood, that it is his object only to point out the disease, that they are to consider the remedy.

One passage we must extract, as paying a reluctant tribute to the truth of the principle which it is the design of this article to advocate.

"I am far from doubting the policy of the existence of a second deliberative

body, less likely to be affected by popular clamour and to be run away with by vague theories and speculations than those who depend immediately on the people; but surely the opposition of our aristocracy has amounted to more than to mere slowness; they have exhibited not the moment of inertia, but a deter mined and blind resistance."

In this passage itself there is, howthe meaning or the use of a second ever, a special absurdity. What is deliberative body to whom he allows only slowness, and will not permit any power of resistance? The nonsensical expression, "the moment of inertia," would confer probability on the idea first started, as to its authorship, by an individual, whose impudent assumption of a scientific character, is only equalled by his total ignorance even of the commonest principles of science.

He throws an insidious sop to his dupes by such passages as the following

46

:

Nevertheless, don't let us be run away with by names, and fancy that lords may not be very good men, and good reformers too."

"The aristocracy, as a body, is essentially the enemy of all reform. Exceptions there are. Excellent sense in one; in another, good education for about the worst educated (because most religious) country in Europe; in a third, partyzeal; in a fourth, personal spleen,-may alienate members of the body from their

natural connexions, and enlist them in the cause of the people. For the aid of these men the country can never be too grateful. Far from repelling them by insult and damping their generous efforts in our behalf by a cold and sullen reception, it is our duty and our interest to hail their arrival among us with open

arms. They are of infinite use to us. Their motives should not be too narrowly scrutinized. They are worthy of all acceptation; and, if we know either what becomes us, or what serves us, we shall affectionately and gratefully receive them."

Even here he cannot refrain from lashing at the individuals whom he affects to praise, and hints to his party that they should receive them because they are of use to them; that is to say, that while they require them to help them in destroying their own order, they should conceal, as far as it is necessary to deceive them, their contempt and hatred; and as soon as their degrading work shall be performed, they will feel at liberty to treat them as they had done the rest, with the additional punishment and scorn due to traitors.

The following passages are worthy of notice, as illustrating this statement, and also showing to our own party that they need not fear to lose any thing except the privilege they seem to value so highly, that of being spectators of, instead of actors in the contest; and that they may soon expect a clear field, as the mass of indolent and lukewarm self-deceivers, who amuse their vanity by calling themselves the "juste milieu" party, are hourly diminishing in number and importance, and will speedily be driven from their absurd and criminal attempt to hover between right and wrong:

"Does any one dream that above 200, or at most, 250 of the Commons really love reform, merely because the other reformers, the merely nominal liberals, do not dare throw out reform bills and mo

tions? Not a bit of it: they hate reform bitterly-hate it for its own sake-hate it for their sakes-hate it for the sake of the House of Lords, whom they really love, and where most of them hope to sit. But they fear us as well as detest us, and they must vote whether they will or no on many questions. Only see the effects of this. It is like the argument of measures, not men."

"Our friends are the minority; and the rest of the opposition, who, in case of a change, will be the ministerial body, is composed of men in whom the country never can again place any trust; because they have got into parliament under false pretences; wheedling us one day with

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"But the persons whom we really have a right to complain of, and whom all honest men must blame, and all men of spirit despise, are the forty or fifty pretended liberals, who have not gone These over openly to the enemy. rotten members are the true cause of all the mischief that is befalling us. They will possibly make it impracticable to form a good liberal ministry: they will almost certainly cause any government that is formed to be ill constructed,

patched of feeble men,-unpopular statesmen, and puny reformers, if reformers at all; and they will assuredly make it quite impossible for even such a ministry to last; so that we shall be driven very soon back to the Tories; and that vile and intolerable dominion will be perpetuated over us to the lasting disgrace of the country."

We should not trouble our readers with any notice of the absurdities into which our author falls in talking of property descending according to the law of nature; a thing in itself perfect nonsense; the law of nature being force and occupation, and every species of descent being the mere creature of municipal law, and differing in every country, and even in the parts of the same country; as for example, in England, the three rules of feudal, gavel-kind, and borough English tenure; where, in the first, the eldest son; in the second, all alike; and in the third, the youngest alone, is heir to the ancestor; all three systems equally a civil restraint on the natural law by which the neighbours would have all fought for the property; and if the son got it, it would have been the mere result of force or accident, which probably would have given it to the eldest, if any. Perhaps the wisest system was that which gave it to the youngest, on the ground, that, in trading towns where it obtained, the elder children have been provided for by the father in his life-time.

