"projected Government, as because it implies that it was at the advice of the "Noble Lords who, as we were given to understand, were commanded to pre66 pare the new lists, that the change of Ministry was rendered dependent upon "the state of his Majesty's health. We assert, without any fear of contradiction, "that at the very moment in which the determination was communicated to the "Noble Lords, they were engaged in discussing their projects of a new Adminis"tration; the communication (if we are not more grossly misinformed than, as 66 we suspect the Morning Chronicle will tell us that we are), so far from being "the result of any advice or opinion submitted to the Royal Personage by the "Noble Lords, was a complete surprise upon the whole party, who rather ex"pected a message to hasten their deliberations, than one which put a stop to "them altogether.

"These facts would perhaps be of little importance, if they did not entirely "overturn a delusion, which it is, evidently enough, the purpose of the Manifesto "to encourage, namely, that every preparation for forming a new Administration "originated with the Great Person himself; that it was with exceeding reluc"tance that the Noblemen and Gentlemen who were intended to compose it, "consented to take upon themselves so heavy a burden; and that to be relieved "from it was to them a cause of unspeakable joy! This representation is equally "untrue and mischievous; that it is untrue the language of every person con"cerned, throughout the whole of Saturday and Sunday, before, in short, the Ma"nifesto was issued to convince them that they were the luckiest of human beings, "will sufficiently testify; its mischief appears in the disloyal and dishonest at"tempt to fix upon his Royal Highness the desire of changing the Government, and upon those whose wishes were to be gratified by the change, nothing but an "humble obedience to his Royal Command.”

This is all fair, To an attempt to make the public believe, that the OUTS did not wish to come into power, it is impossible to affix any epithet too contemptuous, What! after all that we have seen; after what has been before our eyes for the last three years; after the language of the men themselves and of their partizans for the last three months only; nay, but the last week, are we to be told, that they were solicitous to avoid place and power? This really is too impudent. If, however, this be their talk, they stand a good chance of being gratified to their heart's content; for, unless all my reasoning upon the subject be grossly erroneous, never will any set of men, with Lords GRENVILLE and GREY, or either of them at their head, be ministers again in this country. Their exclusion from political power appears to me to be irrevocably passed; and for my thinking so I will now state the reasons.

From what has been said above, there cannot, I think, remain, in the mind of any man of common sense, the smallest doubt, that the motives which have been alleged by the Morning Chronicle for the Prince's.having changed his intention, have no foundation in truth.

The real motives, in my opinion, were very different; and, it will be found, I think, upon examination, that, placed as the Prince was at last, it was impossible for him to do otherwise than he has done, unless he had resolved upon a total, a radical, change of system, at once, a prominent feature in which system would have been that reform of the Commons House of Parliament, which has so long been the chief object with so large a part of the people.

The Morning Chronicle tells us, that the two Lords had formed a famously good ministry : "an Administration of more internal strength, "by the ties of mutual friendship, of more public influence, by talents, integrity, and stake in the country, than ever has been submitted to any Prince; one united, compact body of men, all holding the same principles, and all animated by the same views."

This is a very fine description. Here are friendship, INFLUENCE, talents, integrity, and STAKE, (that is to say money,) and principles; but what principles is not stated; nor is there a word said about what this fine ministry would have done for the people.

Whether there had been any differences as to who should compose the ministry is more than I can say; but if I may judge from the past, a ministry elected by Lords Grenville and Grey would have excluded almost the whole of those, to whom the Prince was most attached; and, if he was thus to be treated, it is very clear, that it was, as far as personal feeling went, better for him to keep the present men, who, I believe, had always treated him and his particular friends much better than they were treated by the late ministry.

I shall be told that these are considerations that ought not to have much weight in so momentous a case. Very true. They ought not; but it is quite impossible to divest ourselves of all feeling; and, though I am disposed not to ascribe any very great weight to these considerations, still they must have some weight given to them.

There were two sets of ministers talked of. One, with Lord HOLLAND at its head, and the other with Lords Grenville and Grey, for these two are always put together. From the former, the people would have expected something: from the latter nothing. It was supposed, with what correctness I know not, that his Royal Highness, the Prince, leant towards the former; but, it was, at the same time, very evident, especially after the Restrictions were carried, that he could not, without a dissolution of Parliament, go on with a ministry so composed.

