repeal of the Orders in Council alone, they have given a pledge to do that in which they will not have the support of the people.

I am one of those, Sir, who do not regard a great extension of trade as a benefit; but, those who do must lay their account with seeing much of our trade destroyed for ever by a war with America. Three or four years of war would compel her to become a manufacturing country to such an extent as never more to stand in need of English goods; so that, if your Royal Highness's ministers do insist upon exercising the power of seizing people on board of American ships at sea, those persons who manufacture goods for America must seek another market, for that is closed against them for ever.

For many years, Sir, there has existed in this country, a faction perfectly desperate in their HATRED OF FREEDOM. They not only hate all free nations, but, they hate the very sound of the word freedom. I am well satisfied that persons of this description would gladly hear of the murder of every soul in America. There is nothing that they hate so much as a man who is not a slave, and who lives out of the reach of arbitrary power. These persons will be sorely grieved to see peace preserved between the two countries on terms honourable to America; but, I am, for my part, ready to confess, that with me it will be a subject of joy; I am ready to declare, that I see less reason than ever for an Englishman's wishing to see the people of America humbled or borne down; and that it will grieve me exceedingly to reflect that England is taxed, and that English blood is shed for the purpose of enforcing the power to impress American seamen; but this mortification I shall, I trust, be spared by the humanity and wisdom of your Royal Highness. I am, &c. &c.

Botley, Tuesday, 4th August, 1812.

WM. COBBETT.

TO THE PRINCE REGENT:

ON THE DISPUTE WITH THE AMERICAN STATES.

(Political Register, Sept. 1812.)

"If I were asked what ought to be done to prevent war with America, "I should say: first repeal the Orders in Council; but, I am far from supposing, "that that measure alone would be sufficient. Indeed, it seems to me, that the "impressment of American seamen must be abandoned."-Pol. Register, Vol. XXI. p. 200. Feb. 15, 1812.

SIR,

LETTER VIII.

During the time that I was imprisoned for two years in Newgate for writing about the flogging of the Local Militia, in the town of Ely, and about the employment of German Troops upon that occasion, I addressed to your Royal Highness several Letters, the object of which was to pre

vent this country from being plunged into war with America. I took great pleasure in offering to you advice, which I thought would be beneficial to my country; and, of course, I have experienced great sorrow at seeing that that advice has not been followed, and that, in consequence of its rejection, we are now actually in a state of war with our brethren across the Atlantic.

Those corrupters and blinders of the people, the hired writers, do yet attempt to make their readers believe, that we are not at war with the Republic of America. They it is, who have hastened, if not actually produced this war; for, they it was, who reviled the American President, and who caused it to be believed here, that he and the Congress dared not go to war. What pains, alas! have I taken to convince your Royal Highness of the folly and falsehood of these opinions! Though my mind was busied with the means of raising the thousand pounds fine to pay TO THE KING (and which you have received from me in his behalf), I let slip no occasion to caution you against believing these representations. I told you (and you might as well have believed me), that the American people were something; that they had a say in the measures of government; that they would not suffer themselves to be plunged into war for the gain of a set of lazy and rapacious fellows; but that, if their country's good demanded it, they would go to war; and that such war would, in all probability, be very calamitous to England.

While I was telling you this, your late minister, Perceval, was laughing at the idea of America going to war; and his opinion was upheld by all the venal scribes in the kingdom; that is to say, by nineteen-twentieths, perhaps, of all those who write in newspapers, and other political works. That we really are at war with America, however, the following document clearly proves. The American Congress declared war in due form; they passed an Act making war against your Royal Sire and his people; their government issued Letters of Marque and Reprisals; but, still our hirelings said that there was no war. The following proclamation, however, issued by an American General from his head-quarters in Canada, which province he has invaded, puts the fact of war beyond all doubt:

"By William Hull, Brigadier-General_and_Commander-in-Chief of the North"Western Army of the United States.

"A PROCLAMATION.

"Inhabitants of Canada!-After thirty years of peace and prosperity, the "United States have been driven to arms. The injuries and aggressions, the "insults and indignities of Great Britain, have once more left them no alter"native but manly resistance or unconditional submission.--The army under my command has invaded your country, and the standard of Union now "waves over the territory of Canada. To the peaceable, unoffending inhabit"ants, it brings neither danger nor difficulty. I come to find enemies, not to "make them. I come to protect, not to injure them.

