but to uphold it as a great instrument for the maintenance of Conservative principles. He expressed himself as opposed to its combination with either Liberals or Labour, and in favour of an appeal by the Conservatives to the country as an independent body.

Lord Balfour, on the other hand, spoke in defence of Mr. Chamberlain, maintaining that it was a principle of the Conservative Party to act on the advice of its leaders. Colonel Leslie Wilson supported Mr. Bonar Law, and as Mr. Chamberlain could not accept Mr. Pretyman's resolution it was put to the vote and carried by a majority of 100, there being 187 votes in favour of it to 87 against. Thus the policy of continued Coalition under the leadership of Mr. Lloyd George was overwhelmingly defeated.

Mr. Chamberlain at once reported the result to Mr. Lloyd George, and three hours after the Unionist Party had declared for political independence, the Coalition Government had resigned. Mr. Lloyd George tendered his resignation to the King that afternoon, and advised His Majesty to send for Mr. Bonar Law.

Mr. Lloyd George lost no time in defending the policy of the late Government in a speech at Leeds on October 21. He emphasised the immense services rendered to the State by Mr. Austen Chamberlain, Sir Robert Horne, Lord Balfour, and Lord Birkenhead. He described the Treaty of Versailles as "a great human charter." He spoke warmly of the League of Nations, and insisted that the present state of British finances was another sign of courage and high statesmanship. He declared that we were the only people in Europe who were completely balancing their Budget and receiving enough to meet their expenditure. We could now look the dollar in the face on equal terms. He pointed to the tremendous economies which had been effected in administration. He referred to housing, saying that 181,000 houses had been completed, and when those dwellings still in course of construction were completed, the total provided would be 250,000.

After reciting the achievements of the Coalition Government, Mr. Lloyd George said that the Carlton Club had smashed the combination that had pulled through our trade, our commerce, and our credit throughout the world. He declared that it was a crime against the nation. Personally he had no reproach; he had received much kindness, consideration, and indulgence from men who differed from him entirely, and he went on to explain that he had never concealed from the country that his sympathies were always democratic and progressive. The revolt, he said, began in Mayfair and Belgravia, but the most distinguished men of the Conservative Party were against it, and were still against it. He referred to the lack of talent among the revolting Conservatives. He regretted that Mr. Bonar Law had allowed his judgment to be rushed, not by the

best brains of the Party, not by the wiser members of the Party, but by the least in experience and ability. Mr. Bonar Law had put himself in the position, as a horseman, of not holding the reins but of holding on by the tail. The impelling motive of the revolt was that a section of the Conservative Party (the so-called "Diehards") thought an opportunity had come for snatching a pure Party advantage. He said that the reactionary mutiny which had culminated at the Carlton Club would, if it received a majority of votes, want to carry out the Diehard programme. The result, he prophesied, would be to strengthen those subversive elements which were deep down, and which, if they could not be kept within bounds by reasonable, sane, sound, progressive legislation, would in the end win the mastery in the country. Mr. Lloyd George said that he stood for sane, sound progress. He promised that, whatever the future might bring forth, he would do nothing mean, nothing paltry.

On October 23 Mr. Bonar Law was elected Leader of the Unionist Party. His election was unanimous in a meeting composed of 152 members of the House of Lords, 220 members of the House of Commons, and 67 candidates. The resolution in favour of Mr. Bonar Law was moved by Lord Curzon and seconded by Mr. Baldwin. In his reply Mr. Bonar Law announced that the Treaty with Southern Ireland must be carried out, and hinted at the need for providing financial assistance. He reserved his general statement of policy for a meeting which he was due to address at Glasgow two days later. He satisfied himself for the moment with setting up for his ideal Burke's standard of a statesman, "a disposition to preserve, and an ability to improve." The country, in Mr. Bonar Law's opinion, desired tranquillity and freedom from adventures and commitments both at home and abroad. would be necessary, he said, to abstain from attempts at improvements which, at another time, would be very desirable and very necessary. What we wanted was quiet and as little interference as possible, either by legislation or administration. The meeting concluded with a resolution of heartfelt appreciation of Mr. Chamberlain's services to the party, the country, and the Empire.

It

After Mr. Bonar Law had been formally elected Leader of the Unionist Party, he went to Buckingham Palace and was appointed Prime Minister and First Lord of the Treasury.

The new Prime Minister set forth his policy to the electors of his constituency, Central Glasgow, on October 26; the following being its main outlines. He said that a policy of tranquillity and stability was essential to give free scope to initiative and enterprise. He proposed to revise the machinery of central government, and to transfer to the Foreign Office a large part of the work of the Cabinet Secretariat. Obligations undertaken in foreign relations must be loyally fulfilled, but there must be

no extension of commitments, and as opportunity offered there must be curtailment. He stood for frank and full co-operation with France and our other Allies; for whole-hearted and practical support of the League of Nations; for maintenance of friendship and good understanding with the United States, and for close and continuous consultation with the Governments of the Dominions and of India. He said that the ratification of the Irish Treaty would be the first task of the Government, and he gave a pledge to safeguard the freedom of choice and the security of the Parliament and Government of Northern Ireland. He would promote the development of India under the Constitution of 1919. Emergency measures would be taken to deal with unemployment; expenditure would be reduced to the lowest attainable level; an Economic Imperial Conference would be called to consider developments of trade within the Empire, and assistance would be given to agriculture.

In addition to the Unionist programme thus outlined by Mr. Bonar Law, three other policies were placed before the country respectively by Mr. Lloyd George, by the Independent Liberals, and by Labour. Mr. Lloyd George advocated a policy of peace, working with our Allies to the best of our power, but “not tied behind the chariot of any other land." He stood for reparations within Germany's capacity to pay; for a renewal of the pact with Russia; for a league of all nations; for co-operation with the United States to ensure a just and lasting peace. His policy included stern economy and no tariffs, industrial cooperation, generous encouragement of agriculture, and the employment of State credit for Imperial developments.

