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conflict between the Flemish and the French parties, on the issue of which so much depends for the future of the country.

This conflict, which had first been kindled years ago and which had been fanned into flame by the war, turned on the question of higher education through the medium of Flemish. At present the four Universities of the country-the State Universities of Ghent and Liege, and those of Louvain (Catholic) and Brussels (Liberal) supported by private resources-are conducted in French, and the Flemish youth cannot obtain any degree or diploma in their own language. At one time they were unable even to obtain secondary education through the medium of that language, but since 1910 a number of Flemish high schools and colleges have been instituted by law to meet their requirements. It was inevitable that the education struggle should break out afresh with redoubled violence when the generation of 1910, after leaving school, found itself on the threshold of higher studies. The great renaissance of Flemish culture which has taken place during the last quarter of a century called insistently for a University as a focus for its activities, and it is easy to understand why, even before the war, the question of a Flemish University was a burning one.

During the occupation of the country by the Germans, as is well known, the "activists," under the direction of the enemy authorities, organised the Flamandisation of the University of Ghent; while after the liberation of the country the 66 status quo ante bellum" was re-established.

The advocates of a Flemish University maintained that, since higher education was paid for by the taxes of the whole population, it was only fair that, as the State had two Universities, each of the two national languages should be used at one of them. They therefore demanded the Flamandisation of the University of Ghent, offering at the same time conditions and guarantees which were a proof of a conciliatory spirit on their part. But the Walloons remained obdurate, and they were supported by the Nationalist Party, which in all things is at the service of the French Government.

A bitter struggle thereupon ensued. The Liberal Party, most of the members of which are Nationalist, proposed the creation of a new University at Antwerp, though this would have cost the State about two hundred millions. The Chamber would not listen to this proposal, and the enemies of Flamandisation had to look elsewhere. They thereupon demanded that the University of Ghent should be simply doubled, all the courses being given both in French and in Flemish. This proposition, the absurdity of which is patent, was also rejected, and after some heated debates the Chamber voted by 87 to 83 the gradual Flamandisation of the University. This result so exasperated the Nationalists that, though they always claim to uphold law and authority, they appealed to arms, and they succeeded in surrounding the Parliament with some bands of

young persons, who, however, took to flight on the arrival of the police.

This final vote was the climax of incidents and debates which had gone on for months. It was only taken on the eve of Christmas, and has yet to be ratified by the Senate, where the struggle will probably be renewed.

This struggle has been marked by two peculiar features: first, the passion shown by the Nationalists, who have accused their opponents of being instigated, or even paid, by Germany, Holland, and England, which, if they are to be believed, are leagued against Belgium. Secondly, it has completely confounded old party and political distinctions. While most of the Catholic deputies (including several Walloons) voted for the law, a fraction of them made common cause with the Liberals, of whom again a small number-six out of thirty-six-voted for the law; while the Socialists were about equally divided. The Cabinet itself is divided on the question. Several Liberal Ministers oppose the project bitterly, while several Catholic Ministers, along with the Liberal, M. Franck, support it just as strongly. Belgium has presented, during the year, the curious sight of members of the same Cabinet voting on opposite sides in a debate of capital importance for the future of the country, while the Prime Minister takes refuge in impenetrable silence at a moment when the danger of civil war is imminent.

The question of the Flemish University is the only one which was of any real importance in 1922. A bare mention may be made of the military projects of M. Dévèze, Minister of National Defence. His project, which was approved by the Council of Ministers on October 24, provides for eight months for auxiliary service, ten months for infantry and heavy artillery, and thirteen months for cavalry and mounted artillery. In conjunction with the proposal there would also be a scheme of compulsory physical training in the schools.

The King and Queen of England visited Brussels on May 8, and an enthusiastic reception was given them by some of the largest crowds which had ever assembled to greet any foreign visitors.

THE NETHERLANDS.

