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j 48 Of Affairs of tl

protection, to the property of the Mogul's own subjects. Where these abuses have happened, and have been detected, the company has frequently been obliged to make satisfaction to the country-government, by the payment of large sums of money. Let it then be bore in rnind, that there has always been a distinction been the company's rights, and the assumed commerce of their servants, who have no title but the indulgence of their masters, who have not opposed themselves against such encroachments so long as they have Veen conducted with any degree of decency, and have not appeared to draw after them any consequences subversive of the general interest, ruinous to credit, and threatening even the existence of the whole system of commerce. The company's rights were never disputed by Cossem Alley Cawn, nor was there any attempt to infringe the treaties subsisting between us; our military establishments were well supported, our commercial interests extended, even private emoluments of the company's servants, beyond the com

* [We have been told that some time before the hostilities were commit;ed, of which an account was received by the Lapwing, the Nabob sent a remonstrance to the council, complaining that some of the company's clerks sold to the Nabob's own subjects permits which exempted them from paying those high duties which constituted a piincipal part of his revenue, and subjected tliem only to the small duty imposed on the company's goods; that this exemption from high duties had been granted only to the company's goods, and rot to those of their menial clerks ; that by this means great injury was done to him, whose revenues being already much diminished by the cessions made, and the money paid, to the company, by his predecessor and himself; he was incapacitated to answer the demands made on him by the company. This representation and com

e East Indies. British

pany's just rights, were permitted to grow and spread themselves; but still lome revenues were necessary to the sovereign, and some share of trade was the bitrh right of his subjects, who paid duties of 25 per cent, to the country-government *. When the governor of Bengal [Mr. Vansittart] went to Mongcer [to treat wish the Nabob] he does not seem sufficiently to have considered the inconveniences which wight result from an open avowal of the rights of private trade cajried on by the company's servants in aiticlts heretofore deemed illicit; but (pulhed on by the disposition of the gentlemen in council, who, from the constant tenor of their conduct towaids him, he had reason to believe would not easily be satisfied; in hopes, however, to quiet them) he settled [in a formal treaty J with the Nabob, that the Englim private merchants trading for themselves should carry on their trade at the small duty of 9 per cent, when, as we laid before, the Nabob's own subjects were paying 35. How then will you be surprised, when 1 tell you, that one of

plaint was allowed by Mr. Vansittart and some otheis ot the council, to be just; and to give redress to the Nabob, Mr. Vaniittart went and had an interview with him, and concluded a new treaty, some particulars of which aie contained in the pamphlet now before us. This treaty appears to have kindled the resen nient of those gentlemen who had all along opposed Vansitlart's measures, higher than ever; the consequence of which ate the present broils. The treaty, however (as we have been insoimed, but cannot warrant) was transmitted home, and approved of by the directors, and instructions prepared accordingly, some time before the arrival of the Lapwing. And as advice was received at the fame time of the strong opposition made to it by the majority of the council, what has since happened was then fortoM.J

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the demands since made on the Nabob [by the gentlemen who refused to sign Vansiitart's treaty ; and, who being a majority of the council, assumed to treat with the Nabob without the concurrence of the governor] was, That the company's servants trading for themselves should pay no duties at all, excepting z i-half per mt. on salt. The Nabob, upon receiving this unreasonable demand, said, He would then lay open all trade, that his subjects might be upon a footing with the servants of the English company. But this not answering the purpose of the gentle

would have pleased to set on them; forming by this a monopoly against their own master!;, in despite of their orders, and in open violation of the established principles of the service."

This author fays, in another place, that these conditions "demanded of the Nabob, sovereign of the country, were offered with insolence, and refused with indignation." He immediately adds, "It is not known what were the inducements that urged Mr. Ellis to the attack of Patna, and the sacrifice of thousands of defenceless inhabitants. Indeed,

men then in opposition to the go- there seem so many circumstances vernor, they carried in the council wanting to complete that history,

against him (to which he entered h% protest f) a resolution to send an embassy to the Nabob, insisting, that he should not only free them from all duties, but should still continue to levy the duties as usual upon his «e» subjeSs: the consequence of which, must have been, that the servants of the company, by selling instui (Or permits) to the subjects of the Nabob, would have collected the revenues arising from the duties which were the undoubted right of the sovereign ; or else, by not selling the distiij, but keeping the trade entirely in their own hands, would, of course, have excluded the most considerable black merchant!; and forcing them to some other part of the country, uhere they could have carried on their trade on a more equal foot,ng,tnust ultimately have ruined the trade of the company; who would •hen have had no resource but purchasing from a few of their own servants, the commodities of the country» at whatever price their servants

I This protest the author appear! to have '*"> though he wrote before the general *Wt *a» held on Monday.

that it were to be wished the curiosity of the public would stay till the arrival of the next ship, which might give us more particulars relating to the unhappy gentlemen who were the first sacrifice to their own imprudence."