It is truly ludicrous to observe the contortions and anxiety of our author to unite, with any pretence of consistency, his abusive contempt of polished society with his rage and mortification

at being excluded from it; we should rather say, his attempts to excite, at the same time, these two feelings in others, for he is probably, at least to a certain extent, permitted occasionally to pollute that society with his own presence for which he makes this grateful return.

For the purpose of destroying the respect of the lower orders for this society, our worthy radical proceeds:

"The number of men and women are pretty nearly equal in the world, the number of elder sons but small. Every man, says Adam Smith, has a peculiar confidence in his own good luck. Every woman, perhaps, in her good luck and good looks combined. Every one thinks that she has a better chance than her neighbours of securing a matrimonial prize; and if a daughter's generosity or folly lead her to prefer a younger brother, the superior sagacity and prudence of her mother will speedily set the matter right; access will be denied him, perhaps some history of a flirtation with another conjured up, or if he confide his wishes to the fair one's parents, she may not be informed of his proposal. In short, to use the language of political economists, the supply of wives exceeds the demand. Hence arises the noble science of matrimonial angling. The noblest and most amiable part of our species are turned into so many artificial flies to tickle and catch the human trout. Flimsy accomplishments are substituted for solid education; the adornment of the person for that of the mind; dress takes the place of literature; singing and dancing, instead of being regarded, one as a pleasant way of beguiling a cheerless hour, the other as a means of securing a graceful deportment, are ends seriously pursued for their own sake. While the mother superintends the maid or the milliner as she sews the gown on her daughter's back; while she watches with respectful deference Mr. Nesbit or Mr. Woodman, as he decks or disfigures her hair with the orthodox ornaments prescribed by fashion, or plasters the curls with rice water to her temples, her daughter's morals are left pretty nearly to form themselves, and her reading confined to fashionable novels or trumpery annuals. The whole soul of the mother is bent on securing the benefit of an establishment; no time is to be lost, the future is left to take care of itself; present attraction is all that is thought of. Conscious that

the chances are against her, the market being overstocked, no manœuvre is missed, no opportunity neglected, and much may be, and is, done by the good management of a judicious chaperon. The gaudy bait is skilfully played before the eyes of the destined victim; the finedrawn slender line is invisible; the simple object of these arts, perhaps just twentyone and fresh from college, sees and desires, thinks all is gold that glitters; he nibbles should some other sister of the hook interfere, and try to lure away the prey, falsehood and slander lend their aid to defeat her intrigues: just when the swain begins to think himself in love, the bait is withdrawn, he follows, and at last takes it. But with matrimony comes repentance. Scarce is the honeymoon passed, when he finds out the deception which has been practised; he discovers that, instead of an amiable companion, who can enliven moments of dulness as well as partake of the pleasures of gaiety, he has married an empty, selfish, heartless, frivolous person, who cares not a sixpence for anything but his fortune, and who looks upon him only as the peg upon which her establishment hangs. But it is too late so recede: he may, indeed, "flounce indignant of the guile," but the line of matrimony is too strong to be broken. The natural consequence follows; the gentleman amuses himself with a mistress, the lady with a lover. This may be thought a picture too highly coloured; but I do maintain that it is the tendency of primogeniture to generate this spirit of rapacity and artifice; it even tends to make sister rival sister, and perhaps a whole family pull caps for one man. May be, indeed, under the pressing exigencies of circumstances, a rich grocer or teadealer is admitted to purchase his admis. sion into the ranks of gentility by taking some unsaleable commodity off her mother's hands. If no such thing as primogeniture existed, if things were left to follow their own course, and permitted to flow in their natural channels, this disparity between the demand and supply would vanish; this urgent necessity to be the first in the field, and to secure the first rich fool, boy or booby, that might offer, would disappear; women would mate with their equals; and though Hyde Park might not exhibit so long a line of carriages on a Sunday, nor the opera so splendid an attendance on a Saturday, yet the number of old maids at Bath and of divorces at Doctors' Commons would be diminished."

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