It is likely that the bent of his mind was towards Lord HOLLAND, and men of that description; and, at any rate, it must be supposed, when we look back to 1806, that he would not, if he had had his free choice, have delivered up himself and his particular friends into the hands of Lords Grenville and Grey.

The probabilities are, therefore, that he had not, from the beginning, any liking to a ministry of their forming; and if he did give his commands to them to form a ministry, the progress might more and more tend to convince him that he should do better with the present men than with them.

This, however, I give to the reader as mere conjecture; but, I think, it is evident, that, situated as he was at last, he could not have gone on with a ministry of their making up; that he could not, by any means, in the present state of the Parliament, have carried the government on for a week with such a ministry.

If the Regency had been given to him without restrictions (which restrictions, be it observed, Lord Grenville supported), such a ministry might have gone on as well, or, rather as ill, as the ministry of 1806, composed of the same persons. But, when the power of making peers; the power of granting pensions; the power of granting office for life or in reversion; when the control over the Crown Lands; when the immense patronage of the Household; when the privy purse; when all these were taken from him, how was he to go on with a dead majority against him in both Houses of Parliament? It is nonsense to talk about his choice or his wishes or his affections or his commands to form a ministry; I ask, how he was to go on? There was only one way of even attempting to go on under such circumstances, and that was first proposing a reform of Parliament, and then, whether that proposition

were rejected or not, dissolving the Parliament, or in the words of the King's speech of 1807, "appealing to the sense of the people." This was the only course left to be pursued. This course was not to be expected from Lords Grenville and Grey. To follow it he must have chosen other men, if such men had been to be found. His only choice lay, therefore, between the present system, whole and unmixed, and untouched, and parliamentary reform. There was no middle course for him to pursue. In short, to represent the things by persons, his choice lay between Mr. PERCEVAL and Sir FRANCIS BURDETT, and I am sure the OUTS, who so manfully " rallied round" the former against the latter, cannot, when they have taken time to reflect (and time enough they will have for reflection) do otherwise than commend the choice that has been made. When Mr. MADOX made his motion, his ever-memorable motion about the seat-selling, the OUTS "rallied round" Mr. Perceval; they defended, they justified him; they, therefore, ought to be amongst the last men in this whole world to find fault of the present choice of his Royal Highness; and, as to the people, if they find one free man in all England to join them in finding fault of Mr. Perceval's being preferred to them, I will acknowledge that I know nothing at all of the disposition of my countrymen.

Now, as to their future prospects; I mean the future prospects of those who would have composed a ministry with Lords Grenville and Grey at the head of it.

We are told by the Morning Chronicle, that the Prince has intimated to them, that when he is at liberty to pursue his own plans, he will avail himself of their talents.

We have before remarked upon the injury that this assertion (if believed) is calculated to do to the character of the Prince: it only remains for us to remark upon the folly of indulging any hope in the prospect that it holds out.

If the King recover speedily, there is, at once, an end to the hopes of those who entertain this expectation of future favour. He will either recover speedily, or he will not; if the latter, then, let it be observed, that Mr. Perceval is still Minister, that it is he who has all the current patronage, and, which is a great deal more, he is sure to be King's Minister again; he is, in fact Minister, in reversion, if the King recover during Mr. Perceval's life; he has, from this peculiarity of circumstances, a footing far more solid than any Minister ever had before.

This will give him great weight amongst those with whom he has to do, and whose support it is most material for him to have. Being now the Prince's adviser, he will be the person to be consulted as to the granting of pensions, places for life, and the like; and, then, the restrictions will, in fact, in this respect, be of no consequence; for, whatever the Prince may be advised to grant, will, of course be confirmed, in case of the resumption of the royal authority by the King. Are the OUTS not aware of all this? Do they not perceive how much easier and pleasanter the Prince will get on with Mr. Perceval, than he could have got on with them?

There is now nothing that his Royal Highness may wish to do for any one attached to his person (so that the party to be served meddle not with politics) which will not readily and cheerfully be done. Nay, I should not wonder much if Mr. TIERNEY and another or two were admitted into the buildings at Whitehall; but, as for the ministry-makers,

the men of "stake," never will they again put their noses into those buildings.

But, "at the end of the year the restrictions expire." Yes; so they do; but a year is a long while; many things happen in a year; and, if all other matters hold together till next February, Mr. Perceval must be a very lame man indeed if he be not much more powerful than he now is, and if the Prince have not much stronger reasons for keeping him in than he had for choosing him.