Throughout 1922 home politics in Holland were increasingly dominated by the Conservative tendency which had arisen as a reaction against the Radicalism engendered by the war. received a strong impulse in the spring from the economic depression caused by the depreciation of the currency in the neighbouring countries, as these could no longer purchase Dutch agricultural products, while they were able-Germany in particular to undersell Dutch manufacturers. The number of unemployed increased to an alarming extent, and fears were entertained that the credit of the State might decline, with the consequence of a depreciation in the currency. These fears,

fortunately, were shown to be groundless when, on February 27, a loan of 75,000,000 guilders was quickly over-subscribed in New York, while a similar amount was similarly taken up on the Amsterdam Bourse.

The movement for economy and against further State interference in industry was led by the "Vryheidsbond" (Liberty League), the union of Liberal groups, supported by a group of Catholics calling themselves the "New-Catholic Party." The special object of attack of this party was the Labour Law promulgated by the Minister of Labour, Dr. Aalberse. Whereas in the autumn of 1921 this Minister had refused to alter his law, on March 15, under pressure of the Opposition, he introduced a Bill which modified it considerably. This Bill was passed on May 11 by the Second Chamber by 54 votes to 23 (the Social Democrats, the Socialists, and the Communists voting against), and on May 18 by the First Chamber by 32 votes to 4. The new Bill practically instituted a 48 hours' week instead of 45 hours, and an average 8 hours' day instead of an absolute 8 hours' day. Maxima were fixed of 11 hours per day, of 62 hours per week, and of 2,500 hours per annum. At the same time retrenchment was decided on in regard to the building of schools, the subsidising of the building of dwelling-houses, and the support of the unemployed.

The First Chamber showed itself equally conservative in dealing with the proposed changes in its own Constitution, viz., that its members should be elected in a body every four years, and not, as hitherto, one-third every three years; that election should be on the system of proportional representation; and that the Provincial States should always be dissolved at the same time as the First Chamber. The First Chamber rejected these proposals on April 21 by 24 votes to 21. On April 26 the Socialist leader, Troelstra, speaking in the Second Chamber, called on the Government to dissolve the First Chamber, to restrict its right of veto, and to adhere to its own original proposals. The Government refused, and it was supported by the majority of the Second Chamber. It introduced a new proposal that half the members of the First Chamber should retire every three years, and that the dissolution of the Provincial States should in no case coincide with that of the First Chamber; while it left over the question of proportional representation to a subsequent occasion. The Social Democrats, on their side, brought in a Bill for the abolition of the First Chamber. This was rejected in the Second Chamber on May 4 by 60 votes to 29, while the Government proposals obtained a large majority. These were also passed by the First Chamber almost unanimously on May 11. Thus the Government once more saved itself by a sacrifice of its democratic principles.

Still another defeat was in store for the Government before the elections. It had strongly insisted upon its Bill for the Institution of a Fund for the Indian Fleet (see ANNUAL

REGISTER, 1921, p. 287) being discussed by the present Parliament. The Bill had the support of the Protestant coalition, but, much to their chagrin, the Catholic leader, Mgr. Nolens, unexpectedly declared himself in favour of deferring the discussion till the return of the Minister for Foreign Affairs from Genoa, whither he had gone on April 6 to attend the Conference. This adjournment was decided upon by an overwhelming majority. As the elections were close at hand, this meant an indefinite postponement, and, as a matter of fact, the Bill was not discussed any more during 1922; only a committee has been appointed to inquire into the best manner of financing the building of a fleet, and for effecting economies in its management, both in Holland and in the East Indies.

In accordance with the rule laid down in the Constitution that an election should follow the first reading of a revision of the Constitution, the States General were dissolved and the session closed on May 22.