The programme of the Independent Liberals advocated peace and disarmament through the medium of the League of Nations. The problem of reparations and inter-Allied debts was to be revised. Drastic economy was to be undertaken and the policy of military adventures abroad abandoned. Workers were to be secured against the hardships of unemployment. There was to be co-operation between capital and labour, and honest and fair treatment of organised labour. The programme included a policy of unqualified free trade and the repeal of the Safeguarding of Industries Act. Social services, such as education, housing, and public health were to be defended; there was to be political and legal equality for men and women, a comprehensive reform of the land system, with taxation and rating of land values. A democratic reform of the licensing system was also included, as also the principle of proportional representation.

The Labour programme advocated a revision of the Peace Treaties, and reparations within the capacity of Germany to pay. The League of Nations should be all-inclusive. The real independence of Egypt and self-government for India should be recognised, and the Constitution of the Irish Free State accepted. A graduated levy on fortunes exceeding 5,0007.

was proposed to form a War Debt Redemption Fund. Death Duties and Super Tax were to be increased. There was to be no taxation on incomes below 2501., and a reduced taxation on incomes below 500l. The Labour programme included taxation of land values, the revision of national grants to secure reduction of rates in severely pressed districts, work or maintenance for the unemployed, and the reorganisation of agriculture. Landlords must sacrifice rents rather than ask workers to accept starvation wages, and the Wages Board must be restored. The Labour policy also included nationalisation of mines and railways with increased share of control for the workers and no interference with Trade Boards. A national housing scheme was advocated. The programme also included larger Old Age Pensions for widowed mothers, and complete supersession of the Poor Law. Pensions of ex-service men were to observe the rule "Fit for service, fit for pension." All disabilities were to be removed affecting women as citizens, voters, and workers, and the liquor traffic was to be controlled according to the people's will.

Parliament was dissolved by Royal Proclamation on October 26. The elections were fixed to take place on November 15 in order that the new Parliament might assemble on November 20. The new Parliament was to consist of 92 fewer members than the old in consequence of the representation of Southern Ireland ceasing, and that of Northern Ireland being reduced to 13. England had to return 492 members, Scotland 74, and Wales 36. It was estimated that the electorate exceeded 21 millions.

Mr. Asquith opened the election campaign of the Liberals on October 27 in a speech at Peterborough. He attributed the downfall of the Coalition Government, not to Belgravia or to the Carlton Club, but to the methods of Downing Street itself, which, he declared, had in the Near East brought Great Britain dangerously near to the verge of a single-handed war. claimed that none of the Parties now seeking the suffrages of the country could show a record comparable with that of the Liberal Party either before or since the war, and upon that record he appealed for the support of the electors.

He

On November 2 the new Prime Minister addressed a large and appreciative gathering at a women's meeting in London called by the National Unionist Association. He announced himself as having been, since boyhood, in favour of woman's suffrage. He stated that he was making changes in the Cabinet secretariat, and emphasised the need of getting back to the old machinery. In reply to the accusation that his outlook was a negative one, he expressed the belief that what the country wanted was freedom from disturbances at home and abroad. Our foreign policy, he said, was most important;-to bring back our troops and to cease spending money in distant enterprises, and make it plain to France that we were her friends,

He expressed his pleasure that he had just received a friendly message from the new head of the Italian Government, and his statement that we must maintain our naval position was received with loud cheers.

Meanwhile the Labour Party found that its policy of a capital levy was not going well in the country. Mr. Clynes announced that the Labour Party was not wedded to the idea of a capital levy, and a general instruction was given to Labour candidates to the effect that the capital levy was only a suggestion and not a definite proposal. At the beginning of November the results were declared of the Borough Council elections in London, where the Labour Party suffered a severe defeat, losing over 300 seats.

The nomination of candidates took place on November 4. The strongest Party entering the contest was the Unionist Party with 444 candidates. There were in addition 11 Independent Unionists, some of whom were opposing official Unionists. The second largest Party was Labour with 408 candidates, with whom also were classified 4 Co-operative candidates, and 1 Independent Labour candidate. Liberal candidates numbered 339, while the National Liberals, or followers of Mr. Lloyd George, amounted to only 138. In 242 out of the total of 615 seats there were 3 or more candidates. On nomination day 57 members were returned to the House of Commons through the absence of any opposition. These included 42 Unionists, 6 Liberals, 4 National Liberals, 4 Labour candidates and 1 Nationalist. Mr. Lloyd George was elected, this being the first time that he had been unopposed in the course of his parliamentary career. The Speaker and Deputy Speaker of the last Parliament were also returned unopposed.

Many election speeches were made on the day of nomination. Mr. Bonar Law addressed a meeting at Leeds, and defending the constitution of his Ministry said that there was going to be a change in the method of carrying on the Government. He could not undertake to deal with every difficult question, whether at home or abroad, as Mr. Lloyd George had attempted to do. After expressing the determination of the Government loyally to carry out the Treaty with Ireland, Mr. Bonar Law turned to foreign policy. The Government would take as their fundamental basis, with regard to the Turkish question, that the root of their policy must be to work with France and Italy; otherwise there would be chaos in Europe, and nobody could tell what would be the result. He repeated his intention of leaving the main direction of foreign policy in the hands of the Foreign Secretary. He announced that he would summon a conference of representatives of the Dominions to discuss the development of trade. He contradicted the assertion that he was in favour of a capital levy. During the war he had been prepared to think that the capital levy might become an absolute necessity, but in the changed conditions