In Mr. Holwell's Refutation of a letter from certain gentlemen of the Council at Bengal, he observes, that of the fix gentlemen who sign it, Messrs. Coote, Ellis, and Carnac, were not in Bengal, during the progress of those events which occasioned the unavoidable necessity of divesting Mhir Jaffier of further power; and coming to the board with an unhappy disposition to oppose every thing that had been done, because they had no hand in the doing them, they had no methods to pick up materials but from the Bazars and public reporters of detraction. And that as for two others, Messrs. Batson and Verelst, they were not of the committee, and consequently could know nothing of the political system; so that amongst the six gentlemen who sign this letter, one

only

only of them, Mr
possibly know any thing of the mat-
ter ; and he but imperfectly, by be-
ing far absent from the center of
their councils. That tho' the gentle-
men who subscribe the letter say,
that "it gives them the greatest
concern to be obliged to address the
secret committee at home in the
manner they are now under the ne-
cessity of doing;" it is very manifest,
these gentlemen could be under no
tenant at all, upon this occasion;
because they knew they were under
no necejjity of addiessing the secret
committee in this clandestine manner;
the board of Calcutta being always
open for every remonstrance of their
servants; thro' which channel they
are conveyed to their honourable
employers at home: hut these
gentlemen were sensible, that if this
regular and usual method had been
taken, it could not come home with-
out a vindication annexed, which
would have rendered this perfor-
mance invalid, and have frustrated
all the expectations they had from
it.

Mr. Holwell asks, if the matters and things set forth in the letter were fact«, and essential for th'e knowledge of their employers, Why were they so long concealed from them? And why has the whole of it so much the appearance of pretences framed a priori, to extenuate a conduct and opposition, they have (at least five of them) subsequently carried into action? and for which their friends, at this critical juncture, thought an apology absolutely necessary?

Two remarkable passages in the it/ter we here subjoin, with Mr. Holwell's answer or refutation.

Letter. *' Aster what has been set forth, we believe few will imagine that Mhir Jaftier wai depused by

O/JJairt os the East Indies. British

Amyatt, could reason either of a want of ability to rule, or of his bad principles. We would willingly indeed suppose, that it proceeded rather from the want of a true knowledge of the country policy, and from an error of judgment, than from lucrative views, had not Mr. Vansittart, and others of the projectors, made no secret that there^was a present promised them by Cossim Aly Chan of twenty lack; it is true, they make a merit that this was not to be delivered till the company's debt was paid, and his army satisfied. We have to observe on this occasion, that several of us have had offers from the Nabob of very considerable sums to join in his measures, which we have constantly made public as well as refused ; and if we, who have always opposed those measures, have been thus tried with pecuniary temptations, what may be concluded of those gentlemen who have lupported the Nabob on every occasion?

Refutation. *■ The malicious insinuations of this paiagraph, are unworthy gentlemen. — We allow this offer (not promise) was made, and unanimously rejected by Mr. Vansittart and the committee. Mr.

Holwell was charged with the deli-
very of this refusal, in these terms—
"That we were labouring for the
peace and safety of the country on-
ly; and could not, in honour, re-
ceive the offer; but that when the
country was settled, the company's
debt paid off, and the arrears paid
to his troops, if he then thought
there was aught due from him, he
was at liberty to gratify his friends
in what manner he pleased."
This is a fact, which we were not
ashamed should have a place on the
committee proceedings—As to the
offers made, and refusal of these

gentle

Mag. Sir Walter Raleigh'* Letter to

gentlemen, we have their if/e dixit only; and we may chuse whether we will believe it.

Letter. *« If the Nabob has purchased the power he is inverted with, it is to be expected he will of course make the most of it, by extorting money from his subjects, and oppressing every province as much as he can; and as the fate of Jaffier Ally Chan must have convinced him how little we regard the most sacred en. gagements, he will of necessity endeavour to establish himself on a foundation less precarious than the friendship of the Englissi. That he already begins to do so, is evident from his still increasing the number of his troops (notwithstanding the present tranquillity) and to render them the more formidable, he is arming and disciplining as many Seapoys as he can procure, in the European manner ; and to secure himself as much as possible from us, esteeming his capital Morshedabad (the scene of his predecessor's fall) too near our settlements, he is about erecting a large fort at Rajahmaul, *"ich he proposes to make his place of residence, where he hopes to be out of our reach.

