ページの画像
PDF
ePub

who, with part of his forces, was in the city when it was attacked. He confented, however, to admit of his mediation, and by the decree of the French king, Tancred was to be left in peaceable poffeffion, and to pay king Richard, forty thoufand ounces of gold in full fatisfaction for his claims. Tancred, who had flattered himself with the French king's protection, was fo much vexed with the difappointment, that he made his court to king Richaid, and produced to him a letter, whether forged or genuine is not very clear, in which Philip encouraged him to attack the English, and particularly their king, with a promife to affift him with all his forces. This produced, as he expected, a very high quarrel between thefe princes; Richard charged Philip with having attempted against his life, and Philip accufed Richard of infifting upon a forged letter, and publishing many falfhoods. But, after all, their interefts obliged them to be fiends; and they therefore thought it beft to difcufs the real difpute between them, which was the marriage of the princefs Alice, a point which Richard without ceremony rejected, for reafons before mentioned, and because his mother was treating of another marriage for him in Navarre; but very honourably offered to restore the places that had been fo long detained for her dowry. The treaty being, without much ditsculty, 'adjuRed, a new misundertanding happened, for Philip infifted that Richard, with his A. D. forces, thould depart with 1190. him, which the king of England declared to be impoffible, because he had a mind to wait for his young wife, whom his mother had promifed to bring thither. Philip,

1

afraid that he fhould return into France, and attack his dominions in his abfence, laboured all he could to induce the French lords that followed Richard to proceed with him; and, having engaged the greatest part of them, failed for the coaft of Syria, and left the king of England in Sicily. Thefe tranfactions are related with many more circumftances, and not a few variations, according to the difpofition of the authors who committed them to writing. The nature of our plan requires we fhould be fuccin&; and therefore we have reprefented thefe facts with as much clearnefs and impartiality as was in our power, and with the leaft interruption that might be to the thread of our narration.

At the time of his arrival, Philip found the affairs of the Chriftians in a very untoward fituation. They were engaged in the fiege of Acon, or Ptolemais, having lain before it more than a year, which in reality was no great wonder, confidering that, for the best part of the time, the army without was fcarce equal to the garrifon within. As if these difficulties had not been enough, the Chriftians were upon bad terms with each other, and this on account of a divided title to the kingdom of Jerufalem, which city was in the hands of the infidels. Guy de Lufignan had been acknowledged king in right of his wife, who was the eldeft fifter of the laft monarch: but this princefs being dead, without leaving any iflue, the marquis of Montferrat claimed the crown in right of the youngest fifter, who was his confort; whereas Guy infifted that, having once been invest-. ed with the regal dignity, he was king for life. When king Richard landed, after conquering the inland

of

of Cyprus by the way, he augment ed the confufion, for he took part with Guy de Lufignan, who was his fubject; and, perhaps, it was chiefly for this reafon that Philip took part with the marquis of Montferrat. With much difficulty things were fo far compromifed, as to fufpend all proceedings till the place was taken, which being vigorously attacked, was quickly yielded by capitulation. As foon as Acon was in the hands of the Chriftians, Philip took a refolution of returning into his own dominions, becaufe the climate was prejudicial to his health; and which, perhaps, weighed with him more, that he might not remain in the fame country with Richard, who, if the French hiftorians are to be be lieved, was continually raifing new quarrels, and always in the wrong; and, if we listen to other authors, thefe practices ought not to be af cribed to Richard but to Philip. It is very probable they might be both in the wrong, but it is very certain they could never agree, and therefore Philip's refolution of leaving the army might not be fo injurious to the common caufe as it is generally reprefented. At parting he left a confiderable body of French troops under Budes of Burgundy, with orders to obey Richard, to whom alfo be promifed, with a fo. lemn oath, not to attack his dominions, or to difpoffefs any of his vaffals. But how fincerely he acted in this matter may appear from bence; that, landing in the kingdom of Naples, he took 1191. Rome in his way home, and earnestly follicited pope Celeftin III. to abfolve him from the oath which he had taken to Richard, but with gut effect. He landed in France about Chrift nas, and was received

with great joy by his fubjects, tho' the manner in which he had left the Holy Land did not raife his reputation with other princes, who apprehended his taking advantage of Richard's abfence.