In short, with the Grenvillites and the Greyites the game is up; completely up. They thought, and I told them they were deceived, that they could go on without an appeal to the people. They have already found themselves deceived. Hitherto in England there have been a court party and a country party; the King's party and the people's party; but, here we had a party, who would acknowledge neither. A party composed of men of "stake." Well, let them keep their "stake;" but let them not hope, that the people care a straw about their stake.

One comfort will be, that all their apprehensions will now be removed about the King being brought out again before he be perfectly recovered. We shall now hear no expressions of alarm upon this score. All parties will now be perfectly agreed as to this important point. The Prince's choice, like the Knight-Errant's balsam, heals all wounds, past, present, and to come.

Indeed, the thing is so complete, the discomfiture of the men of stake is so decisive, that I am thoroughly persuaded they never can "rally" again. I made a promise almost as strong as an oath, some years ago, that I never would go into the gallery of the House of Commons, again; but, if I were not, like the Bank, under the influence of a restraining law, I certainly should be tempted to break my promise. I should like, of all things in the world to see some men now with my own eyes, and hear them with my own ears.

The fall of the men of stake has proceeded solely from their contempt of the people generally, and particularly from the contumely, with which they have treated the applications for reform; and now, all those who have any sense must perceive, that this is the only ground left whereon to stand in opposition to any ministry carrying on the government upon the present system. There used to be a talk about the Prince, and what the Prince would do, when he came to the throne, which, by the by, was very unconstitutional talk; but, now they see what he will do, what he can do, and I have clearly shown, I think, that, unless he had had men ready to propose and stand firmly to a proposition for parliamentary reform, the Prince could do nothing but what he has done, unless he had refused the Regency altogether.

I do not lump together the whole of those persons who composed the late ministry; nor do I wish, by any means, to impute any base motives to Lord Grenville or Lord Grey; but, in the latter, there is so much disregard of the people, that he never can be a popular minister, and haughtiness towards the people is, too, the more resented on account of his former professions. Lord Grenville is a sensible man, and he has nothing of the mean intriguer about him. But there is that in his whole family, in all their connections and situations, which forbid the people to look towards them for a reform of Parliament, without which no other measure will ever again make any minister popular, be he who or what he may. Indeed (and it cannot be too often repeated) this is now the only

ground of opposition to any ministry; and those who will not join their voices in calling for this great measure, will excite neither interest nor attention. What is the use of cavilling and carping at this or that little thing? What is the use of a contest, which all the world knows will lead to no practical effect, and which has, indeed, no practical effect in view? Even great things, such as the fate of Sir John Moore's army and the affair of Walcheren, excite no interest, because the people do not see, that they would be bettered by any change of councils that the struggle may produce. It would be just the same in case of a failure in Portugal. Some borough, under the control of him who found an interest in getting it, might send up a petition; but, in this whole kingdom, not a free man would move pen or tongue to put out the ministry upon any such ground. But, once let the question of reform be espoused by any considerable number of the members of Parliament; once let that question be agitated in a way that would show the parties to be in earnest, and you would see that the people of England are still alive to the interests and honour of their country. It is quite useless for the men of "stake" to fold up their arms and be sulky. There they may remain folded up till they grow to stone. If they care nothing for the people, the people care as little for them. The people have a stake as well as they; and, if this be denied, why, then, those who possess no stake have no stake to lose.

State Prison, Newgate, Tuesday,
February 5, 1811.

WM. COBBETT.

KING'S ILLNESS.-THE REGENCY.-Continued.

(Political Register, February, 1811.)

THE last scene of this curious political drama has been performed, and every man of sense is now able to decide upon the character and conduct of the different actors. There nevertheless requires some observations, in addition to those offered in my last Article, as to the catastrophe of the piece; not because the thing itself is of a puzzling nature; but because so many and such strenuous attempts are made, by the writers of the two conflicting parties, to disguise the truth. It is the interest of the two parties to ascribe the Prince's choice of the present ministers to motives precisely opposite; but it is the interest of neither to ascribe them to the true motive. The two parties are quite in earnest as to the desire of annoying each other; but they are both alike anxious not to expose themselves to the contempt of the people. They would fain tear each other to pieces; each would fain annihilate the other; but, both prefer even defeat and disgrace from the hands of each other, to any confession that would tend to show, that a want of the people's confidence has had any weight in the event. All considerations as to the people, both are anxious to keep out of sight; but, there is no reason why the public should keep them out of sight; on the contrary, this conduct of