As a

The elections, which took place in June and July, were of special interest owing to the fact that women participated as voters for the first time. The anticipation that this would strengthen the forces of Conservatism proved correct. result of the election the Roman Catholics increased their representation from 30 to 32, and of the two Protestant parties the "Anti-Revolutionary Party" advanced from 13 to 16 and the "Christian-Historic Party" from 7 to 11. The Liberty League, on the other hand, obtained only 10 seats against 15 in the previous Parliament, the Social Democrats 20 against 22, the Revolutionary Socialists 2 against 4, while the Radical Party kept its 5 seats. No less than forty-five groups and parties were formed among the electors, while the Second Chamber actually contains ten groups. Of these the Roman Catholics and the Protestant parties, with 60 members, make up the Right, while the Liberals, Radicals, Social Democrats, and Communists, with 40 members, make up the Left.

In the First Chamber the majority of the Right is still stronger, its parties having obtained 41 seats out of 50. The Liberty League, owing to its tactical blunder of refusing to co-operate with the Social Democrats and Radicals, lost all its seats except one.

The Ruys de Beerenbrouck Cabinet at first considered itself entitled to look upon the result of the elections as a verdict in its favour, so that it did not, contrary to expectations and to usage, place its portfolios at the disposal of the Queen. This attitude was criticised in the Press, and even in papers of the Right. The electors, moreover, had declared themselves in favour of stringent economy, and the Cabinet had been blamed for having dealt recklessly with the finances of the country. It was only after the Queen, in the usual way, had consulted several prominent statesmen and party-leaders that the Cabinet, under the pressure of public opinion, decided on July 18 to

hand in its resignation. Thereupon, on July 22, the Queen charged Jonkheer Ruys de Beerenbrouck with the formation of a new Cabinet. The reconstruction of the Cabinet proved to be no easy matter, as the three groups forming the majority found agreement difficult, both as regards leadership and programme. The deliberations lasted for weeks, and it was only on September 11 the new Cabinet was finally appointed, again under the leadership of Jonkheer Ruys de Beerenbrouck. It included most of the members of the old Cabinet; only M. König, Minister of Public Works, was replaced by M. Van Swaay, whilst the Navy Department, which, in the interval, had been managed by the Minister of War, was now assigned to M. Westerveld. The intention to unite the two Departments into one Department had been abandoned, strange to say, on the ground of economy! For the same reason the Department of Agriculture, Industry, and Trade was abolished as a separate Department, so that M. Van Ysselsteyn was not replaced as Minister.

After a short extraordinary session (July 25-Sept. 16) the ordinary session of the States-General was opened on September 19 by the Prime Minister, Jonkheer Ruys de Beerenbrouck, with a speech in which the necessity for stringent economy was placed in the foreground. This necessity was further emphasised in the Budget speech of the Finance Minister, Jonkheer de Geer, who maintained that the paramount interest of the State for the time being was to preserve the soundness of the currency. The Minister estimated the deficit for the year 1922 at between 34,000,000 and 35,000,000 guilders. For 1923 expenditure was estimated at a total of over 808,000,000, of which over 620,000,000 was on the ordinary budget. This meant a saving of 34,000,000 on the previous year, or even reckoning the extraordinary expenditure, of 79,000,000. The ordinary revenue was estimated at about 568,000,000, showing a deficit of nearly 53,000,000 guilders. This deficit the Minister wished to cover by various radical measures, and inter alia by a curtailment of the budgets of the various departments by 17 per cent., the imposition on functionaries of a tax of 8 per cent. of their salary for pensions, and a modification of the education law which would mean an economy of Hf. 10,000,000. The Second Chamber, after some criticism, agreed to these propositions. On the occasion of the budget discussions M. Colyn, ex-War Minister, advocated drastic retrenchment of the military estimates in a speech that was very unfavourably commented upon. In a speech of explanation he stated that he only wished to abolish the system of fortifications, not including the coast defences. To this the Government did not agree either.

Mention may be made of the fact that the Revenue during 1922 exceeded the estimates by 31,000,000. The guilder, instead of falling, continued to maintain itself at gold par. In order to

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