It appeared foon after his return, that he had an implacable averfion, and, at the fame time, a deep dread of the English monarch. The marquis of Montferrat had been flain in the midst of the city of Tyre, by fome of the Affaflins; a bold and barbarous nation, from whofe practices this word has been adopted into moft languages. Philip no fooner heard of this, than remembering that Richard was the enemy of the marquis, he conjectured that he had applied to the Old Man of the Mountain, fo the prince of thofe wicked men was filed, and had procured from him thefe inftruments of his vengeance; from whence he deduced this confequence, that, being no lefs hated by Richard, he might be in as much danger. Upon this, by the advice of his council, he formed a particular corps of guards, armed with iron maces, whom he had about his perfon night and day, and who fuffered no stranger to approach him. He likewife difpatched ambaffaders, with rich prefents, to pa cify the prince of the Affaflins; but, when they came to his court, the Old Man of the Mountain told them plainly, that he had no refentment against their mafter; that he had never been follicited by the king of England to his prejudice, and that he had caufed the marquis of Montferrat to be killed, becaufe he looked upon him as his enemy, and without having any correspondence with Richard. Philip in the mean time having his head full of intrigues, entered into a clofe alliance with John,

the

the brother, but the mortal enemy of king Richard; and his own queen Ifabella being dead in his abfence, he refolved to marry Ingerburge, the daughter of Waldemar, and the fifter of Canute king of Denmark, without any other portion than the transferring to him the whole claim of the Danes upon England, 1192. and affording him the affiftance of a fleet; but the court of Denmark declining this propofition, he was content to take this princefs with the small fortune that they offered; yet, before her arrival, the marriage was not very acceptable to the French, though her merit procured her afterwards the esteem of the whole nation.

thefe difhonourable measures fome kind of colour, Philip fent to denounce war against Richard in his prifon, and then affembled an army to invade his territories. The nobility of France obeyed him very unwillingly; they put him in mind of his oath, of the fcandal of attacking a prince who was still under the cross, and the inhumanity of making war upon one who was in no condition to refift him. Philip pretended that he had no intention to fpoil Richard of his dominions, or to take any thing but what of right belonged to himself, infifting chiefly on the treaty that had been made between them in Sicily, in which Richard had ftipulated to deliver up the town of Gifors and the Vexin: he added, that he was bound to deliver up his fifter, who was kept prifoner in the citadel of Rouen. He quickly regained the places which he claimed, and afterwards made himself mafter of Evreux, which he gave to prince John, the caftle excepted, into which he put a ftrong garrifon. He also befieged Rouen without effect. There is no doubt that this ufage must have irritated Richard, who, notwithstanding, found himself obliged to dif femble; for, having difcovered that the emperor was inclined to fell him to Philip, or at least to take money to keep him in prifon, he dis rected William, bishop of Ely, his chancellor, to pafs over into France, and apply himfelf to king Philip to defift from these intrigues, and to allow him to make the best terms for himself he could; to which, out of mere fhame, and to avoid the reproaches of his nobility, the king confented, and the old queen dowager, with infinite diffi- 1193. culty, procured him the best part of

It seems that Richard had intelligence of thefe proceedings in Syria; and on account of them, as well as because of a grievous fit of fickness, he determined to return: but in his paffage home he was fhipwrecked on the coaft of Dalmatia, and endeavouring to pass in difguife through the country of Leopold, duke of Auftria, whom he had highly offended at the fiege of Acon, he was discovered and taken prifoner. After much ill ufage, the duke fold him to the emperor Henry VI. who was of a harsh difpofition, neceffitous, and avaricious. He gave notice of this as an acceptable piece of news to king Philip, who offered him a large fum of money for his prifoner, which he refufed. The king and prince John now entered into a new bargain, by which the latter was to deliver up feveral places, and to leave the king at liberty to defpoil Richard of what he thought proper in Normandy, while himfelf ufed bis utmoft endeavours to get poffeflion of the crown of England. And in order to give

his

his ranfom; but we may judge of the true difpofition of Philip by the meffage he fent to prince John, when he heard that king Richard was at length released, "Take care

of yourfelf, for the devil is unchained;" language unworthy of fo great a man, much more of fo great a king!

[To be continued.]

REFLECTIONS on the Nature, Dignity, and Importance of the PRIESTHOOD. From Dr. Watkinfon's Admonition to the Younger Clergy.

