suits.' The intention was to give them protection for the purposes for which they were encouraged to come here; and therefore the statute, instead of saying, generally, they shall be subjects to all intents and purposes,' specifically enumerates the privileges they shall enjoy. If the legislature intended to make them

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subjects to all intents and purposes,' it had nothing more to do than say so*. But not having meant any such thing, the statute is confined to the enumeration of the mere hospitable rights and privileges to be granted to such foreigners as come here for special purposes. It states, that he may implead, and he shall be answered unto;' that he may prosecute and defend suits.' Why go on and tell a man, who is to all intents and purposes a natural-born subject, that he may implead and bring actions? I say, it is to all in

* The statute does say this generally, in the first instance; but the subsequent enumeration of particular privileges supports the view that Mr. Curran took of it.

tents and purposes absurd and preposterous. If all privileges be granted in the first instance, why mention particular parts afterwards? A man would be esteemed absurd, who by his grant gave a thing under a general description, and afterwards granted the particular parts. What would be thought of a man, who gave another his horse, and then said to the grantee, I also give you liberty to ride him when and where you please?' What was the case here? The government of Ireland said,

we want men of skill and industry; we invite you to come over; our intention is, that if you be protestants, you shall be protected; but you are not to be judges, or legislators, or kings; we make an act of parliament, giving you protection and encouragement to follow the trades, for your knowledge in which we invite you. You are to exercise your trade as a natural

born subject.' How? • With full power

to make a bargain, and enforce it. We invest you with the same power, and you shall have the same benefit, as if you were

appealing to your own natural forum of public justice. You shall be here as a Frenchman in Paris, buying and selling the commodities appertaining to your trade.'

"Look at another clause in the act of parliament, which is said to make a legislator of this man, or a juror, to pass upon the life or death of a fellow-subject-no, not a fellow-subject, but a stranger. It says, you may purchase an estate, and you may enjoy it, without being a trustee for the crown.' Why was that necessary, if he were a subject to all intents and purposes? But, my lords, a great question remains behind to be decided upon. I know of no case upon it. I do not pretend to say that the industry of other men may not have discovered a case. But I would not be surprised if no such case could be found-if, since the history of the administration of justice, in all its forms, in England, a stranger had not been found intruding himself into its concerns-if, through the entire history of our

courts of justice, an instance was not to be found of the folly of a stranger interfering upon so awful a subject as the breach of allegiance between a subject and his king. My lords, I beg leave upon this part to say, that it would be a most formidable thing, that a court of justice would pronounce a determination big with danger, if they should say that an alien may find a bill of indictment involving the doctrine of allegiance. It is permitting him to intermeddle in a business of which he cannot be supposed to have any knowledge. Shall a subject of the Irish crown be charged with a breach of his allegiance upon the saying of a German, an Italian, a Frenchman, or a Spaniard? Can any man suppose any thing more monstrous or absurd, than that of a stranger being competent to form an opinion upon the subject? I would not form a supposition upon it. At a time, when the generals, the admirals, and the captains of France, are endeavouring to pour their armies upon us, shall we permit their petty de

tachments to attack us in judicial hostility? Shall we sit inactive, and see their skirmishes take off our fellow-subjects by explosions in a jury-room?

"When did this man come into this

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country? Is the raft upon which he floated now in court? What has he said upon the back of the bill? What understanding had he of it? If he can write more than his own name, and had written ignoramus' upon the back of the indictment, he might have written truly; he might say he knew nothing of the matter. He says he is naturalized. 'I am glad of it; you are welcome to Ireland, sir; you shall have all the privileges of a stranger, independent of the invitation by which you came. If you sell, you shall recover the price of your wares; you shall enforce the contract. If you purchase an estate, you shall transmit it to your children, if you have any; if not, your devisee shall have it. you must know, that in this constitution there are laws binding upon the court as strongly as upon you. The statute it

But