464 Ships at Liverpool.-On a Paffage in Virgil. dered by his uncle Richard the IIId! Fairs are held at York on July 10, Aug 12, Nov. 22, and every other Thursday in the year for horfes and fheep. There was a moveable fair laft year on May 23. [The additions to the account of Chefter are receiv'd, and fhall be inferted in our next.] So they always give it, and fo we read it at fchool; but certainly this makes no good fenfe, on the contrary, is directly against the mind of the author. The continent of Italy was not parted from the island of Sicily by a bore, for venit medio vi pontus; which undis, with its waves, Hefperium ficulo latus abfcidit.— And fo afterwards he fays the fea, fever'd the fields and cities of the two countries, angufo, aftu; how then could they be divided by an intervenBing fhore? Certainly this is directly contrary to the fenfe and meaning of the poet; and therefore, by a flight alteration, I would read, Mr URBAN, Liverpool, Sept. 27, 1764. C AVING lately had a curiofity to H know the exact number of veffels in this port, I counted them very carefully; a hit of which I herewith fend you, to infert, if you think proper, in your Magazine, that the curious may form fome idea of its prefent trade, and the future increase of its D commerce; as I formerly communi. cated a state of the traffic on the river Severn. (See Vol. xxviii. p. 277.) I am, Sir, Yours, GEO. PERRY. A Lift of Vaffels in the Port of LIVERPOOLE, Place Sept. 27, In the Old Dock 17 64. Total Ships Snows Brigs Schooners Doggers Sloops 58 ४० 32.10 103 4 17 2 7 E arvaque et urbes, Litora diductas, angufto interluit æftu. Account of a new Hifiory of Ancient and HE Abbe through his whole Twork makes not the lealt fcruple of falfifying facts for the fake of indulging his inveterate spleen against the English and the Proteftants. The laft Vol. concludes with an abfiralt of the Hiflory of the four Stuarts, who reigned in England. This abftract takes up but 164 pages, and therefore must neceffarily be very fuperficial: Indeed one could wish that it had no other fault. 52 F It muft however be owned that there is fome novelty in it. Among other things we are told, that the execrable Gunpowder Treafon Plot in the reign of James I. was devifed by the Puritans, whofe principles were diametrically oppofite to a monarchial government. After fuch an affertion one can be furprized at nothing, and if an Irish Pricft, writing fome time hence an history of France, fhould think proper to affirm that the Majacre of St Bartholomew was deviled by the Proteftants, we shall be tempted and imbibed a confiderable portion of to believe that he has read this history, the spirit of its ingenious writer. Totals 78/27/66 6 3 141 321 Arrivals in three months fince Midfummer 530. Mr URBAN, A Uthors that have occafion to men tion the various mutations that have happened by leng f time on the furface of this terraqueous globe, feldom fail to take notice of this remarkable paffage in Virgil: Hæc loca, vi quondam & vaftâ convulfa ruinâ urbes Littore diduces anguflo interluit æftu. G H After this, Mr Hume stands in our Abbe's way for having faid "that it "was not without reafon that James "I. boasted of the adminiftration_of Ire. "Ireland as his mafter piece, & that he “had introduced agriculture, the useful "arts, humanity, and juftice, among a people who had till then always been "in the most profound barbarism.” Very weakly Mac Gearbegan answers this celebrated Scotch writer on all thefe A articles, except the laft. He fufficiently proves that Ireland was not always funk in ignorance and barbarifm, that in the fifth, fixth, feventh, and eighth centuries, literature was cultivated in that nation with extraordinary fuc cels, that the Anglo Saxons went thither in those times in order to acquire po- B lite knowledge, and that, as Uber says, Ireland then bore the palm from the other nations of Europe in the cultivation of letters. This with a few unimportant facts, is all that we are told of the affairs of Ireland under James I. The ftate of Ireland under Charles I. C is reprefented by our author in a falfe light from the beginning of his narrative to the end. Not being able to dilguife the unheard of horrors of the maflacre which the Catholics of Ireland committed on the Proteftants in 1641, he would make us believe that thefe laft had D given occafion for it, and that they even had a fhare in it: These are his words: "The maffacre which hap"pened in Ireland was one of the most "cruel and barbarous that had ever "been heard of in any Christian "country, as well by its duration as E "by the inveteracy [l'acharnement] of "the two people who were the cruel ac66 tors in it. A man must have lost all fenfe of fhame to fpeak in this man. ner of a fact, of which the beginning, the enormities, and the perpetrators are so well known, and so well attested. Mr Hume's account of this massacre F is no lefs faithful and exact than nervous and pathetic; it is drawn from the most authentic fources, and all the efforts which our Abbe has made to invalidate it are extreamly weak. The number of Protestants maffacred du ring the continuance of that horrible carnage, is faid by fome writers to amount to 300,000, which is looked upon by our author as a ridiculous exaggeration; he for his part, reduces the number to 3000, a reduction which deferves at least to be qualified in like manner, as there is fomething G what is romantic and ridiculous beyond expreffion is that the Abbe goes fo far as to fuppofe that there were fix times as many catholics as Protef tants maffacred on that occafion. He quotes Lord Cafilehaven, in order to invalidate the account of Sir John Temple, who makes the number of Proteftants who perifhed during the two months that the Maffacre lafted, amount to 150,000. But he does not quote that Nobleman's memoirs, when the fource and the origin of that borrible Maffacre are under confideration: Mr Hume fays, " that it was committed by the Irish on the Proteftants without offence, without injury, without any caufe the number of Proteftants who perished in it. See a piece published at Lordon in 1752, by The reason why the number of Proteftants maffacred is differently eftimated by different authors is, that fome of them confine their calculation to the first months of that Massacre, in which the flaughter was the most dreadful, instead of which the others comprize in extravagant in all extremes *. But Hit the space of a year, and the jefuit O Mabony, This maffacre, whofe infernal plan had been contrived with the utmost fecrecy. began in the month of October, and on St Ignaus's day. There has been a great dispute as to in the edifying book quoted above, fpeaks of four years. When Mr Hune reckons 40.000, he muft certainly have had in view only the firft months of that hor.ible Rebellion. -Bibl. des Sciences. 