fanatics, who thought themselves, by the illumination of the fpirit, difpenfed from obferving the rules of grammar and common fenfe, greatly contributed to corrupt eloquence, by making the obfcure jargon of enthufiafm fucceed to the beauties of style, and the energy of just reasoning. If we follow Cæfar and Cromwell from the fenate to the field, we thall find the refemblance equally friking. It was during his expedition in Gaul that Cæfar gained the hearts of the foldiery, and acquired that power and influence which enabled him to carry on a civil war against the fenate, and all the greateft generals of the commonwealth : and it was Cromwell's unparalleled fuccefs in Ireland and Scotland that put it in his power to become the antagonist of that parliament which had invested him with authority, and to fupplant all the generals who rivalled him in merit, or endeavoured to check his afpiring. If we confider Cæfar and Cromwell, when become the greatest perfons in their refpective countries, the parallel will ftill hold their conduct, when poffeffed of fupreme authority, betrays a weakness which they were entirely free from whilst they climbed up the steep afcent of ambition to attain it, and ftruggled through difficulties in its purfuit. In one particular, the resemblance between them is ftriking; Cæfar declined the diadem, though the whole tenour of his condu&t difcovered the most ardent defire to be poffeffed of it and Cromwell refufed to accept the crown when it was offered him, though his regret at having taken fo ill-judged a step is fuppofed to have haftened his death. If we take their temper and difpofition into confideration, the conformity of character will appear equally ftriking. They were neither of them fanguinary or inhuman, like most of those who, by dint of conqueft and fuperior abilities, have raised themfelves to an eminence which they were not intitled to by birth. Antient history cannot afford an inftance of a conqueror who thed lefs blood than Cæfar; nor can modern hiftory fhew us one lefs liable to the imputation of cruelty than Cromwell. Marius, Sylla, and Cinna, were guilty of barbarities which Cæfar's generous foul would have been shocked at; the hiftory of their bloody profcriptions cannot be read without horror. Cromwell appears to have been equally averfe to fhedding blood, though he has been very unjustly charged with the cruelties committed by his foldiers in pillaging fome towns in Ireland. It is not difficult to prove that this accufation is groundless. Let a general's authority over his foldiers be ever fo great, it has its limits: there are fome occafions on which he entirely lofes all his influence over them; and it is apprehended that a fiege wherein a town is taken by ftorm, is one of these. At fuch a time a general, however willing to prevent the effufion of human blood, and check the fury of the foldiers, who breathe nothing but carnage and flaughter, is under a neceffity of conniving at the most horrid barbarities, rather than expofe the weakness of his authority by giving orders which he is fure will not be obeyed. These two great men, as they refembled in their virtues and thining qualities, refembled likewife in their defects. We cannot acquit Cæfar of fome want of policy and difcernment; for, living in the midst of enemies bent upon his deftru&tion, and for fo much mif placing his confidence as to confer the most diftinguifhed honours and favours upon Brutus, who afterwards affaffinated him. Cromwell feems likewife chargeable with indifcretion in bringing col. Lilburn to a trial for treasonable expreffions against his perfon and government; this was the falfeft ftep he could have taken, as it ferved only to fhew upon what a weak foundation his kingdom ftood. It seems furprising that he fhould not reflect that a people who had juft before made fuch vigorous efforts for the prefervation of their liberties, would not immediately become abject and fubmitive flaves to an ufurper, but would feize the first opportunity to exprefs their difapprobation of his unlimited power, though they were unable to quell it. Had he confined him in prifon for life, without bringing him to a trial, he would have acted right; but it was doubtless a great overfight in him to have recourfe to law, when he could not but be fenfible that his government was founded upon a fubverfion of all law. Such errors in the conduct of the greatest politicians and statefinen, fully prove the truth of Mr. Pope's obfervation, that in prudence and conduct they are little fuperiors to the moft giddy and rash. How little different the grave and wife; But ne'er looks forward farther than his nose. religion, or, rather, abfolutely disbelieved the existence of a Deity; whereas the latter attained his exalted ftation, by availing himself of the religious enthusiasm of his times, But this objection will vanifh if we confider, that as Cæfar was an enthufiaft in oratory, Cromwell foon dropped his religious enthufiafin to become an orator; as he became more and more converfant in ftate affairs, he became indifferent with regard to religion; and if he afterwards converfed with thofe of his party in the cant of their fect, it was merely through a motive of policy, and not because he continued to be tinctured with the fpirit of fanaticifm. This he himself acknowledged to Mr. Waller the