"

"Separated by an immense ocean and an extensive wilderness from Great "Britain, you have no participation in her councils, no interests in her "conduct; you have felt her tyranny, you have seen her injustice; but I do "not ask you to avenge the one or redress the other. The United States are "sufficiently powerful to afford every security consistent with their rights and "your expectations. I tender you the invaluable blessings of civil, political, "and religious liberty, and their necessary result, individual and general pros"perity. That liberty which gave decision to our councils, and energy to our "conduct, in a struggle for independence, and which conducted us safely and

"triumphantly through the stormy period of the revolution-that liberty which "has raised us to an elevated rank among the nations of the world; and which "afforded us a greater measure of peace and security, of wealth and improve"ment, than ever fell to the lot of any country.

"In the name of my country, and by the authority of Government, I promise you protection to your persons, property, and rights. Remain at your homes "-pursue your peaceful and customary avocations-raise not your hands "against your brethren. Many of your fathers fought for the freedom and independence we now enjoy. Being children, therefore, of the same family "with us, and heirs to the same heritage, the arrival of an army of friends must "be hailed by you with a cordial welcome; you will be emancipated from tyranny and oppression, and restored to the dignified station of free men. "Had I any doubt of eventual success, I might ask your assistance, but I do "not. I come prepared for every contingency-I have a force which will look "down all opposition, and that force is but the van-guard of a much greater. "If, contrary to your own interests, and the just expectation of my country, you should take part in the approaching contest, you will be considered and "treated as enemies, and the horrors and calamities of war will stalk before "you. If the barbarous and savage policy of Great Britain be pursued, and "the savages let loose to murder our citizens and butcher our women and "children, this war will be a war of extermination. The first stroke of the "tomahawk, the first attempt with the scalping-knife will be the signal of one "indiscriminate scene of desolation. No white man found fighting by the side "of an Indian will be taken prisoner; instant destruction will be his lot. If the "dictates of reason, duty, justice, and humanity, cannot prevent the employ"ment of a force which respects no rights, and knows no wrong, it will be pre"vented by a severe and relentless system of retaliation. I doubt not your courage and firmness-I will not doubt your attachment to liberty. If you "tender your services voluntarily, they will be accepted readily. The United "States offer you peace, liberty, and security; your choice lies between these " and war- slavery and destruction. Choose, then, but choose wisely; and may "He who knows the justice of our cause, and who holds in His hand the fate of "nations, guide you to a result the most compatible with your rights and inte "rests, your peace and happiness.

"By the General, A. P. HULL, Capt. the 13th United States' "Regiment of Infantry and Aid-de-Camp. "Head-quarters, Sandwich, July 12, 1812."

He, Sir, who will not believe in this, would not believe though one were to rise from the dead. This is an animating address, and, it is, at least, possible that it may prove the fore-runner of the fall of Canada, which, when once gone, will never, I believe, return to the English Crown.

The fact of war being now ascertained beyond all doubt, the next thing for us to think of is, the means by which we are to obtain peace with this new and most formidable enemy. The hired writers, unable any longer to keep from their readers the fact that war has taken place, are now affecting to treat the matter lightly; to make the people of England believe, that the Americans will be driven out of Canada; that the people of America hate the war; and that, at any rate, the Congress will be obliged to put an end to the war when the intelligence of the repeal of our Orders in Council shall arrive at the seat of the American govern

ment.

These being the assertions now most in vogue and most generally listened to, I will give your Royal Highness my reasons for disbelieving them.

FIRST, as to the probability of the Americans being baffled in their designs upon Canada, if the contest was a contest of man to man, upon ground wholly neutral, I should say, that the advantage might be on our side; but, I am not sure that it would; for, the Americans have

given repeated proofs of their courage. They are, indeed, known to be as brave as any people in the world. They are, too, volunteers, real volunteers, in the service they are now upon. The American army does not consist of a set of poor creatures, whom misery and vice have made soldiers; it does not consist of the off-casts and out-casts of the country. It consists of a band of freemen, who understand things, and who are ready to fight for what they understand; and not of a set of half-cripples; of creatures that require to be trussed up in order to prevent them from falling to pieces. It is the youth; the strong, the active, the hardy, the sound youth of America whom our army in Canada have to face; and, though I do not say, that the latter will be unable to resist them, yet I must say, that I fear they will not, when I consider, that the Americans can, with ease, pour in a force of forty or fifty thousand men, and when I hear it stated, that we have not above fourteen or fifteen thousand men in Canada, exclusive of the Militia, upon whom I do not know what degree of reliance is to be placed. After all, however, the question of success in the invasion of Canada, will, as in the cases of France and Holland, depend wholly upon the people of Canada. If they have reason to fight for their present government; if they be convinced, that a change of government would make their lot worse, they will, of course, rise and fight against the invaders, and then our commander may safely set General Hull at defiance; but, if the people of Canada should have been inveigled to believe, that a change of government would be for their benefit, I must confess that I should greatly doubt in our power of resistance. It will be quite useless for us to reproach the people of Canada with their want of zeal in defence of their country. We have reproached the Dutch, and the Italians, and the Hanoverians for the like; but, Sir, it answers no purpose. Such reproaches do not tend to drive out the invaders; nor do they tend to deter other nations from following the example of the invaded party. What a whole nation wills must, sooner or later, take place.