IF

F we take a view of the duties of the clerical order, we shall perceive it replete with the moft interefting fcenes, tending to promote the most important and valuable caufe the caufe of religion, truth, and virtue. To reclaim the vicious -to animate the defponding-to intimidate the incorrigible-to confirm the wavering-to vifit the fatherless and widows in their affliction to open the eyes of the ignorant-and to teach them the good and the right way-to form mankind to virtue.-Thefe are offices highly worthy of a rational Being -worthy of the fervants of the most high God-and dignify human nature with the most exalted degree of perfection. God feparated the tribe of Levi from the congregation, in order to bring them nearer to himfelf. The importance and extent of the facerdotal commiffion, appears evidently, both from the annals of facred and profane hiftory. The faithful of the first ages, and even good princes and emperors themfelves, treated the facred order with the highest marks of refpect. It was always looked upon, from the earliest times, as of the highest moment, and the profeffors of it counted worthy of double honour, by thofe who had a due fenfe of religion.

But a falfe notion-and an erroneous opinion, too often prevailed,

and undermined the bafis, on which this efteem and refpect was originally founded; a miftaken imagination, that the facred function itself (abftractedly confidered) fhould command reverence, however regardless the profeffors might be in the exercife of it; forgetting, that the dignity of our office arifes from its holinefs, and it is this which conftitutes its honour.

The abfurdity of this opinion is obvious-for certainly the priest cannot reasonably expect to derive honour from the dignity of his profeffion, unlefs by an exemplary condut he does honour to it-reflects back again the luftre he receives from thence-and in all things adorns the principles of chriftianity, the religion he explains-and the faith he profeffes. As the facred writer fays of Simon, fon of Onias, when he put on the robe of honour

and was cloathed with the perfection of glory, by his exemplary life, he made the garment of holinefs honourable.

In what lively colours does the prophet paint the dignity of the order? "Son of man, behold, I have made thee a watchman over the houfe of Ifrael." Another displays the purity which ever accompanies it. The prieft's lips fhall keep knowledge-they fhall feek the law at his mouth, for he is the meffenger of the lord of hofts."

Such is the nature of the clerical function; it indifpenfibly demands an exemplary conduct, and when the profeffors of it act contrary to it, the purity of the one ferves only (by forming a contrast) to reflect a double difgrace on the other.

Of this we have a ftriking proof in the fons of Eli. Their diffolute and licentious principles, by being fet in contraft with the purity of their profeffion, tended to expofe them in a more confpicuous manner to public deteftation. Had they been among the number of the laity, their profligacy would only have affected themselves; but being devoted to God, an extraordinary degree of holiness was expected and required; failing in this effential point, the cause of religion was concerned; the intereft of piety and virtue was affected-the contagion of their vicious example fpread itfelf-and from their making themfelves vile, men abhorred the offering of the lord.

It is from the mifcondu&-the errors and indifcretions of the men of God, that the adverfaries of cur religion have occafion of triumph. From hence the enemies of Chriftianity derive the ftrength of their arguments, and the fupport of their caufe; and to this we may not un

juftly impute the continual and increafing depredations of infidelity on the one hand, and enthufiafm on the other. Certainly thefe confiderations fhould induce the clergy to behave with the utmost circumfpection, fo as to confute calumny by their conduct-and filence the af perfions of obloquy. Of this im portant truth be perfuaded.-The moft exalted and blan.clefs virtue is requisite from the very nature of our office, as teachers of religion, and overfeers of the morals of the people. It is only folid virtue, rooted deep in the temper, and exerted regularly in the condu&t, that can either gain, or when gained, preferve the real inward approbation and eftcem of mankind.

The voice of the people-the nature of our function, the credit of our religion, call loudly for the nicest and most exact circumfpe&tion. In gratitude-in duty-in intereft-in honour, by every poffible tie, we are indifpenfibly obliged to exhibit an exemplary pattern of virtue and piety.

The good example and influence of the clergy are fo infeparably connected, that when the one is wanting, the other muft neceffarily lofe ground.

Way to clear a Garden of MOLES.

Carefully examine how many mole-hills there are in the garden; take a like number of peeled wallnuts, and boil them an hour, or an hour and a half, in water, with a large handful of hemlock. In the hole of every mole-hill put fuch a

nut, and the moles being fond of thefe dainty bits, will not be long in coming, and greedily devour them, fo that all that have eat of the baits will infallibly be found dead the next morning.

Natural

« 前へ次へ »