poet, who was a diftant relation of his, and with whom he lived in the greatest intimacy and friendship. Having thus conducted thefe two renowned perfonages through the most remarkable occurrences of their lives, we shall compare the circumftances of their deaths, which will not fail to fuggeft reflections as inftructive as thofe that arife from the confideration of the moft glorious events of their lives. In one particular, and that a very uncommon one, the parallel holds even here; the death of both was preceded by extraordinary phænomena, and nature itself feemed to feel a fhock at the departure of men fo illuftrious, that they feemed Men in their loose, unguarded hours they to claim a diftin&ion from the com take, 'Tis not that they are wife, but others weak. Ethic Epift. It may indeed be objected that there is one effential difference between Cæfar and Cromwell, namely, that the former followed the Epicurean fect, and was confequently entirely indifferent with regard to mon race of mortals, even in the very article that puts all mortals upon a level. The prodigies which preceded the death of Julius Cæfar are admirably defcribed by Virgil in the first book of his Georgics; and the violent ftorm which happened when Cromwell was expiring, is fpoken of by Mr. Waller, in the nobleft nobleft ftrains of poetry, in his verfes to the memory of the Protector. We must refign, Heaven his great foul does claim In forms as loud as his immortal fame, The fublimity of thefe lines fhew that the panegyrift was worthy of the hero whom he celebrates. With regard to their manner of dying, Cæfar has greatly the advantage over Cromwell; he died as he had lived, like a hero. Though he was attacked by a confiderable number of confpirators, he killed feveral of them, and fell as bravely in the fenate-house as he could have done in the field of battle. Cromwell on his death-bed no longer fupported the character of the hero, or the warrior; the enthusiasm to which he had devoted himself in his early life, once more gained the afcendant over his mind, and he difcovered all the timidity of a religionist, who dreads death, even whilft he declares that his only hopes of happinefs are in another life. The expreffions he made ufe of, "I am not yet to die, My hour is not yet come," and others of the like nature, are ftriking proofs that the obfervation of the poet is juft; Who bravely combats is not therefore brave, He dreads a death bed like the meaneft flave. Such a clofe of life in a man who had fo often undauntedly exposed himself to the most imminent danger in the field, who had ftormed fo many towns, routed fo many armies, and who owed his fuccefs in almost every enterprize more to the impetuolity of his courage than to his conduct or experience, furnishes us with one of the moft ufeful and inftructive leffons of morality. It fhews the vanity of all pretenfions to heroism, and fully evinces the truth of that maxim of the wife man, Pride was not made for man, nor an high heart for him that is born of a woman. Indeed, it often happens that the concluding fcene of the life of a man renowned for his great exploits, eclipfes all the luftre of his former glory. Death pulls off the mask which made him appear a hero to vulgar eyes, and the object of admiration ftands confeft a man obnoxious to all the frailties, and subject to all the degrading circumftances to which human nature is expofed in the loweft of mortals. Thofe therefore who are difposed to envy and admire the great and illuftrious, fhould contemplate them in the last fad fcene of life; that will reconcile them to their lot; they will be no longer dazzled with the glory of those who have acquired the moft exalted reputation, but own The whole amount of that enormous fame, A tale that blends their glory with their fhame. Anecdote of Sir Godfrey Kneller. 7HEN Sir Godfrey came into WE very high reputation, a certain alderman came to be painted by this artift, and, as ufual, paid him down half the price in guineas. Sir Godfrey, after feveral times touching the canvas with the chalk, and rubbing it out, very deliberately laid i afide, and pulling out the guineas he had juft received, defired the alderman to re-pocket them. The latter ftaring, For what did you give me thofe guineas? faid Sir GodfreyTo draw my face, to be fure, answers the other.- But by G-, replies the painter, you have no face to draw; get you gone, get you gone, 1 COMPENDIOUS HISTORY OF FRANCE. [Continued.] Philip was by this means delivered from a potent adversary, and believed, as he had reason to believe, that he had nothing to fear from Robert, to whom his father left the duchy of Normandy. His ambition, as upon other occafions, outran his prudence; he published his claim to the realm of England, while his brother William was taking poffeffion of it; which not only fruftrat ed his own defigns, but brought William over with an army into Normandy. Robert, fufpe&ting his brother Henry to be fecretly embarked in his defign, defpoiled him of the Cotentin, and then had recourfe to Philip for his affittance. The king made great profeffions, and entered Normandy with an army which might have made thefe good; but William flackened his pace by the help of money, and, by the repetition of this argument, detached him from the caufe that wanted it. Robert was forced to confent to a peace; by