466 Account of a Hiftory of Ireland published in France. on the part of the latter." Our Abbe exclaims again this affertion, and ufes his utmof endeavours, but in vain, to find out fome pretence for this revolt. But we beg leave to refer manner: him to Lord Caflehaven, who, though A C them; they had the free exercife of D We fhall not enlarge on that confe- ambassadors to follicit the affiftance of France, Spain, and Rome, who fent mi † See the Memoirs of Lord Cafflebazen, Epift. J. nifters to them, in order, at least, to acknowledge their authority.-Our author pretends that these confederates only made war against the Parliamentarians of Ireland, i. e. against the King's enemies; but the truth is, that they made war against all that bore the name of Proteftant. The king difavowed this conduct of the Rebels; he fent the Marquefs of Ormond to make peace with them; in which this Lord Lieutenant did not immediately fucceed. The Proteftant party difapproved of the conditions which the king proposed, who defired peace on any terms, in order to draw fuccours from the Irish against his parliament. The parliament, on this fide, fupported the Proteftants, but in too weak a manner effectually to extinguish that civil war. Thus these troubles continued till Cromwell went over into Ireland, after the death of Charles I. Affairs were then in the greatest confufion. The royal army joined with that of the confederates, by a treaty of peace, againft which the Pope's Nuncio protefted. A new confederacy, fomented by this Nuncio, fet on foot an army in order to maintain Popery. The Scotch and English Prefbyterians had alfo an army; but they were fo divided that they could never act in concert. The parliament forces, commanded by Cromwell, triumphed over all thefe feparate bodies, and extinguifhed the Irish Rebellion, from whence proceeded thofe confifcations of the eftates of the Irish Rebels, in favour of the Proteftants, which have been matter of fuch lamentation to our author, and to the other partifans of Popery. Charles II. when fettled on the throne, for fome time made the hopes of the Papists revive. He feemed immediately difpofed to grant them a particular protection, and to fleece the Proteftants in their favour: "Clarendon, "fays our author, made him by de grees, alter his opinion, in order to act a quite contrary part." The king's declaration for the eftablishment of Ireland, made Nov. 30, 1660, is in the gentle language of M. de Mac Geag began, the establishment of rebels, regicides, traytors, enemies to their country, infamous mercenaries, &c. G" The Proteftants who had poffeffions Hin Ireland confirmed to them were of 3 forts: 1. Those who were styled Adventurers. These were merchants of London, who, relying on the credit of the acts paffed by Char. I. for the reduction of Ire. B Ireland, had advanced in 1641 confidera- The author paffes with a wonderful dexterity over the barbarous and tyrannical proceedings of James II. towards the Proteftants of Ireland, during the four years of a reign which prefents to the indignant reader nothing but horrors. These four years take up no more than a quarter of a page in Mac Geoghegan's narration. He contents himself with telling us, "That the Ca"tholic religion then began to display "itfelt openly; that the priests and "the religious appeared in public in "the habits of their orders; that the "old proprietors were put in poffeffion "of their domains; and that the Ca"tholics fhared with the Proteftants "the public offices of the kingdom." In order to fupply what our author has defignedly omitted, one need only cast ́ ones eyes on a book* written by the This book (whofe refpe&table author Jived in those times, and was an eye witness of what he relates) is entitled, The State of the Proteftants in Ireland under the late King James's D famous Abp King, in which he confiders the state of the Proteftants in Ireland, in the reign of James II. and there one fhall fee the profcriptions of Sylla, and the cruelties of Nero exceeded by that unworthy monarch. Our author fays not a word of all this; he concludes his history with an imperfect and unfaithful narrative of that war in Ireland, which ruin'd K. James's affairs,and restored freedom and happi nels to the Britifb illands. An Account of KAMTSCHATKA. (Concluded from p. 426.) SINCE INCE the first atttempt of the Ruffians to fubjugate the Kamtfchatkadales, their wars have been principally ftruggles to reprefs the invaders, and maintain their independence: Thefe truggles, however, are now over, the conqueft is compleat, and the natives are kept in fubjection by forts, properly garifoned, in various parts of the country. The first invafion of the Ruffians was made about a century ago, and the last rebellion, as it is called, of the Kamtfchatkadales, was quelled about the year 1740 They did not however live in a state of tranquility before they were molefted by a foreign enemy, for though they had no ambition to enlarge their territory, yet they had frequent quarrels among themselves, which they decided by the fword, fo