As to the SECOND assertion, that the people of America hate the war, I must say, that I have seen no proof of such hatred. The Americans, being a reflecting people and a people resolutely bent upon preserving their freedom, have a general hatred of war, as being, generally speaking, hostile to that freedom. But, in the choice of evils, if war should appear the least evil, they will not fail to take it; and, indeed, they have taken it; for, in America, it is really the people who declare war; the Congress is the real representative of the people; there are no sham elections; no buyings and sellings of votes and of false oaths; but the mem. bers are the unbought, uncorrupted, unenslaved agents of the people, and, if they cease to speak the sentiments of those who elect them, they are put out of the Congress at the end of a very few months. It is, therefore, not only false, but stupid, to affect to believe that the war is unpopular, and that the government is odious in the eyes of the people. The whole of the government is of the people. All its members are chosen by them; and, if it ceased to please them, it would soon cease to exist. Nothing, therefore, can be so absurd as to suppose that a measure so important as that of war has been adopted against the will of the people.

This opinion has been attempted to be sustained upon the evidence of a riot at Baltimore, the object of which was the silencing of a newspaper, and the end of which was bloodshed on both sides. But, from this fact

the exactly contrary conclusion ought to be drawn. The newspaper in question was, it appears, hostile to the war; and, therefore, a riot, in order to silence such paper, cannot be considered as a proof of unpopularity attached to the war. The truth appears to have been, that the editor of the paper was pretty notorious as being bribed to put forth what gave so much offence to the people, who were, upon this particular occasion, unable to imitate the tolerant conduct of their government. It was, however, very wrong to assail the corrupt tool by force. He should have been left to himself; for, though this species of attack upon the liberty of the press is far less injurious to that liberty than the base attacks, dictated by despotism, and masked under the vizor of forms dear to freedom; still it is an attack; it is answering statements or arguments by violence; by something other than statement and argument. Therefore, I disapprove of the attack; but I cannot consider it as a mark of the unpopularity of the war, of the precise contrary of which it is, indeed, a very bad proof.

Much having, in our hired newspapers, been said of this riot; it having been represented as a proof of bad government in America, and (which is more to my present purpose) as a sign of approaching anarchy, tending to the overthrow of that government which has declared war against us, I must trespass a little further upon this head, to beg your Royal Highness to believe nothing that the hired men say upon the subject. When the war with France began in 1793; that war which appears not to promise any end; when that war began, many riots took place in England against those who were opposed to the war; many houses were destroyed; many printing-offices demolished; many booksellers put to flight; many men were totally ruined, and that, too, by mobs marching and burning and killing under banners on which were inscribed "CHURCH AND KING." Now, as there was not a general anarchy to follow these things in England, I beg your Royal Highness not to be persuaded to believe, that anarchy will follow the demolishing of a printing-office in the United States of America, where there are more newspapers than there are in all Europe, this country included. Once more, however, I express my disapprobation, and even my abhorrence, of that demolition; which was the less excusable, as the assailants had freedom, real freedom of the press, to answer any thing which the bribed printer might publish, and even to publish an account of his bribery. Such, however, appears to have been the popular feeling in favour of the war, that no consideration was of sufficient weight to restrain the resentment of the people against a man who was daily declaiming against that

measure.

If we conclude, as I think, we must, that the people of America were in favour of the war at the time when it was declared, the next thing to be considered is, what effect the intelligence of the repeal of our Orders in Council will have in America. The question is, in short, whether that intelligence will make such a change in the sentiments of the people of America as to produce peace. I think it will not. There are some persons in England who seem to believe, that the receipt of that intelligence will, at once, put an end to the war; for, they do not appear to consider any treaty necessary to the restoration of peace with America.

Not only must there be a negotiation and a treaty, or convention, before there can be peace, or even a suspension of arms; but, I am of opinion, that no such treaty or convention will be made without more being.