which William kept what he had conquered, Henry was reftored to what he had loft, and the unfortunate prince first mentioned was at the expence of all. The politics of Philip were right for the prefent, which is the rock that cunning fplits on; true wifdom would have taught him to fupport Robert, and to have placed his fecurity not in the divifion of the duchy of Normandy, but in preserving it for the lawful duke, and thereby making him his friend. This was one falfe ftep; he quickly committed arother. He was grown weary of his wife, though he had by her two fons and a daughter. He recollected that he was related to him, though at a great diftance; or, perhaps, his flatterers forged a pedigree to make this probable. However it was, he found churchmen to divorce him, and fent her to Montreuil; where, in procefs of time, she died of ill treatment and a broken heart. He then demanded in marriage Emma, the daughter of count Roger, brother to the duke of Calabria; who, confenting to it, fent over the lady richly adorned with jewels, and with a large portion of ready money. The Italian writers fay this was done purely to deprive her of them; the French hiftorians deny the intention; but, if the fact be certain, it fignifies little what was the defign. A. D. As to the apparent reafon, 1092. why the king did not espouse her, that arofe from another flip in the king's conduct; which, as it was one of the fouleft, fo it was also the moft fatal he ever made, and the ef fects of which purfued him to his grave. Foulques le Rechin, count of Anjou, whofe character we mentioned before, though far in years, and though he had two wives already, having heard of Bertrade de Montfort, a young lady efteemed the handfomeft in France, was bent on marrying her, and, not without fome difficulty, brought it about, her family facrificing her to their own intereft. This woman, tired of an old, gouty, and furly husband, and hearing that the king had parted with his wife, privately invited him to come and fee her. Upon this he framed fome pretence for going to Tours, where the count of Anjou received him with all pofiible duty and refpect; in return for which he feduced feduced his wife to elope, and follow him to Orleans. He was not fatisfed with the poffeflion of this woman, but he refolved, at all events, to marry her, and, to this end, a divorce was procured between her and her husband; but when this bar was removed, none of the bishops of France could be prevailed on to celebrate this marriage, or even to be prefent at it. He contrived, however, to get it done, with fome kind of folemnity, by Eudes, bishop of Bayeaux, brother by the mother's fide to William the Conqueror, in the prefence of the bishop of Senlis, and the archbishop of Rouen, all Normans. This did not A. D. hinder pope Urban the fe1094 cond from caufing the whole matter to be clofely examined in a council held at Autun, where the king was excommunicated in cafe he did not part with this woman, whom he ftiled his wife. Some have pretended, that his fubjects were releafed from their obedience, and the kingdom put under an interdi&; but in this there is no truth, all the effects of the excommunication were, that he did not hear divine fervice in public, and that he did not wear his crown or robes of ftate. It is true, the pope threatened to proceed further; but the king, promifing to fubmit, obtained a ftay of the cenfure. However, as he broke his word, 1095. the pope fummoned another council at Clermont, in which he was excommunicated afresh, the clergy of France making no manner of oppofition. A. D. It was in this council that the firft croifade was published for the recovery of the Holy Land. It was about this time alfo, or rather a little be A. D. 1096. fore, that Henry of Burgundy went, with other French lords, to the af fiftance of the Spaniards against the Infidels, which procured that young prince a marriage fuitable to his rank, and the county of Portugal in dowry with his wife; but these examples wrought nothing on the king. His brother Hugo, indeed, took the crofs, and his friend Robert duke of Normandy; but as for Philip, tho' he humbled himself fo far to the pope as to procure an abfolution, yet wanting alike the fortitude of a prince and the true principle of a penitent, he relapfed into his former fcandalous manner of living with the countefs of Anjou, and was excommunicated a third time. His conduct, fo unworthy of a prince, expofed him juftly to the contempt of the people. Too many of the nobility followed his example, and at the fame time defpifed his authority; not only making war upon each other, but fpoiling and robbing his fubjects with equal impudence and impunity. All this time Philip was foliciting and cajoling the court of Rome, till at length he prevailed with pope Pafchal to caufe the whole of his affair to be reviewed in a council held at Poitiers, which, notwithstanding all the efforts that could be made by the populace, excited by his partizans, terminated in a new excommunication. But notwithstanding this, the queen being dead, A. D. and the old count of Anjou offering, for a large fum of money, to give whatever affiftance might be requifite to procure a papal difpenfation for the king's marriage, he renewed his inftances at Rome, offering at the fame time to fubmit to whatever penance fhould 1100. he |