Ri/utaticn. "This paragraph first begs the question, and proceeds to

Prince Henry, Son of James I. 151

draw conclusions not warranted by it.—Is it to be wondered at, that he should think of securing himself, when he saw a formed opposition in our committee and council, from the beginning os his government, which hourly shewed a disposition to affront and insult him, contrary to the repeated remonstrances of Mr. Vansittart, for observing more temperate and pacifirk measures ?—Is it not a known truth, that at the tables of the leaders in this opposition, the very boys in your service were taught to huzza, "Jaffier Ally Chan forever;" and did not Amyatt publicly declare, "that the moment the breath was out of Mr. Vansittart's body (who then lay dangerously ill) he would proclaim Mhier Jaffier."—Could these things be notorious, and Mhier Cossim not alarmed for his safety V

Mr. Holwell informs us, in this Refutation, that when col. Clive was on his departure for Europe, he strongly recommended Mhir Coflim (afterwards Vansittart's Nabob) to his (Mr. Holwell's) protection; and at the fame time told him that Mhir Coflim was the man whom he ought to put into the government of Patna.

Letter from Sir Walter Raleich

Maj it flense your Highness, 'T'HE following lines are addresfed to your Highness from a man who values his liberty, and * very small fortune in a remote part of this isiand, under the present constitution, above all the riches and honours he could any where enjoy bnder any establissiment.

to Prince Hekry, Son of James F.

You see, Sir, the doctrines that are lately come into the world, and how far the phrase has obtained, of calling your royal father God's Vicegerent; which ill men have turned both to the distionour of God, and the impeachment of his majesty's goodness. They adjoin Vicegerency to the idea of being all-powerful, I;2 Sir Walter Raleigh V Lstttr to i and not to thatof being all-good. His majesty's wisdom, it is to be hoped, will save him from the snare that may lie under gross adulations ; but your youth, and the thirst of praise, which I have observed in you, may possibly mislead you to harken to these charmers, who would conduct your noble nature into tyranny. Be careful, O my prince! Hear them not, fly from their deceits; you are in the succession to the throne, from whence no evil can be imputed to you, but all good must be conveyed from you. Your father is called the Vicegerent of Heaven. Shall man have authority from the fountain of good to do evil? No, my prince; let mean and degenerate spirits, which want benevolence, suppose your power impaired by a disability of doing injuries. If want of power to do ill be an incapacity in a prince, with reverence be it spoken, it is an incapacity he has in common with the Deity. Let me not doubt but all pleas, which do not carry in them the mutual happiness of prince and people, will appear as absurd to your great understanding, as disagreeable to your noble nature. Exert yourself, O generous prince, against such sycophants, in the glorious cause of liberty; and assume such an ambition worthy of you, to secure your fellow-creatures from slavery; from a condition as much below that of brutes, as to act without reason is less miserable than to act against it. Preserve to your future subjects the divine right of being free agents; and to your own royal house, the divine right of be

'riiice Henry, Son of James I. British ing their benefactors. Believe me, my prince, there is no other right can flow from God. While your Highness is forming yourself for a throne, consider the laws as so many common places in your study of the science of government; when you mean nothing but justice, they are an ease and help to you. This way of thinking is what gave men the glorious appellations of deliverers and fathers of their country; this made the sight of them rouse their beholders into acclamations, and mankind incapable of bearing their very appearance, without applauding it as benefit. Consider the inexpressible advantages which will ever attend your Highness, while you make the power of rendering men happy the measure of your actions. While this is your impulse, how easily will that power be extended! The glance of your eye will give gladness, and your very sentence have a force of bounty. Whatever some men would insinuate, you have lost your subjects, when you have lost their inclinations. You are to preside over the minds, not the bodies of men; the foul is the essence of the man, and you cannot have the true man against his inclinations. Choose therefore to be the king, or the conqueror of your people; it may be submission, but it cannot be obedience that is passive.

I am, Sir,

London,Aug, YourHighness's most 12, 1611. faithful Servant,

Walter Raleigh.

PSSCRIPTIO*

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