that scarce a year paffed without the ruin of fome village or another. They had, indeed, one advantage which all other nations feemed to have wanted. Their manner of making war was fuch aswould not lead them to deftroy each other for F any imaginary honour, which fo horrid an employment has been generally fuppofed to confer; for instead of marching into the field, with the pride of mutual defiance, and exulting in the publick display of military prowess G is juftified, and the abf lute neceffity of their endeavouring to be freed from his government is demonftrated. government, in which their carriage towardɩ bini It is impoffible to reconcile different parts of this work with each other, in p. 202 we are told that "from the time Kamischatka "was fubdued there have been only two rebel"lions that could be properly fo called, one H" of which happened in the year 1710, the "other in 1713." Yet in p. 258 we are told that a rebellion, called by way of eminence the great rebellion arofe from events that happened in 1731, and in p. 263 that the Ruffians have been peaceably established only fince the year 1749, 468 Manners of the Kamtfchadales. faries of life: They believe also that all animals, even the fmalleft infect, will rise again and live for ever under the earth, or on the nether fide of it; for they believe the earth to be flat, like a trencher, and that under it there is a firmament like ours; and under that firmament another earth inhabited like this, which has fummer when we have winter, and winter when we have fummer. They believe that after death, all that have been rich will be poor, & all that have been poor will be rich, which this author calls a belief of future rewards & punishments; according to him, therefore, all guilt is concentered in being rich, and all merit in being poor, according to him alfo merit must be rewarded by the quintefcence of guilt, and guilt puCifhed by the quintefcence of merit. their method was to fteal into the enemy's village at midnight, and secure the mouths of the huts in fucceffion, fo that thofe within, who can come out but by one at a time, are either knocked down, or content to be bound. A In this manner a fmall number can deftroy a large village, killing fuch as refiit, & taking the reft prifoners, these prifoners, it they happen to be the pa: ticular objects of refentment, are treated with the urmot baroarity; fome are burnt, fome hewed to pieces, & others are hung up by the feet, & their ent als B are torn out while they are alive. The others, if males, are employed as flaves in the molt fervile and laborious offices; it females, are kept as concubines. Their arms are bows and arrows, and fpears; their bow-ftrings are of the blood-vellels of the whale; their arrows are about 4 feet long, and pointed with flint or bone, they are alfo poifoned, fo that the wound they make is mortal in about 24 hours, except the poifon he fucked out; their fpears are pointed with the fame materials, but whether they are alto poifoned we are not told. They have a kind of defenfive armour, confisting of mats, or of the tkins of feals and feahorses, which they cut out into thongs, and plait together; with this they cover the left fide, tying it with thongs on the right; a high board is fixed behin I to defend their head, and another before to guard their breaft. E This matting, or plaiting of thongs, is called a coat of mail; yet it is not eafy to conceive how that can be called a coat, which is faid to cover only the left fide, or why one part of the body should be more guarded than another against a weapon which gives a wound equally mortal wherever it breaks the fkin; fuch, however, is the account we find, and fuch only can we give. Thefe people believe, according to this author, that there are both gods and devils, but that every mans good or bad fortune depends upon himself, and is not in the leaft influenced by either; he tells us, however, in the fame breath, that they think the duration of life depends upon the will of fuperior Beings: It is their opinion that the world is eternal, that the foul is immortal, and that the body fall rife; that after the refurrection the foul and body shall be again united to part no more, but that they will be fill fubject to the fame troubles and fatigues as at prefent, only that they I have greater plenty of the necef The notion of vice and virtue among the Kamifchadales feems, indeed, to preclude the notion of judicial reward and punishment; for they believe every thing to be lawful that procures them the gratiñcation of their wishes and paffions, and think that only to be Da fin which naturally tends to their hurt; according to them, neither oppreffion, adultery, or murder is a crime, when they gratify any paffion; but having taken into their heads; that whoever faves a drowning man will foon be drowned in his ftead, they avoid this piece of humanity as a crying fin. They think it alfo a fin to drink or to bathe in hot water, or to go up to the burning mountains, becaufe they fuppofe this will provoke the invifible Beings, who inhabit these mountains, to hurt them; an opinion, however, which feems wholly inconfortune depending wholly upon fittent with that of their good and themselves, and fo is almoft every thing that is related of them under this head; for we are told that they pay a religious regard not only to invifible Beings, from whom they apprehend danger, but to several animals G for the fame reafon; they offer fire at the holes of fables and foxes, and they address deprecatory prayers to whales, fea-horfes, bears, and wolves; and the pretend to avert misfortune, cure difeafes, and foretel future events by muttering incantations over the fins of fishes, and the herb called feetgrafs; they pretend alfo to judge of their good or bad fortune by the lines of the hand, and by their dreams, which they relate to each other as foon as they awake. 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